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Islamism & the Arab Spring Islamism & the Arab Spring A Social Movements Approach Teije Hidde Donker Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Florence, 6 September 2013 European University Institute Department of Political and Social Sciences Islamism & the Arab Spring A Social Movements Approach Teije Hidde Donker Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Examining Board Prof. Donatella della Porta, European University Institute (Supervisor) Prof. Olivier Roy, European University Institute (Co-supervisor) Prof. Sidney Tarrow, Cornell University. Prof. Farhad Khosrokhavar, École des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales © T.H. Donker, 2013 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Summary This thesis explores the contemporary Islamist project - constituted by those that mobilize to restructure public life according to Islamic norms - in the con- text of the 2011-2013 \Arab Spring". The thesis has two interrelated aims. First, it aims to empirically explore changing interactions between Islamist mo- bilization in politics and in society, and examine the position state institutions have within these changes. Second, it aims to apply insights of studies on social movements and contentious mobilization in the analysis of these interactions. The thesis' main contentions are, first, that in their practice Islamist move- ments face a dilemma in how to react to a context that is ever more strictly divided between a social and political arena: either mobilization is aimed at societal change through organizing as social associations, or it is aimed at max- imizing political influence through organizing as political parties. Irrespective of what their ideology is, all movements face the dilemma of how to reconcile a vision of a complete Islamic system with day-to-day realities. Second, I argue that common strategies addressing the perceived \secularity" of state bureau- cracies and public institutions can be the basis of a shared goal for mobilization and thereby ensure the unity of the Islamist project. Two specific debates on contentious mobilization - relating to dilemmas of strategic action and the social process of \upward scale shift" - are then used in conjuncture with one another to provide insights into how these state institutions can influence the relation between Islamist mobilization in society and politics. I substantiate these claims through a paired comparison between Syria and Tunisia. The comparison builds on, first, extensive fieldwork over the course of four years in the Arab world (mainly Syria, Tunisia, Turkey and Jordan) in which around 180 individuals have been interviewed. Second, it draws on a content analysis of primary sources from Islamist associations, state institutions, and individual autobiographies of (Islamist) actors; third, it uses secondary sources from local, Arab and international newspapers as the empirical basis for the analysis. iii For all those who became a statistic. www.vdc-sy.org/index.php/en vi SUMMARY Contents Summary iii Contents vii List of Figures xi List of Tables xiii Acknowledgements xv Note on Style and Sources xix Acronyms xxi I Positioning the Pieces1 1 Introduction3 1.1 A Puzzle and Research Questions..................5 1.2 Research Design, Cases and Methods................ 11 1.3 Propositions and Thesis Outline.................. 20 2 Theoretical Discussion 25 2.1 Debates on Religion and Politics.................. 26 2.2 Debates on Social Movements.................... 33 2.3 Debates on State Autonomy..................... 42 2.4 Islamism in Social Movement Studies................ 46 3 Historical Exploration 53 3.1 The Basics.............................. 54 3.2 State versus Islam.......................... 58 3.3 Islam versus State.......................... 63 3.4 Conclusion.............................. 70 vii viii CONTENTS II Playing the Game 73 4 Tunisia & Islamism 75 4.1 Foundations (1956-1979)....................... 77 4.2 The Islamic Challenge (1979-1992)................. 82 4.3 Ben Ali Rules (1992-January 2011)................. 88 5 Tunisian Islamists Ruling 93 5.1 Islamism in Society or Politics................... 94 5.2 Islamism in Society and Politics................... 101 5.3 Public Institutions and Bureaucracies............... 105 6 Syria & Islamism 119 6.1 Foundations (1860-1973)....................... 120 6.2 Islamists versus Hafez (1973-2000)................. 125 6.3 The Son Ruling (2000-2013)..................... 132 7 Syrian Islamist Taking Over? 139 7.1 Islamism in Politics or Society................... 140 7.2 Islamism in Politics and Society................... 148 7.3 Public Institutions and Bureaucracies............... 153 III Changing the Rules? 163 8 Configuration of Actors 165 8.1 Politics, Society, State........................ 167 8.2 Islamist Cleavages.......................... 175 8.3 Islamism and State Institutions................... 182 9 Mobilization Strategies 187 9.1 Who Are We?............................. 190 9.2 What Game Do We Play?...................... 196 9.3 Who Do We Deal With?....................... 202 10 Mechanisms and Processes 211 10.1 Brokerage versus Diffusion...................... 214 10.2 Attribution of Similarities and Differences............. 220 10.3 Emulation............................... 227 IV Taking Stock 233 11 Conclusion 235 11.1 Results and Implications....................... 236 11.2 Islamism in the Arab World Today................. 240 11.3 The Future of Islamism....................... 252 CONTENTS ix Appendix 257 Interviews Cited 257 Primary Sources Cited 261 Secondary Sources Cited 267 Bibliography 281 x CONTENTS List of Figures 1.1 The Analytical Framework...................... 13 1.2 The Analytical Framework and Thesis Argumentation...... 21 2.1 A Framework for the Study of Political Context.......... 36 2.2 Scale Shift............................... 38 2.3 The Extended Analytical Framework................ 50 8.1 Interrelation Political, Societal and Bureaucratic configurations. 166 9.1 An Analytical Overview of Central Strategic Dilemmas...... 189 10.1 The Process of Political Scale Shift in Islamist Mobilization... 213 xi xii LIST OF FIGURES List of Tables 4.1 Geographical Background of the Tunisian Administration in 1970 79 5.1 Examples of \Political" Islamist Protest Events......... 103 5.2 Examples of \Institutional" Islamist Protest Events........ 108 6.1 Growth of Syrian Bureaucracy................... 122 6.2 Average Yearly Student Growth of Vocational Schools...... 134 8.1 General Comparison of Religion in Syria and Tunisia....... 169 8.2 Number of Islamic Institutions (per million inhabitants)..... 174 9.1 Overview of Strategic Choices in Chapter9............ 206 10.1 Overview Processes \Upward Scale Shift" in Chapter 10..... 230 xiii xiv LIST OF TABLES Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the help of a great many people. First and foremost, at the European University Institute, I have been immensely fortunate with both my supervisor Donatella della Porta and co- supervisor Olivier Roy. Very different in personal character and academic fo- cus, together they provided me with the necessary structure and guidance in political sociology and limitless knowledge of, and networks in, the Arab world. Both gave me the freedom to discuss - and sometimes disagree with - their own analyses and opinions. It meant the freedom to develop my thoughts and ar- guments independently, while being profoundly influenced by their scholarship. The thesis is all the better for it. I would also like to thank the two external jury members, Farhad Khosrokhavar and Sidney Tarrow, for their insightful comments and critiques on this thesis. I thank Adele Battistini for helping with the practicalities of finishing this project and organizing its defense. Next to this, the thesis would not have been possible without the aid of many other institutes and individuals. At the (former) Dutch Academic Institute in Damascus (NIASD) I would like to thank Kim Duistermaat, Astrid Rijbroek and Taco van der Zwaag for their support. At the Center for Maghrib Studies in Tunis I would like to thank Laryssa Chomiak, Tom deGeorges and Riadh Saadaoui for their invaluable help and kindness during my Tunisian fieldwork periods. I also thank Bob Parks for providing the initial welcome at the US research institutes in the Maghreb region. At Princeton University, my gratitude goes to Bernard Haykel, Mirjam K¨unklerand all the students at the Near East Studies Department who made the time there both enlightening and fun. And, last but not least, I have to thank Reinoud Leenders - then at the University of Amsterdam but currently at King's College in London - for being my initial guide into academia and proposing me to apply to the EUI. Any mistakes in the following pages remain solely my own. The EUI is filled with PhD candidates and postdocs, and it is impossible not to make a few friends along the way: Oriana, Jess, Tiago, Georges, Leila, Olli, Kevin, Emre, Kıvan¸c,Virginie, Tim, Emin, Nadia and Karolina made the time at the EUI the unforgettable one that it became. I was also fortunate to have Dutch friends who always kept in touch; even though I flew off and - xv xvi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS mea culpa - sometimes neglected them. They are my Dutch roots and remind me to keep my feet firmly on the ground.
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