The United Arab Emirates (UAE): Issues for U.S. Policy
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A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The
BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Resolution By Min Jung Kim, B.A. Washington, DC May 1, 2009 I owe my most sincere gratitude to my thesis advisor Kevin Doak, Ph.D. for his guidance and support and to Aviel Roshwald, Ph.D. and Tristan Mabry, Ph.D. for detailed and constructive comments. Min Jung Kim ii BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY Min Jung Kim, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Kevin M. Doak, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The purpose of this research is to understand the dynamic processes of modern national unification cases in Vietnam (1976), Yemen (1990) and Germany (1990) in a qualitative manner within the framework of Amitai Etizoni’s political integration theory. There has been little use of this theory in cases of inter-state unification despite its apparent applicability. This study assesses different factors (military force, utilitarian and identitive factors) that influence unification in order to understand which were most supportive of unification and which resulted in a consolidation unification in the early to intermediate stages. In order to answer the above questions, the thesis uses the level of integration as a dependent variable and the various methods of unification as independent variables. The dependent variables are measured as follows: whether unified states were able to protect its territory from potential violence and secessions and to what extent alienation emerged amongst its members. -
The Rollback of South Africa's Chemical and Biological Warfare
The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Stephen Burgess and Helen Purkitt US Air Force Counterproliferation Center Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama THE ROLLBACK OF SOUTH AFRICA’S CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL WARFARE PROGRAM by Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt April 2001 USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama 36112-6427 The internet address for the USAF Counterproliferation Center is: http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/awc-cps.htm . Contents Page Disclaimer.....................................................................................................i The Authors ............................................................................................... iii Acknowledgments .......................................................................................v Chronology ................................................................................................vii I. Introduction .............................................................................................1 II. The Origins of the Chemical and Biological Warfare Program.............3 III. Project Coast, 1981-1993....................................................................17 IV. Rollback of Project Coast, 1988-1994................................................39 -
UCLA Historical Journal
UCLA UCLA Historical Journal Title Strife Among Friends and Foes: The 1958 Anglo-American Military Interventions in the Middle East Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/65h504r9 Journal UCLA Historical Journal, 17(0) ISSN 0276-864X Author Nadaner, Jeffrey M. Publication Date 1997 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California 82 UCLAHistoricalJournal Strife Among Friends and Foes: The 1958 Anglo-American Military Interventions in the Middle East Jeffrey M. Nadaner ^ m ^ wight D. Eisenhower found it much easier to stop the British, >* # J French and Israelis at Suez than to maintain a pro-Western order * -^ in the Middle East afterwards. In the two years following the Suez imbroglio, the Eisenhower administration determined that it was locked in a struggle for the Arab world with Egypt and its Soviet patron, and that the West was about to lose. Post- Suez tension came to a head on July 14, 1958, when the Hashemite monarchy of Iraq fell in a coup d'tat. Fearing the demise of other pro-Western regimes, Eisenhower sent the marines to Lebanon and agreed to the British dispatch of paratroopers to Jordan. The administration, however, lacked a coherent idea on how to use the troops or what to do next. Using recently declassified sources, this article shows that the elements comprising a strategy evolved only later, in the days and weeks ahead. The Eisenhower administration would, over the course of the 1958 crisis, attain a modestly deeper understanding than before of the forces ani- mating Middle Eastern politics. Equally significant, the administration would begin to prioritize among Western interests in the region and develop a more sophisticated approach than it had earlier of how best to secure them. -
1948 Arab‒Israeli
1948 Arab–Israeli War 1 1948 Arab–Israeli War מלחמת or מלחמת העצמאות :The 1948 Arab–Israeli War, known to Israelis as the War of Independence (Hebrew ,מלחמת השחרור :, Milkhemet Ha'atzma'ut or Milkhemet HA'sikhror) or War of Liberation (Hebrewהשחרור Milkhemet Hashikhrur) – was the first in a series of wars fought between the State of Israel and its Arab neighbours in the continuing Arab-Israeli conflict. The war commenced upon the termination of the British Mandate of Palestine and the Israeli declaration of independence on 15 May 1948, following a period of civil war in 1947–1948. The fighting took place mostly on the former territory of the British Mandate and for a short time also in the Sinai Peninsula and southern Lebanon.[1] ., al-Nakba) occurred amidst this warﺍﻟﻨﻜﺒﺔ :Much of what Arabs refer to as The Catastrophe (Arabic The war concluded with the 1949 Armistice Agreements. Background Following World War II, on May 14, 1948, the British Mandate of Palestine came to an end. The surrounding Arab nations were also emerging from colonial rule. Transjordan, under the Hashemite ruler Abdullah I, gained independence from Britain in 1946 and was called Jordan, but it remained under heavy British influence. Egypt, while nominally independent, signed the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936 that included provisions by which Britain would maintain a garrison of troops on the Suez Canal. From 1945 on, Egypt attempted to renegotiate the terms of this treaty, which was viewed as a humiliating vestige of colonialism. Lebanon became an independent state in 1943, but French troops would not withdraw until 1946, the same year that Syria won its independence from France. -
How the Germans Brought Their Communism to Yemen
Miriam M. Müller A Spectre is Haunting Arabia Political Science | Volume 26 This book is dedicated to my parents and grandparents. I wouldn’t be who I am without you. Miriam M. Müller (Joint PhD) received her doctorate jointly from the Free Uni- versity of Berlin, Germany, and the University of Victoria, Canada, in Political Science and International Relations. Specialized in the politics of the Middle East, she focuses on religious and political ideologies, international security, international development and foreign policy. Her current research is occupied with the role of religion, violence and identity in the manifestations of the »Isla- mic State«. Miriam M. Müller A Spectre is Haunting Arabia How the Germans Brought Their Communism to Yemen My thanks go to my supervisors Prof. Dr. Klaus Schroeder, Prof. Dr. Oliver Schmidtke, Prof. Dr. Uwe Puschner, and Prof. Dr. Peter Massing, as well as to my colleagues and friends at the Forschungsverbund SED-Staat, the Center for Global Studies at the University of Victoria, and the Political Science Depart- ment there. This dissertation project has been generously supported by the German Natio- nal Academic Foundation and the Center for Global Studies, Victoria, Canada. A Dissertation Submitted in (Partial) Fulfillment of the Requirements for the- Joint Doctoral Degree (Cotutelle) in the Faculty of Political and Social Sciences ofthe Free University of Berlin, Germany and the Department of Political Scien- ceof the University of Victoria, Canada in October 2014. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommer- cial-NoDerivs 4.0 (BY-NC-ND) which means that the text may be used for non- commercial purposes, provided credit is given to the author. -
The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968
The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968 The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Orkaby, Asher Aviad. 2014. The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:12269828 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968 A dissertation presented by Asher Aviad Orkaby to The Committee on Middle Eastern Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of History and Middle Eastern Studies Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts April 2014 © 2014 Asher Aviad Orkaby All rights reserved. III Dissertation Advisor: Roger Owen Author: Asher Aviad Orkaby The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-68 Abstract The deposition of Imam Muhammad al-Badr in September 1962 was the culmination of a Yemeni nationalist movement that began in the 1940s with numerous failed attempts to overthrow the traditional religious legal order. Prior to 1962, both the USSR and Egypt had been cultivating alliances with al-Badr in an effort to secure their strategic interests in South Arabia. In the days following the 1962 coup d'état, Abdullah Sallal and his cohort of Yemeni officers established a republic and concealed the fate of al- Badr who had survived an assault on his Sana’a palace and whose supporters had already begun organizing a tribal coalition against the republic. -
R6 9-Iranian-Interes
27 February 2018 SMA Reach-back Report Prioritized Iranian Interests in the Middle East Question (R6.9): How does Iran prioritize its influence and presence in the region? Contributors Mr. Nader Biglari, Geographic Services Inc.; Dr. Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, Rice University; Dr. Skye Cooley, Oklahoma State University; Dr. Zana Gulmohamad, University of Sheffield (UK); Faysal Itani, Atlantic Council; Ambassador James Jeffrey, Washington Institute for Near East Policy; Dr. Frederick Kagan, American Enterprise Institute; Dr. Randy Kluver, Oklahoma State University; Dr. Mark Luce, US Special Operations Command; Dr. Diane Maye, Embry Riddle Aeronautical University; Dr. Nicholas Jackson O’Shaughnessy, London University (UK); Dr. Afshon Ostovar, Naval Postgraduate School; Dr. Glenn Robinson, Naval Postgraduate School; Abdulaziz Sager, Gulf Research Center; Mubin Shaikh, Independent Analyst; Anonymous “Smith”; TRADOC G-27 Athena Study Team; Dr. Ethan Stokes, University of Alabama; Dr. Eric Watkins, Independent Analyst; Ms. Katherine Zimmerman, American Enterprise Institute Executive Summary Sarah Canna, NSI Inc. How Iran Prioritizes its Influence and Presence in the Region Protect Syria Nuclear Weapons Strengthen Conventional Force Weaken US Leadership in ME Domestic Economic Development First Export Islamic Revolution Global Champion of Shia Second Maintain Theocratic Regime Leader of Islam Third Influence in Iraq & Syria Land Bridge Regional Hegemony 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Figure 1 Iran's strategic interests in the Middle East Hoping to answer the question of how Iran prioritizes its influence and presence in the Middle East, we asked fifteen experts to list—in rank order—Iran’s key interests, how it seeks to realize those interests, and how successful it is likely to be in the next 18-24 months.1 As is evident in Figure 1, a clear majority of experts consulted identified regional hegemony as Iran’s primary regional goal.2 However, while listed only once as a top three interest, Dr. -
Unification in Yemen
UNIFICATION IN YEMEN Dynamics of Political Integration, 1978-2000 Sharif Ismail Wadham College Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree of MPhil in Modern Middle Eastern Studies Faculty of Oriental Studies, University of Oxford 1 Contents Acknowledgements 3 List of Abbreviations 4 Maps 5 1. Introduction 10 2. Theories and Methods 12 Deutsch, Security Communities and the Pluralist Model 12 The Challenge from Functionalism and Neo-functionalism 14 Federalism and Lessons from Etzioni 14 Migdal and the Question of ‘Social Control’ 15 Towards a Synthesis 16 Methodology 17 3. Reviewing Elite-centred Histories of Unification 19 Constrained State-building, Accommodation and Co-option in the YAR 19 Weakening State Control in the PDRY 21 The Enduring Theme: discourses of a united Yemen 23 Explaining Unification 23 Elite-level Politics in the Transition Period 25 Elite-level Politics after 1994: S!lih and the GPC triumphant 28 4. Coercive Contest: the limits of the state’s attempts to enforce integration 30 Theoretical Considerations 30 The Situation in the North pre-1990 31 The Situation in the South pre-1990 34 The Transition Period 37 The Civil War 39 The Post-War Impasse: negotiating a limited ‘Security State’ 40 Conclusion 43 5. The Battle for Control of Yemen’s Water Resources 45 Theoretical Considerations 45 The Situation in the North pre-1990 46 The Situation in the South pre-1990 48 The Transition Period 51 Political Compromise, 1994-2000: the limits of state control 53 Conclusion 55 6. Defining a New National Discourse in the Education Sector 56 Theoretical Considerations 56 The Situation in the North pre-1990 56 The Situation in the South pre-1990 60 The Transition Period 63 Negotiating the Education Agenda, 1994-2000 67 Conclusion 69 7. -
NEW EVIDENCE on the WAR in AFGHANISTAN Introduction
COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT BULLETIN, ISSUE 14/15 NEW EVIDENCE ON THE WAR IN AFGHANISTAN Introduction By Christian Friedrich Ostermann hat was behind the Soviet decision in December a substitute foothold in Afghanistan and worried about main- 1979 to invade Afghanistan? And when and why taining its credibility with communist world allies. Soviet lead- Wdid Mikhail Gorbachev decide to pull out Soviet ers were genuinely concerned that Afghan strongman troops nearly ten years later? What was the role of the US Hafizullah Amin was either a US agent or prepared to sell out covert assistance program, in particular the Stinger missiles? to the United States. At the CWIHP conference, former US What role did CIA intelligence play? How did the Afghan Charge d’Affaires J. Bruce Amstutz as well as other partici- War’s history, a key step in the rise of militant Islam, intersect pants forcefully refuted allegations of Agency links to Amin. with the history of the final decade of the Cold War? These In his five conversations with Amin in the fall of 1979, Amstutz were among the questions addressed at a major international remembered, the Afghan leader did not in any way suggest conference, “Towards an International History of the War in that he was interested in allying himself with the United States. Afghanistan,” organized in April 2002 by the Cold War Inter- US relations with successive communist regimes in Af- national History Project (CWIHP) in cooperation with the ghanistan had been volatile since the April 1978 communist Woodrow Wilson -
Tito's Yugoslavia
The Search for a Communist Legitimacy: Tito's Yugoslavia Author: Robert Edward Niebuhr Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1953 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2008 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of History THE SEARCH FOR A COMMUNIST LEGITIMACY: TITO’S YUGOSLAVIA a dissertation by ROBERT EDWARD NIEBUHR submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December, 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE ABSTRACT . iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . iv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS . v NOTE ON TRANSLATIONS AND TERMS . vi INTRODUCTION . 1 1 A STRUGGLE FOR THE HEARTS AND MINDS: IDEOLOGY AND YUGOSLAVIA’S THIRD WAY TO PARADISE . 26 2 NONALIGNMENT: YUGOSLAVIA’S ANSWER TO BLOC POLITICS . 74 3 POLITICS OF FEAR AND TOTAL NATIONAL DEFENSE . 133 4 TITO’S TWILIGHT AND THE FEAR OF UNRAVELING . 180 5 CONCLUSION: YUGOSLAVIA AND THE LEGACY OF THE COLD WAR . 245 EPILOGUE: THE TRIUMPH OF FEAR. 254 APPENDIX A: LIST OF KEY LCY OFFICIALS, 1958 . 272 APPENDIX B: ETHNIC COMPOSITION OF JNA, 1963 . 274 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 275 INDEX . 289 © copyright by ROBERT EDWARD NIEBUHR 2008 iii ABSTRACT THE SEARCH FOR A COMMUNIST LEGITIMACY: TITO’S YUGOSLAVIA ROBERT EDWARD NIEBUHR Supervised by Larry Wolff Titoist Yugoslavia—the multiethnic state rising out of the chaos of World War II—is a particularly interesting setting to examine the integrity of the modern nation-state and, more specifically, the viability of a distinctly multi-ethnic nation-building project. -
The Transgressive Potential of Transnational Higher Education? Bringing Geography Back in (Again)
The transgressive potential of transnational higher education? Bringing geography back in (again) Abstract This paper offers a conceptual reflection upon the wider geographical implications of transnational higher education and how, because of a rather impoverished understanding of the geography of transnational education, these implications have rarely been addressed. The paper makes two particular points. First, it argues for a pressing need for the geographies of TNE to be subjected to academic scrutiny, and considers why, to date these geographies have been neglected. It argues that the kinds of narratives seen around globalisation in the 1990s are similarly reflected in discussions of TNE today, circulating mainly in the ‘grey’ literature, three decades on. Second, it suggests that TNE has the potential to create progressive geographies, through a confrontation with difference. Introduction In November 2018, transnational higher education received some unexpected and highly unusual attention within the British (UK) press. Media sources brought to light the fact that Durham University doctoral student, Matthew Hedges, had spent six months in prison in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). He was arrested and jailed whilst undertaking fieldwork for allegedly spying on behalf of the UK government. He has since been ‘pardoned’, has returned to the UK and denies the accusations. The case, however, all at once raised issues about transnational higher education and, significantly, brought these largely hidden ‘institutional’ developments for the first time into public purview, as the following extracts from UK media sources testify: “Around 200 academics from New York University have called on their institution to publicly condemn the life imprisonment of the Durham PhD student accused of spying by the United Arab Emirates. -
UAE): Issues for U.S
The United Arab Emirates (UAE): Issues for U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Updated May 3, 2019 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RS21852 The United Arab Emirates (UAE): Issues for U.S. Policy Summary The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a significant U.S. partner in Gulf security, helping to address multiple regional threats by hosting about 5,000 U.S. military personnel at UAE military facilities under a bilateral defense cooperation agreement (DCA). The UAE is a significant buyer of U.S. military equipment, including sophisticated missile defenses, and it reportedly wants to buy the F- 35 combat aircraft. The alliance is expected to continue after UAE President Shaykh Khalifa bin Zayid Al Nuhayyan, who suffered an incapacitating stroke in January 2014, is succeeded by his younger brother and de-facto UAE leader Shaykh Muhammad bin Zayid Al Nuhayyan. Advised and armed by the United States, the UAE military has become sufficiently capable that the country is able to, and is, asserting itself in the region, including militarily. The UAE is part of a Saudi-led military effort to pressure the Iran-backed Zaidi Shia Houthi rebels in Yemen, an effort to which the United States provides logistical support but which has produced criticism over the effects of the war on Yemen’s civilians. UAE forces, alongside U.S. special operations forces, also are combatting Al Qaeda’s affiliate in that country. UAE forces have built up several bases in East African countries to train allied forces and facilitate UAE operations in Yemen.