Picking Sides in the Arab-Israeli Conflict
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Pragmatic Dimension of the Palestinian Hamas: a Network Perspective
Mishal 569 The Pragmatic Dimension of the Palestinian Hamas: A Network Perspective SHAUL MISHAL n the wake of the 11 September attack on the World Trade Center in INew York and President Bush’s “war on terrorism,” it is important to try to understand the cultural, political, and social dimensions of such radical Islamic groups as the Palestinian Hamas. Within political and academic circles in the Western world, it is common to portray Islamic movements in categorical terms that utilize binary classifications that mark real or imaginary social attributes rather than relational patterns.1 Much of this perception derives from the violence accompanying Islamic reli- gious fervor and the fanaticism marking some of its groups and regimes, raising fears of “a clash of civilizations” and “a threat” to Western liberal democratic values and social order.2 Hamas, an abbreviation of Harakat al-Muqawama al-Islamiyya (Is- lamic Resistance Movement), did not escape the binary perception, and has been described solely as a movement identified with Islamic funda- mentalism and suicide bombings. The objectives at the top of its agenda are the liberation of Palestine through a holy war (jihad) against Israel, establishing an Islamic state on its soil, and reforming society in the spirit of true Islam. It is this Islamic vision, combined with its nationalist claims and militancy toward Israel, that accounts for the prevailing image of Hamas as a rigid movement, ready to pursue its goals at any cost, with no limits or constraints. Islamic and national zeal, bitter opposition to the SHAUL MISHAL teaches at the Department of Political Science at Tel Aviv University, where his research focuses on Arab and Palestinian politics. -
Re-Visiting the Arab Revolt of 1936-1939 in Palestine
Oberlin Digital Commons at Oberlin Honors Papers Student Work 2016 Contested Land, Contested Representations: Re-visiting the Arab Revolt of 1936-1939 in Palestine Gabriel Healey Brown Oberlin College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.oberlin.edu/honors Part of the History Commons Repository Citation Brown, Gabriel Healey, "Contested Land, Contested Representations: Re-visiting the Arab Revolt of 1936-1939 in Palestine" (2016). Honors Papers. 226. https://digitalcommons.oberlin.edu/honors/226 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at Digital Commons at Oberlin. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Papers by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons at Oberlin. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Contested Land, Contested Representations: Re-visiting the Arab Revolt of 1936-1939 in Palestine Gabriel Brown Candidate for Senior Honors in History Oberlin College Thesis Advisor: Zeinab Abul-Magd Spring/2016 Table of Contents Acknowledgments………………………………………………………………………………...1 Map of Palestine, 1936……………………………………………………………………………2 Glossary…………………………………………………………………………………………...3 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………….4 Chapter One……………………………………………………………………………………...15 Chapter Two……………………………………………………………………………………...25 Chapter Three…………………………………………………………………………………….37 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………….50 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………. 59 Brown 1 Acknowledgements Large research endeavors like this one are never undertaken alone, and I would be remiss if I didn’t thank the many people who have helped me along the way. I owe a huge debt to Shelley Lee, Jesse Gamoran, Gavin Ratcliffe, Meghan Mette, and Daniel Hautzinger, whose kind feedback throughout the year sharpened my ideas and improved the coherence of my work more times than I can count. A special thank you to Sam Coates-Finke and Leo Harrington, who were always ready to listen as I worked through the writing process. -
A Special Kind of Exile by Alice Rothchild, M.D
Published by Americans for The Link Middle East Understanding, Inc. Volume 48, Issue 4 Link Archives: www.ameu.org September-October 2015 A Special Kind of Exile By Alice Rothchild, M.D. I once heard a speaker refer to those Jews who engage in critical activ- ism on Israel/Palestine as entering a “special kind of exile.” I started my life in a very traditional American Jewish place, but faced with the activism of the 1960s, Israel’s increasingly belligerent occupation of the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem, multiple hard- to-defend wars, and a growing awareness of “cross sectional” issues around racism, police brutality, militarism, and U.S. for- eign policy, I was forced to re-examine much that my family once held dear and to face the consequences of my actions. As an increasingly secular person, I also began to scrutinize the meaning of my Jewishness, the uncomfortable consequences of Zionism, and my per- sonal responsibilities in a world rife with contradiction, fear, and conflict. So how did that all happen and where am I now? (Continued on Page 2) The Link Page 2 AMEU Board (Continued from Page 1) of Directors About This A Special Kind of Exile Jane Adas (Vice President) Issue By Alice Rothchild Elizabeth D. Barlow Edward Dillon I first heard Dr. Rothchild The Jewish Story Rod Driver speak earlier this year at a confer- I was once on track to be a nice Jew- ence in Washington D.C. co- John Goelet ish girl, growing up in the small New sponsored by the Washington Re- David Grimland port on Middle East Affairs England town of Sharon, Massachusetts, Richard Hobson (Treasurer) (WRMEA) and the Institute for with liberal minded parents who fled the Anne R. -
The Christian Zionist Lobby and U.S.-Israel Policy
University of South Florida Digital Commons @ University of South Florida Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 6-25-2010 The Christian Zionist Lobby and U.S.-Israel Policy Mark G. Grzegorzewski University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the American Studies Commons Scholar Commons Citation Grzegorzewski, Mark G., "The Christian Zionist Lobby and U.S.-Israel Policy" (2010). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. https://digitalcommons.usf.edu/etd/3671 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Digital Commons @ University of South Florida. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ University of South Florida. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Christian Zionist Lobby and U.S.-Israel Policy by Mark G. Grzegorzewski A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Government and International Affairs College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Mark Amen, Ph.D. Michael Solomon, Ph.D. Abdelwahab Hechiche, Ph.D. Date of Approval: June 25, 2010 Keywords: Israel, Road Map, Unilateralism, United States, Christian Zionists Copyright © 2010, Mark G. Grzegorzewski DEDICATION For my beautiful daughter, Riley Katelyn. Without the joy you bring to my life I never would have continued to pursue my academic goals. Your very being provides me with the inspiration to make the world a better place for you to grow up in. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like thank Dr. -
A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The
BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Resolution By Min Jung Kim, B.A. Washington, DC May 1, 2009 I owe my most sincere gratitude to my thesis advisor Kevin Doak, Ph.D. for his guidance and support and to Aviel Roshwald, Ph.D. and Tristan Mabry, Ph.D. for detailed and constructive comments. Min Jung Kim ii BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY Min Jung Kim, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Kevin M. Doak, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The purpose of this research is to understand the dynamic processes of modern national unification cases in Vietnam (1976), Yemen (1990) and Germany (1990) in a qualitative manner within the framework of Amitai Etizoni’s political integration theory. There has been little use of this theory in cases of inter-state unification despite its apparent applicability. This study assesses different factors (military force, utilitarian and identitive factors) that influence unification in order to understand which were most supportive of unification and which resulted in a consolidation unification in the early to intermediate stages. In order to answer the above questions, the thesis uses the level of integration as a dependent variable and the various methods of unification as independent variables. The dependent variables are measured as follows: whether unified states were able to protect its territory from potential violence and secessions and to what extent alienation emerged amongst its members. -
Structures of Settler Colonial Domination in Israel and in the United States
Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society Vol. 6, No. 1, 2017, pp. 29-44 Structures of settler colonial domination in Israel and in the United States Johanna Fernandez Introduction In March 2016, a U.S. delegation traveled to Palestine to witness firsthand Israel’s settler- colonial project and to stand in solidarity with an Indigenous people’s diverse struggles for survival. Like many others who have traveled internationally to advance the cause of justice, we went to uphold one of humanity’s highest principles and aspirations—the notion that we should care for the freedom of others, be willing to stand with them, and bring home their voices and messages. Our nineteen-member delegation included three former U.S.-held political prisoners, two former Black Panthers, trade unionists, university professors, and a younger generation of prison abolitionists and organizers. The trip was planned and led by Dr. Rabab Abdulhadi, the indefatigable author and professor at San Francisco State University, who identified prisons, labor, and academic freedom as the delegation's focal points. We met and documented conversations with teachers and labor organizers whose recent strikes highlighted the savage economic disparities that define Palestinian life; we learned about the ongoing efforts of activists and scholars to reclaim the history, political identity, and culture of the Palestinian people. The delegation’s special focus on political imprisonment and solidarity between Palestinian and U.S. prisoners made it the first of its kind. The injustices we witnessed in Palestine—of ongoing Palestinian displacement and demolition of homes by the Israeli state, of attempts at dehumanizing the Palestinian people through educational policies designed to erase their culture and history, of stark economic disparities between Palestinians and Israelis, of 2017 J. -
Arab-Israeli Relations
FACTSHEET Arab-Israeli Relations Sykes-Picot Partition Plan Settlements November 1917 June 1967 1993 - 2000 May 1916 November 1947 1967 - onwards Balfour 1967 War Oslo Accords which to supervise the Suez Canal; at the turn of The Balfour Declaration the 20th century, 80% of the Canal’s shipping be- Prepared by Anna Siodlak, Research Associate longed to the Empire. Britain also believed that they would gain a strategic foothold by establishing a The Balfour Declaration (2 November 1917) was strong Jewish community in Palestine. As occupier, a statement of support by the British Government, British forces could monitor security in Egypt and approved by the War Cabinet, for the establish- protect its colonial and economic interests. ment of a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine. At the time, the region was part of Otto- Economics: Britain anticipated that by encouraging man Syria administered from Damascus. While the communities of European Jews (who were familiar Declaration stated that the civil and religious rights with capitalism and civil organisation) to immigrate of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine to Palestine, entrepreneurialism and development must not be deprived, it triggered a series of events would flourish, creating economic rewards for Brit- 2 that would result in the establishment of the State of ain. Israel forcing thousands of Palestinians to flee their Politics: Britain believed that the establishment of homes. a national home for the Jewish people would foster Who initiated the declaration? sentiments of prestige, respect and gratitude, in- crease its soft power, and reconfirm its place in the The Balfour Declaration was a letter from British post war international order.3 It was also hoped that Foreign Secretary Lord Arthur James Balfour on Russian-Jewish communities would become agents behalf of the British government to Lord Walter of British propaganda and persuade the tsarist gov- Rothschild, a prominent member of the Jewish ernment to support the Allies against Germany. -
2016 Annual Report
Research. Debate. Impact. 2016 ANNUAL REPORT 1 Table of Contents Message from the President and the Chairman of the Board 4 Sixth Meeting of IDI's International Advisory Council 8 The Center for Democratic Values and Institutions 11 The Center for Religion, Nation and State 23 The Center for Governance and the Economy 29 The Center for Security and Democracy 35 The Guttman Center for Surveys and Public Policy Research 41 IDI in the Media 47 Our Team 50 Our Leaders 51 Our Partners 52 Financials 53 Message from the President and the Chairman of the Board Dear Friends, 2016 was a year of change and upheaval throughout the jobs available to Haredim. The government adopted most of democratic world. Set against the tumult of Brexit and the the recommendations and is now in the process of allocating US elections, Israel seemed at times like an island of stability. a half-billion-shekel budget in line with these proposals. This However, under the surface, Israeli society is changing, and IDI success story illustrates the potential of turning relatively small took on a leading role in identifying those changes and working philanthropic investments into large-scale transformational with policymakers to address them. change by affecting policy and legislation on the basis of outstanding applied research. As the report that follows lays out, 2016 was a year rich in activity and achievements. In this letter, we have chosen to single Several new scholars joined our team in 2016. Ms. Daphna out the impact one program had on government policy in the Aviram-Nitzan, former director of research for the Israel employment area. -
The Origins of Hamas: Militant Legacy Or Israeli Tool?
THE ORIGINS OF HAMAS: MILITANT LEGACY OR ISRAELI TOOL? JEAN-PIERRE FILIU Since its creation in 1987, Hamas has been at the forefront of armed resistance in the occupied Palestinian territories. While the move- ment itself claims an unbroken militancy in Palestine dating back to 1935, others credit post-1967 maneuvers of Israeli Intelligence for its establishment. This article, in assessing these opposing nar- ratives and offering its own interpretation, delves into the historical foundations of Hamas starting with the establishment in 1946 of the Gaza branch of the Muslim Brotherhood (the mother organization) and ending with its emergence as a distinct entity at the outbreak of the !rst intifada. Particular emphasis is given to the Brotherhood’s pre-1987 record of militancy in the Strip, and on the complicated and intertwining relationship between the Brotherhood and Fatah. HAMAS,1 FOUNDED IN the Gaza Strip in December 1987, has been the sub- ject of numerous studies, articles, and analyses,2 particularly since its victory in the Palestinian legislative elections of January 2006 and its takeover of Gaza in June 2007. Yet despite this, little academic atten- tion has been paid to the historical foundations of the movement, which grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Gaza branch established in 1946. Meanwhile, two contradictory interpretations of the movement’s origins are in wide circulation. The !rst portrays Hamas as heir to a militant lineage, rigorously inde- pendent of all Arab regimes, including Egypt, and harking back to ‘Izz al-Din al-Qassam,3 a Syrian cleric killed in 1935 while !ghting the British in Palestine. -
Urban Arab Palestine, No-Go Areas, and the Conflicted Course of British Counter-Insurgency During the Great Rebellion, 1936–1939
Chapter 6 “Government Forces Dare Not Penetrate”: Urban Arab Palestine, No-Go Areas, and the Conflicted Course of British Counter-Insurgency during the Great Rebellion, 1936–1939 Simon Davis The Great Palestine Arab rebellion against British rule, sometimes termed the first authentic intifada,1 lasted from April 1936 until summer 1939. The British Mandate’s facilitation of Zionist expansion in Palestine had since the 1920s recurrently aroused violent Arab protest, mainly at urban points of interface with Jewish communities. Initially, the great rebellion seemed just such an- other occurrence, beginning with inter-communal riots in Manshiyeh, the mixed Arab-Jewish workers’ suburb separating the Jewish city of Tel Aviv from its mainly Arab neighbor Jaffa. But despite the reinforcement of exhausted Palestine Police with 300 Cameron Highlanders, a quarter of the infantry in Palestine, the disorders metamorphosed into lasting, territory-wide Arab civil disobedience. Coordinated by National Committees in each principal town, elite leaders hurriedly formed the Jerusalem-based Arab Higher Committee, hoping to preserve leadership over qualitatively new levels of nationally con- scious activism. Proliferating rural sniping and sabotage, mainly on Jewish settlements, most engaged the British military, predisposed to familiar small- war, anti-banditry traditions, largely derived from experience in India. But urban political violence, mainly in the form of reciprocally escalating Arab and Jewish bombings, shootings and stabbings, was left to the increasingly over- whelmed police. Consequent loss of control over Arab towns forced the British High Commissioner, Sir Arthur Wauchope, to invoke emergency regulations in June 1936. But subsequent military repression, frequently contemptuous of civil political context, merely aggravated Arab resistance, which was trans- formed, British observers noted, from past patterns of spasmodic anti-Zionist violence into a comprehensive uprising against British Mandatory rule itself. -
The Making of the Balfour Declaration
The Making of the Balfour Declaration The Palestinian Return Centre i The Palestinian Return Centre is an independent consultancy focusing on the historical, political and legal aspects of the Palestinian Refugees. The organization offers expert advice to various actors and agencies on the question of Palestinian Refugees within the context of the Nakba - the catastrophe following the forced displacement of Palestinians in 1948 - and serves as an information repository on other related aspects of the Palestine question and the Arab-Israeli conflict. It specializes in the research, analysis, and monitor of issues pertaining to the dispersed Palestinians and their internationally recognized legal right to return. Giving Away Other People’s Land: The Making of the Balfour Declaration Editors: Sameh Habeeb and Pietro Stefanini Research: Hannah Bowler Design and Layout: Omar Kachouch All rights reserved ISBN 978 1 901924 07 7 Copyright © Palestinian Return Centre 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publishers or author, except in the case of a reviewer, who may quote brief passages embodied in critical articles or in a review. مركز العودة الفلسطيني PALESTINIAN RETURN CENTRE 100H Crown House North Circular Road, London NW10 7PN United Kingdom t: 0044 (0) 2084530919 f: 0044 (0) 2084530994 e: [email protected],uk www.prc.org.uk ii Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................3 -
PHILOLOGIA ARTS & Vol
COLLEGE OF LIBERALPHILOLOGIA ARTS & Vol. X HUMAN SCIENCES Undergraduate Research Journal Associate Editor: Holly Hunter Faculty Reviewer: Shaily Patel Author: Rachel Sutphin Title: The Impact of Christianity on Israel-Palestine Peace Relations ABSTRACT When analyzing the Israel-Palestine conflict, one may be tempted to focus solely on the political and historical situation of the geographic land. However, it is also important to consider the deeply embedded religious traditions of the area. When doing so, one will come across Christian Zionism, an impediment to peace. Some of the most prominent voices find validation for their narratives and actions through Christian Zionism. Zionism, in all forms, is an ideology that anchors Jews to Eretz Yisrael, the land of Biblical Israel. Some forms of Zionism include a system of balancing accumulations of land, resources, and wealth with the displacement of Palestinians. This belief that the Jews have a divineVOL. right to the X accumulation of land and resources legitimizes Zionism in their conquering of the past-legitimate Palestine. Thus, as Palestinian scholar Edward Said states, Zionism is an imported ideology in which Palestinians “pay and suffer” (Said, 1978). Christian Zionism consists of a variety of beliefs that promote and protect the Israeli state and government, while also dehumanizing the Palestinians and equating anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism. As a result, Christian Zionism is a challenging obstacle, one that is necessary to overcome to establish peace. Therefore, due to Christians being called to live peacefully (Colossians 3:15), the Christian tradition must seek and adhere to an alternative theology to Christian Zionism. Palestinian Christian Liberation Theology is a relevant way to interpret Scriptures based on the Christian tradition of peace found in the Old and New Testaments.