Leader-Gods and Pro Poleos Priests: Leto, Apollo, Zeus and the Imperial Cult at Oinoanda

Anatolian Studies 69 (2019): 133–154 doi:10.1017/S0066154619000085 © British Institute at Ankara 2019

Leader-gods and pro poleos priests: Leto, Apollo, Zeus and the imperial cult at Oinoanda

N.P. Milner University College London, UK [email protected]

Abstract This article presents three unpublished inscriptions (nos 1–3) illustrating the public cults of Leto and of Apollo at Oinoanda. It discusses the non-participation of the Apolline priests in the city’s Demostheneia festival for Apollo and the reigning emperor, while tracing a relationship between public cults of Apollo and the imperial cult. Finally, it proposes to reinterpret a published inscription (no. 4) as being about Poseidon, rather than Apollo.

Özet Bu makalede, Oinoanda’daki halkın Leto ve Apollon kültlerini gösteren yayınlanmamış üç adet yazıt sunulmaktadır (no. 1–3). Apollon halk kültü ile imparatorluk kültü arasındaki ilişki izlenerek, Apollon rahiplerinin ve hüküm süren imparatorun, kentin Apollon için düzenlenen Demostheneia festivaline katılmaması tartışılmaktadır. Son olarak, yayınlanan bir yazıtın (no. 4) Apollon’dan ziyade Poseidon’la ilişkilendirilmesi önerilmektedir.

inoanda was a Graeco-Roman city of northern Lycia 930). A votive inscription to Leto (SEG 27: 935) attests the Owhose site lies on a mountainous spur called Urluca, worshipper’s concern or thanks for the birth of a child, and which juts out northwards from hills on the southern side to this extent may suggest that at Oinoanda, comparably of the fertile Seki plain, watered by the upper Xanthos to the Xanthian Leto, the goddess was the heiress to the river. Like cities in the lower Xanthos valley, western Anatolian mother-god, the source of life and fertility, Lycia and Telmessos, Oinoanda was home to a cult of the rather than the more shadowy deity of Hellenic conception Greek ‘Apolline triad’, which comprised the gods Apollo, (see Le Roy 1991: 102). Artemis and their mother, Leto (Frei 1990: 1744–53, with Although Oinoanda’s Letoon and its priests’ tombs especial reference to Araxa, Tlos, Pinara, Xanthos and indicate that the Apolline triad was close to the heart of the possibly Sidyma; Brandt, Kolb 2005: 113; see also Schuler religious life of the community, as it was for their Lycian 2010: 79 for Phellos). Their presence is attested already in neighbours, other evidence shows that the leading civic the Hellenistic period by a group of stele inscriptions from cult was in fact that of Zeus. The presence of Zeus even in a ruined ‘Letoon’, extra-mural sanctuary of Leto, that was the Letoon inscriptions is divined in a dating formula by built against a cleft in the rocks on the slope on the north- the eponymous priesthood of a Simonides son of Moles in western side of the spur, about half-way up (fig. 1), and one of the texts (SEG 27: 931; Wörrle 1988: 106–07 which was published by the late Alan Hall (SEG 27: 930– arguing from other evidence both from Oinoanda and other 32, 935; Hall 1977: 193–97). The texts, whose dates range Lycian cities having eponymous Zeus cults). On present from perhaps the early second century BC (SEG 27: 930) evidence, the eponymous civic cult of Zeus appears likely to early Imperial (SEG 27: 935, 932), are notable among to have been that of Zeus Soter, ‘Zeus, Saviour’, as at other things for the curses by the Apolline triad and nearby Kibyra (YÇ 1011: Robert, Robert 1972: 467 no. Poseidon (a god seemingly neglected in Roman Oinoanda, 443; Bean 1971: 18 no. 35; YÇ 1142d: Milner, Smith but see inscription no. 4 below and YÇ 1149: unpub- 1994: 72, 75; YÇ 1252: unpublished). lished), and the naming of specifically Artemis Ephesia Judging by the material remains, including the and Artemis Pergaia in one of the inscriptions, which is Hellenistic inscriptions, there is at present not much reason labelled a ψ(ήφισμα) ἱ(ερόν), ‘sacred decree’ (SEG 27: to conclude that Oinoanda’s Leto sanctuary with its

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Priesthood pro poleos of Leto and the other gods About 50m south of Oinoanda’s Letoon, overlooking the ancient road up from Kemerarası to the area of the southern and western gates of the city, is a small area where the cliff is honeycombed with rock-cut priests’ tombs of various shapes and sizes (fig. 2). The three found with associated inscriptions all appear to be Imperial in date but before AD 212, according to the lack of Aurelian names (cf. Blanco-Pérez 2016: 279), the squared letter- forms and omega with inturned volutes. There is a comparable group of Imperial-era tombs of priests of Leto near what appears to be a sanctuary of the goddess in one of the necropoleis of Termessos Major in Pisidia (Talloen 2015: 215). Above one of the rock-cut chambers at Oinoanda containing a sarcophagus is the following tomb-owner’s inscription (fig. 3).

1. YÇ 1241a The inscription was found by Rudolf Heberdey and Ernst Kalinka in 1895, partly recorded in the Wiener Scheden, the archive of the former Kleinasiatische Kommission at the University of Vienna, under WS 90, and is unpublished (cf. Heberdey, Kalinka 1897: 35 no. 46 for reference to an alphabet oracle inscribed on the right of the same tomb entrance). It is an inscribed rock-cut panel above the entrance to a tomb excavated from the rock, containing a single damaged sarcophagus, athwart the entrance as one goes in, which is decorated with a rudimentary garland and a Medusa’s head (fig. 4). The inscription is on six lines, having line 1 cut above the panel in larger letters. The panel is damaged by a vertical crack top left. The latter half of line 6 was almost obliterated by a later carving of Fig. 1. Plan of the Oinoanda ridge from Gök Pınar springs a symbol representing an orans, in the form of two to the acropolis (reprinted from Stenton, Coulton 1986: outstretched, uplifted hands, alluding to the gesture used 16). The tombs of the priests of Leto are ca 50m south of by ancient people making a prayer or vow to the gods the Letoon, here marked ‘Leto’, on about the same level. (West 1997: 42–43 with references; Graf 2007: 146–50). Despite the damage, the reading from the surviving tops hellenised worship of Leto, Artemis, Apollo and Poseidon of the letters is likely. was already there when the city site was colonised by the Letter-heights (estimated) are 10cm (line 1) and 7cm Pisidian Termessians probably about 200 BC (cf. Hall (lines 2–6). Letter-forms are squared, with apices; alpha 1977: 194, 197; Coulton 1982: 130; Rousset 2010: 89–95), with broken crossbar, epsilon and eta with middle although the sacred decree text with its straight cross- crossbar detached, sigma four-barred with horizontal top barred alphas (SEG 27: 930) could belong to the third and bottom hastae, omicron equal sized and omega century BC. But, at any rate, once the city was founded it arcuated with inturned volutes over two horizontal ‘feet’ coexisted with the cult of Zeus, the father of Apollo and (fig. 5). Artemis, among the leading public cults, and these three deities dominated the devices chosen for the early coinage Text of the city; Leto was not depicted. The minor deities on [vac] Ζῇ, χαῖρε vacat the coins comprise Hermes, Ares and perhaps, symbolized vac κατεσκεύασεν τὸ ἡρῷον by a horse, Poseidon. For the coinage, see in particular σὺν τῇ ἐνούσῃ σοματοθήκῃ sic Kosmetatou 1998: 161–83; Ashton 2005: 65–84; de 4 Κατάγραφος Φιλεταίρου ἱερεὺς̣ Callataÿ 2007: 203–11; see the discussion on dating in πρὸ πόλεως Λητοῦς διὰ βίου Rousset 2010: 81–84 with references. κα[ὶ]̣ τῶν̣ ̣ἄλ̣ [λ]ω̣ ν̣ ̣θ[εῶν]̣ vacat

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Fig. 2. Complex of rock-cut tombs of Leto priests. The tomb of Katagraphos son of Artemon is in the lower arcosolium on the right; that of Katagraphos son of Philetairos is on the left side of the bluff, out of the picture. The rock-cut stele for another Leto priest is in the upper part of the picture.

Fig. 4. Tomb of Katagraphos son of Philetairos: the sarcophagus.

Fig. 3. Tomb of Katagraphos son of Philetairos: inscription no. 1 above the entrance.

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Fig. 5. Inscription no. 1.

Translation. He lives. Greetings! Katagraphos son of Line 6: legible as far as the first nu. Thereafter, a relief Philetairos, priest pro poleos (‘for the city’) for life of Leto of two hands has been carved over this part of the inscrip- and the other gods, provided the heroon tomb with the tion, leaving only the tops of the destroyed letters visible sarcophagus within. as far as the round letter here read as theta. The damaged text can be restored, however. Commentary. Line 1: Ζῇ, ‘he is alive’, like ζῶσι, ‘they are The inscription tells us, among other things, that the alive’, is not uncommon in ancient epitaphs in Asia Minor priest pro poleos (‘for the city’) of Leto was also priest of and is explained as an exclamation that the people who are other deities, whether members of the Apolline triad, mentioned in the epitaph as future occupants were still Apollo and Artemis or perhaps Poseidon and/or other alive at the time of construction of the tomb, intended to deities, such as the Nymphs (see below), and it was an avert their premature death (Robert 1937: 225). It is to be appointment for life. distinguished from cases where reference to being alive See Robert, Robert 1983: 172–76 and Schuler 2010: may function as a sort of guarantee of validity of the tomb 74–81 on the title pro poleos. Our evidence does not occupant’s right to it since it was evidence that he was decide the question whether the precise nuance of pro alive at the date of the legal formalities witnessed by the poleos here is ‘officiating on behalf of the city’ or ‘offering inscription. Hence the formula ζῶν φρονῶν, ‘living, of sacrifices for the well-being of the city’, but the fact that sound mind’, in some tomb inscriptions found across the at Oinoanda it went with the priesthood and was not used Imperial Greek world – for example Ormerod, Robinson as a title of the god or goddess, speaks against the meaning 1914: 28 no. 37 (Andriaki, Lycia) – which is comparable ‘outside the city’ as indicating an extra-mural cult (cf. Hall to the phrase νοῶν καὶ φρονῶν, ‘being sensible and in my 1977: 193) or ‘defender of the city’, for a patron-deity. In right mind’, found in wills written on papyrus (for example any event, it alludes to the public role of the priesthood. Grenfell, Hunt 1903: 201 no. 494, AD 156–165 = P.Oxy. Names: Katagraphos is a very rare Greek name, only 3.494). four examples being recorded in LGPN volumes 1–5b, Line 3: the spelling error in putting omicron for omega plus two more in 5c from Oinoanda (see below). It is in σοματοθήκῃ arises from loss of vowel quantity in possibly to be traced to the religious institution of κατα- spoken Greek koine. Examples of this error in Attic γραφαί, consecrations of freeborn children as well as inscriptions, at least, become considerably more numerous threptoi, nurslings, to a god, so that they became hieroi, after AD 130, and especially after 150, despite the conser- ‘consecrated’, but not hierodouloi, ‘sacred slaves’, and as vative influence of standardised spelling (Threatte 1980– such they devoted their lives, or at least a certain amount 1996: 1.223–24, 228). of time, to service in the temple. Many cases are recorded,

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for instance, at the sanctuary of Apollo Lairbenos, 30km future and could be persuaded to give oracles by conjura- from Phrygian Hierapolis and dated between AD 118 and tion and other magical practices (Nollé 1987: 48, 257 (Dignas 2003: 83–86). If the context is relevant, the comparing TAM 2.3.947 and 953, from tombs at name would mean something like ‘consecrated’, and its Olympos); it is not necessarily to be connected with the appearance in different generations would mark analogous dead man’s priesthood, but it and the acrostic, being also forms of devotion of a family of Apolline priests for life a magical device, were probably added to the tomb after at Oinoanda. his death, whereas the ownership inscription was carved Philetairos, by contrast, is a fairly common name while he was alive (line 1). throughout the Greek world, meaning ‘loving one’s The tomb complex further includes, in the higher zone comrades’. Since this is also the name of one of the succes- of the rocky bluff, a rock-cut pedimental stele with an sors of Alexander the Great and the founder of the Attalid arched naiskos containing a bas relief of a veiled, seated dynasty, it enjoyed a particular popularity in Asia Minor, female and a reclining male, over a funerary inscription if only five people with this name are known in Lycia (YÇ 1253; fig. 6). The text is not fully read, but it appears (LGPN 5b, 5c). At the Xanthian Letoon there has come to to begin with the name and patronymic of another ἱε̣ ρ̣ ε̣ ὺ̣ ς̣ ̣ light an Imperial-era dedication to the Apolline triad and π[ρὸ]̣ πό̣ λ̣ ε̣ |[ω]ς̣ ̣ Λ̣[η]το̣ ῦ̣ ς̣ ,̣ ‘priest pro poleos (“for the the Nymphs by Alexon son of Philetairos – SEG 44: 1221: city”) of Leto’ (lines 2–3). On the right side of the bluff, Ἀλέξων Φιλεταίρου | Λητοῖ Ἀπόλλωνι | Ἀρτέμιδι Νύμφαις lower down, is an arcosolium tomb containing a sarcoph- | εὐχήν, ‘Alexon son of Philetairos (fulfilled) his vow to agus inscribed on its lid decorated with Dionysian Leto, Apollo, Artemis, the Nymphs’. On the worship of garlands, bucrania and bunches of grapes, as follows (fig. the Nymphs at Letoon, see Le Roy 1991: 102; Bousquet, 7): Κατάγραφος Ἀρτέμωνος ἱερεὺς πρὸ πό|λεως Λητοῦς Gauthier 1994: 358–61. The Nymphs were also διὰ βίου κατεσκεύασεν | τὴν σωματοθήκην ἑαυτῷ καὶ τοῖς worshipped at Oinoanda (Heberdey, Kalinka 1897: 54 no. | vac κληρονόμοις αὑτοῦ vac, ‘Katagraphos son of 77), although it is not known if the two Philetairoi were related. Still over the tomb entrance but below the inscription and hands sculpted in bas relief, between which is a deep round hole for a metallic attachment such as for a lamp- holder or perhaps to affix a bust (cf. Graf 2007: 143 no. 23), is another, certainly later text (YÇ 1241b), of 16 lines, in smaller letters, containing an invocation to Helios, in the solar aspect of Apollo, to avenge the death of ‘Molesis the pro poleos priest’ (unpublished). I am grateful for the information provided by Gregor Staab, who made squeezes of the inscription from the top of a ladder in 2009. Molesis may have been a priest pro poleos of ‘Leto and the other gods’ or of Apollo (on which dilemma, see below). That he was related to the Katagraphos family of Apolline priests associated with the rock-cut tomb complex appears likely from a statue base lying elsewhere on the site for an Oinoandan athlete named Molesis II, grandson of a Katagraphos (SEG 44: 1193, dated about AD 211). The combination of names supports the inference of a family relationship. On the immediate right of the tomb entrance is an inscribed panel with an alphabet oracle (YÇ 1241d: published most recently by Nollé 2007: 247–48), while in the matching position on the left is an inscribed panel containing an acrostic based on the formula Κατάγραφος Φιλεταίρου ἱερεὺς Λητοῦς, ‘Katagraphos son of Phile- tairos, priest of Leto’, repeated 15 times (YÇ 1241c: unpublished). Perhaps the main reason for the provision of an alphabet oracle for passers-by was the belief that the Fig. 6. YÇ 1253: rock-cut funerary relief stele for a priest soul of the dead had become a demigod who knew the pro poleos of Leto.

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Fig. 7. YÇ 1242 (Holleaux, Paris 1886: 234 no. 14): sarcophagus of Katagraphos son of Artemon.

Artemon, priest pro poleos for life of Leto, provided the statue on the western side of the Agora at Oinoanda (YÇ sarcophagus for himself and his heirs’ (YÇ 1242 = 1042 = OGIS 565 = IGR 3.488; Magie 1950: 1384 n. 39). Holleaux, Paris 1886: 234 no. 14; interpreted by Robert, There were, then, at least two pro poleos priests, one of Robert 1983: 175). Hall dates it to the early Imperial Leto-and-the-other-gods and one of Apollo. period (1977: 193). From such inscribed tombs and other votives one can see that the Leto cult is more prominent The broader setting of the cult of Apollo in Lycia in the epigraphic material than that of Apollo. Our fullest evidence of the Oinoandan Apollo’s title is τοῦ By the Imperial period, however, the cult of Apollo at προκαθη[γέτ]ου ἡ[μῶ]ν πατρῴου θεοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος, ‘our Oinoanda is specially attested epigraphically. It was an Leader-god patroos theos Apollon’ (Wörrle 1988: 10, oracular cult, as we know from the contents of a verse Demostheneia festival inscription line 53, see below). The inscription from the lintel of a heroon tomb for an title ‘Leader-god’ in its various forms is a marker of the anonymous priest of Phoibos Apollon (YÇ 1135 = SEG chief civic cults of a city (Robert 1937: 23–28; Robert, 50: 1354 bis; Milner 2000: 139–50). Yet the named Robert 1983: 172). The shorter cult title is the same as the Oinoandan priests of Apollo, out of what would have been prestigious Lycian League cult of patroos theos Apollon a sizeable list, comprise for us precisely two men, only one supposedly located at the Letoon in the territory of of whom held a local priesthood: Kapillas son of Apollo- Xanthos (Frei 1990: 1754; Kokkinia 2000: 115–16). nios, ‘priest pro poleos of Apollo’ (YÇ 1100, see no. 3 Indeed, the patrooi theoi at Xanthos were the Apolline below), who therefore held his priesthood at Oinoanda. triad (Balland 1981: 249 n. 177), although the title was The other man, Marcus Aurelius Apollonios, was chosen catching: there was a patroos theos Xanthos, too (Tüner on one occasion in the early third century AD as the annual Önen 2017: 347–57). The supposition, however, has priest of the League cult of patroos theos Apollon that was remained uncorroborated, while the evidence traditionally located at the provincial grand sanctuary of the Letoon in taken to point to the Xanthian Letoon itself (for example the territory of Xanthos (or rather at another Letoon near IGR 3.473; Milner 1991: 42–46, no. 14; SEG 41: 1358, ca Patara, see below) and then served as archiphylax (‘chief AD 200; originally discussed by Fougères 1898: 115–16) of police’) of the League, for which offices held with can with greater probability be linked to the patroos distinction he was honoured by the Lycian League with a Apollon oracular cult at nearby Patara, which was part of

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another Letoon in a grove outside that city (the exact The cult of patroos theos Apollon at Oinoanda location has yet to be rediscovered), and whose Apollo Alongside this evidence, in the Imperial period Oinoanda’s priest performed administrative services for the Lycian patroos theos Apollon, ‘ancestral god Apollo’, cult is League (Schuler 2007: 56–57; 2016: 700; Reitzenstein mentioned especially in the context of Oinoanda’s 2011: 76; Lepke et al. 2015: 345–57, 369–79). The League festivals. The Demostheneia musical festival founded by in that case had its business distributed between two neigh- local notable Caius Iulius Demosthenes in AD 124 devoted bouring Letoa of comparable antiquity and prestige (on the two days of sacrifices to patroos Apollon (festival inscrip- prestige of the Apollo cult at Patara, see Reitzenstein 2014: tion, lines 42–43: text published by Wörrle 1988: 4–16 567–68 with references). with extensive commentary; SEG 38: 1462; Mitchell 1990: Other Lycian cities, too, used the title for their own 182–93, review article with English translation), and an local Apollo cults, as we see an Apollon patroos cult at image of patroos theos Apollon and a special silver-plated Aperlai-Apollonia (Heberdey, Kalinka 1897: 18 no. 58) altar were carried in the festal procession (lines 62–63). and a patroos Apollon cult at Tyberissos (Petersen, von The Demostheneia’s agonothetes or president of the Luschan 1889: 54 no. 99). And not only Apollo cults were games, an elected public official, wore a gold crown so named; at Tlos, where the symbols of the cult of Apollo carrying busts of Hadrian and this god (line 53). The crown and Artemis are prominent on the surviving ancient thus symbolised in precious metalwork a connection coinage (Hill 1897: 88–89, nos 1–8), recent work on the between the cult of patroos theos Apollon and that of the epigraphy has highlighted the pre-eminence of the cult of Roman emperors at Oinoanda. Kronos, which enjoyed three of the titles we see associated The order of precedence of the ‘civic priest and with Apollo at Oinoanda, pro poleos, megas theos and priestess of the Sebastoi’ (meaning the living and deified patroos theos, and which was oracular also (Reitzenstein Augusti, the Roman emperors and those of the imperial 2014: 553 no. 1, 569, 588 no. 12, 592 no. 14). family most closely associated in their divine status, such The worship of Apollo under the title patroos theos as Caesars or heirs apparent) directly behind the agono- collectively by the Lycian League and individually at a thetes, and before the priest of Zeus, in the sacrificial number of Lycian cities suggests that many Lycians thought procession (festival inscription, lines 69–72), suggests the of themselves as descended from Apollo. Rather than trace near-equal status of the imperial cult to that of patroos a connection merely through his son Ion, the founder of the theos Apollon, represented by the agonothetes. Although Ionian Greeks (Milner, Mitchell 1995: 100), to which the Demostheneia were privately funded, the public ancient political, religious and ethnic identity the non- character of the quadrennial festival, and of the continuous, Ionian Lycians could hardly belong, we may consider local prominent role of the appointed agonothetes for the time legends as more relevant to Lycians. We hear that Pataros, being in the social, religious and political life of the city, the eponymous founder of Patara, was the son of Apollo by is unmistakeable. Yet, as well as indicating something of Lykia, daughter of Xanthos (see Stephanus Byzantinus s.v. the relative social status of the Apollo, Sebastoi and Zeus ‘Patara’; Zgusta 1984: 1022.1; Frei 1990: 1759). Such a cults, the Demostheneia regulations leave monitoring legend should presumably be connected with both of the compliance with the sacrificial arrangements for the Letoa, in the territory of Xanthos and that close by worship of Apollo entirely to the agonothetes, and there is belonging to Patara, but it may have had a more general no explicit role at all for any Apolline priest. Despite this, significance for Lycian ancestry as well. The name Lykia the religious authority behind patroos Apollon, obviously occurs among the elite at Kibyra, for example (SEG 48: personified by a priest, was empowered to collect a fine of 1622), at Kyaneai (SEG 48: 1715), Myra (IGR 3.714), 2,500 denarii (compare the 5,000 denarii due to the Pinara (IGR 3.500 iv.5) and at Oinoanda (YÇ 1119, in an imperial fisc) from anyone who infringed the terms of unpublished correction to IGR 3.1505), and an example of Demosthenes’ endowment (lines 36–37). Pataros as a family name is found in the Lysis valley (SEG It seems that some of the other Oinoandan festivals, 48: 1545). There was a nexus of local myths linking Lycia too, were modelled on the Demostheneia, and like it were to the birth of Apollo and Artemis. An inscription at Sidyma oriented to the worship of Apollo in conjunction with the (TAM 2.i 174 = SEG 50: 1356, late second century AD) imperial cult. In the third century, the Euaresteia athletic mentions a local legend that Leto gave birth to Apollo and and musical festival, which had various imperial titles such Artemis at Oinoanda’s western neighbour, Araxa, whereas as ‘Severeia [Alexandreia]’ and ‘Antoneia’, was very another local tradition seems to have placed the event at the likely of this character. A statue presumably to the same Xanthian Letoon. For further information on such Lycian Apollo (called by the paraphrase τὸν πάτριον μέγαν θεὸν legends, see Frei 1990: 1750 (Letoon), 1745–46 (Araxa and Φοῖβον Ἀπόλλωνα, ‘the ancestral megas theos, great god, Sidyma); Fowler 2000–2013: 1.264–65, Menecrates Phoebus Apollo’) was erected perhaps in the ‘Esplanade’ Xanthius fr. 1–2, 2.518–19; Nollé 2005: 87–93. (Upper Agora), where its base can be found today, on the

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occasion of the sixth celebration of the Euaresteia ca AD Sebastoi was also the priest of the local Apollo among 244–47 (YÇ 1005: Cousin 1900: 342 no. 6; Hall, Milner other civic deities. At Aperlai in Lycia (IGR 3.692) one 1994: 18 no. 8; SEG 44: 1172). Also dedicated to this god, man was a priest of Claudius, Roma, Zeus and Apollo; at presumably, on the basis of its content, was the rival Attaleia (IGR 3.780 = Bean 1958: 33 no. 21) Lucius musical and athletic festival founded by M. Aur. Artemon Calpurnius Diodoros was high priest of the Sebastoi and and his wife M. Aur. Polykleia, which included three days priest for life of Apollo the Leader-god, the great god of sacrificial processions involving imperial image bearers Dionysos, the god Ares and the goddess Artemis Elaphe- (YÇ 1030–31: Hall, Milner 1994: 32–35 nos 22–23; SEG bolos, and priest for life of the goddess Leto in the city of 44: 1186–87). Perge; also at Attaleia (IGR 3.781 in part; see Bean 1958: There is an apparent alignment of the Apollo-Sebastoi 37–38 no. 28) Marcus Petronius Firmus Calpurnius Saec- festivals to aspects of Apollo that were shared with the ularis was priest for life of Apollo the Leader-god and high Lycian League cult of patroos theos Apollon in the priest of the Sebastoi. Imperial period (Wörrle 1988: 188–90; Brandt, Kolb 2005: Of course, certain individuals holding several priest- 113; Milner 2015: 194–96). It would consist with attempts hoods at the same time does not mean that the respective to insert the festivals in the provincial religious calendar cults were in any sense fused, as sufficient wealth to cover and so to attract visitors and competitors from other cities the expenses for these cults was all that was required; but both in and outside Lycia, and it suggests a way to under- the association of priesthoods may have had something to standing the political and religious motivation of the elite do with objective conditions in some cities as well as the founders of such festivals. They were members of a personal preference of rich individuals. At Sagalassos in provincial aristocracy, with whom they associated. Their Pisidia, a pre-existing temple of Apollo Klarios was shared eyes were always fixed at least on the provincial horizon, with the imperial cult. The Sagalassians chose initially not and often beyond it, to Rome and the imperial court. to erect a new temple building to found a new cult. Only Founding a purely local festival might therefore have been later did they provide a purpose-built temple to Antoninus less attractive. Pius (Burrell 2004: 267 with references). A foundation at As well as being celebrated in festivals, patroos theos Ephesos added the emperor to the traditional high-status Apollon certainly had a temple somewhere at Oinoanda. cult of Artemis (Price 1984: 103–04). In this way the The cult building is mentioned in line 32 of the Demos- imperial cult could be quickly associated with existing theneia festival inscription; inside it the accounts for the leading cults of a city. festival were to be audited by three eikosaprotoi, members Dedications too might combine Apollo and the of the fiscal board of 20 leading citizens, ‘in order that to Sebastoi. At Lyrboton kome in the territory of Perge natural justice may be added the influence of the reverence (Ormerod, Robinson 1910–1911: 229 no. 8; corrected by due to the god’. In addition to the evidence of a temple, Jameson 1965: 356) there is a dedication to Αὐτοκράτορι [------]lius Simonides Hermai[--], secretary of the Council, Καίσαρι Τραιανῷ Ἀδριανῷ Σεβαστῷ καὶ Ἀπόλλωνι provided what seems a likely civic dedication at Oinoanda Λυρ<β>ωτῶν, ‘the Emperor Caesar Trajan Hadrian to patroos theos Apollon for the health and victory of a late Augustus and Apollo of Lyrbotoi’; compare at Termessos second- or third-century emperor, in the form of a stone (IGR 3.424) a dedication to the theoi Sebastoi and Artemis, altar or base with something on top (YÇ 1134, see no. 2 and TAM 3.i.5, showing a Termessian priest of Artemis below). In the light of this evidence of the importance of involved in imperial birthday celebrations. If a large and the public Apolline cults at Oinoanda, the absence of priests wealthy city such as Side could link the cult of the of Apollo, Artemis and Leto, but not the priest and priestess emperors with its existing cults of Apollo and Asklepios of the Sebastoi and the priest of Zeus, from the sacrificial (Pick 1904: 40-41), so could a small city like Oinoanda, procession at Oinoanda prescribed for the Demostheneia although it might do so with other leading deities such as festival (lines 69–72 especially) is surprising. Nor can it be Zeus as well (cf. Milner 2015: 195). attributed to any lacuna in the relevant part of the inscribed dossier, which was almost completely preserved at the time Votive for the health and victory of the Sebastos of discovery (Wörrle 1988: 12). dedicated to patroos theos Apollon Our only evidence of the combination Apollo-Sebastoi at Other forms of association between Apollo and the Oinoanda, apart from inscription no. 2 below, is from the imperial cult in the region second- and third-century musical and athletic festivals. Given that the cult of Apollo acted as a host or partner to Compare the combination Letoa-Traianeia Hadrianeia the imperial cult in the Demostheneia and one or more of Antoneia, at the Xanthian Letoon (Baker, Thériault 2014: the other Oinoandan festivals, it is interesting that at a 97–109), a festival put on there probably by a high priest number of mainly Pamphylian cities, the priest of the of the Sebastoi (see, for example, Balland 1981: 167 no.

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65 = TAM 2.2.495) whom we do not know to have been at with καὶ σωτηρίας or καὶ διαμονῆς, ‘and salvation/contin- the same time the priest of Leto (or Apollo or the patrooi uance’, for example, as in IG 22 3404 (Eleusis). theoi). Outside the context of the festivals also, vows for Line 2: ΗΜ are the only ligatured letters in this inscrip- the Sebastos were paid to the cult of patroos theos Apollon tion. at Oinoanda. Line 2 fin.: [ς Σεβαστοῦ] supplies the minimum size of the right-hand lacuna. Other more speculative restorations 2. YÇ 1134 of this inscription may be constructed on taking space for Found by Alan Hall in 1983. A block of grey limestone more letters, but it is possible to assume about ten letters to with bevel and taenia mouldings above and below, be missing on this side, and about seven on the left (lines reported as one of three non-philosophical inscriptions 1–4) increasing from about eight to ten (lines 5–7). ‘located on or near the site’ or ‘found on the site’ of Lines 2–3: the main possibilities are the sole reigns of Oinoanda (the exact location is not specified in Hall’s (1) Commodus, AD 188–192, Αὐτοκράτορ[ος Καίσαρος notes: cf. Hall 1984a: 79; 1984b: 12), but not rediscovered Μ. Αὐρ. Ἀντωνείνου | Κομμόδ]ου, (2) Caracalla, AD 211– since. The block is broken left, right, behind and partly 217, or Elagabalus, AD 218–222, Αὐτοκράτορ[ος Μ. Αὐρ. below; the bevel and band appear partly complete at the Ἀν|τωνείν]ου, (3) Severus Alexander, AD 222–235, top. Height 0.48m (die 0.26m), width 0.67m (maximum), Αὐτοκράτορ[ος Μ. Αὐρ. Σεουήρου Ἀ|λεξάνδρ]ου or (4) thickness 0.41m. Letters ca 3cm (4cm line 1). Line 1 is Gordian III, AD 238–344, Αὐτοκράτορ[ος Μ. Ἀντωνίου | on the upper moulding, and has four-bar sigmas. Charac- Γορδιαν]οῦ. Καίσαρος was not normally dropped after teristic letters are alpha with broken crossbar, epsilon rect- Αὐτοκράτορος for Commodus, whereas it was frequently angular with a shorter central crossbar, mu with vertical omitted from the titulature of later emperors. If the outer hastae, omicron full-sized, pi with equal legs, sigma assumptions about missing space on either side taken for angular with four hastae and an epsilon-like crossbar the rest of the inscription should be right, only (2) fits. added to the point at the middle (line 1 only), lunate (all Line 3: what could be a superfluous sigma after other lines) and omega arcuated with inturned volutes Εὐσεβοῦς appears damaged, as if half-erased; it may be a (figs 8, 9). damaged leaf carved like that in line 5 with the left curve and stalk only. Text Line 4 init.: because of the appearance of the right side [Ὑπὲρ ὑγ]είας καὶ νείκης leaf? [ vac? ] of a Y-shape along the break in the stone, the name is less vacat likely to be that of an ‘Aurelius’, a Roman citizen newly [τοῦ κυρί]ου ἡμῶν Αὐτοκράτορ̣[οϲ------] enfranchised by the constitutio Antoniniana, so [Μᾶρ [---ca 7--]Ο̣Υ Εὐσεβοῦϲ leaf? Εὐτυχοῦ[ϲ Αὐρή]λιος Σιμωνίδης Ἑρμαί[ου, ‘[Mar(cus) Aure]lius Ϲεβαστοῦ] Simonides son of Hermai[os, son of? …’, than that of a 4 [Γάϊοϲ Ἰού?]λιοϲ Ϲιμωνίδηϲ Ἕρμαι[οϲ?------] [Γάϊος Ἰού]λιος Σιμωνίδης, ‘[Caius Iu]lius Simonides’, for [. . γραμμα]τεὺϲ βουλῆϲ leaf? κατεϲκεύα[ϲεν-----] whom a patronymic in Ἑρμαί[ου would be incompatible [----ca 9---]Ϲ̣ΤΩ πατρῴῳ θεῷ Ἀπ[όλλωνι------] with what we know of the elite Oinoandan family of a [---ca 7-- εὐτ]υχῶϲ · leaf? κατειέρω[σεν ἡ notable called Γάϊος Ἰούλιος Σιμωνίδης. Therefore it could πόλιϲ?] perhaps be a double name, ‘Simonides Hermai[os]’, serving in some way to distinguish him or his family (see Translation. For the health and victory […?] of our Lord generally Chaniotis 2013: 207–29). The most notable Emperor [------]us pius felix [Augustus, Caius earlier C. Iulius Simonides (son of Simonides son of Iu?]lius Simonides Hermai[os……, secre]tary of the Simonides) was the first agonothetes of the Demostheneia, Council provided [the------] for patroos theos perhaps a century before, who appears to have been Ap[ollon … auspi]ciously; [?the City] dedicated [it/them]. adopted by C. Iulius Demosthenes (Wörrle 1988: 73–74). As his descendant, our man will already have been an elite Commentary. Line 1: after AD 100 ὑγεῖα for ὑγίεια is the member of Oinoanda’s bouleutic class, naturally electable most frequent spelling in Attic inscriptions (see Threatte to the top position in the city, as secretary of the Council. 1980–1996: 1.416). The spelling νείκη for νίκη, with long The secretary was the leading member of the prytaneis or /i/, which begins in the Hellenistic period, is frequently executive committee of the boule. met with in the Roman period, when both may be found Lines 4–5: the lacunae at the end of line 4/start of 5 in the same document (Threatte 1980–1996: 1.198–99). may perhaps be supplemented with [πρύτανις | καὶ Line 1 fin.: there is a trace of something before the γραμμα]τεὺς βουλῆς, ‘chief magistrate (prytanis) and break, possibly a decorative leaf rather than a letter, secretary of the Council’. On this prestigious phraseology, although the dedicatory formula could well have continued see Wörrle 2016: 436.

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Fig. 8. Inscription no. 2 (block) (photo by Alan Hall, 1983).

Fig. 9. Inscription no. 2 (squeeze) (squeeze and photo by Alan Hall).

Fig. 10. Inscription no. 2 (drawing and conjectural reconstruction).

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Line 5: before the verb is what appears to be a small moulded above and below (for a conjectural reconstruction, leaf, carved incompletely with the left curve of the leaf and see fig. 10). In the lacunose inscription no readable record a stalk below only (ç). survives of the description of the object(s) being dedicated, Lines 5–7: the trace of the first preserved letter of line but the trace of a sigma in line 6 might suggest they were 6 is curved, thus sigma. Οne might supplement lines 5–6 plural. A likely candidate is (a pair of?) altars, whereas a κατεσκεύα[σεν . . . μετὰ | τῆς βασέω]ς τῷ κ.τ.λ., ‘provided statue is rather unlikely with the word κατεσκεύα[σεν], [it] together with the base’. Compare from Boubon despite the example from Boubon of the word used of a (Kokkinia 2008: 104 no. 72) after AD 212: κατεσκεύασαν statue on a base quoted above (cf. Hellmann 1992: 197). τὸν ἀ<ν>|δρίαντα μετὰ τῆς βάσεως | μεγίστῳ θεῷ Ἄρει The dating evidence for the inscription points to the καθὼς | ὑπέσχοντο, ‘(the agoranomoi) provided the statue period from about AD 185 to the middle of the third with the base for the greatest god Ares, as they had under- century, and most likely the sole reign of Caracalla, AD taken to do’. Alternatively, κατεσκεύα[σεν ἐκ τῆς ἰδί|ας 211–217, for a combination of reasons. These are the δαπάνη]ς / ἐκ τῆς ἰδί|ας οὐσία]ς, ‘provided at his own letter-forms, the imperial dedication ‘for health and expense…’. Or else, κατεσκεύα[σεν τοὺς . . . | . . . . victory’, with the imperial titles [τοῦ κυρί]ου ἡμῶν trans- βωμοὺ]ς τῷ πατρῴῳ θεῷ Ἀπ[όλλωνι ἐκ | τῶν ἰδίων· lating domini nostri and Εὐσεβοῦς Εὐτυχοῦ[ς] pii felicis, εὐτ]υχῶς, ‘provided (the … altars?) for the ancestral god and the proliferation of inscribed dedications and vows on Apollo, from his own resources; auspiciously’. For the last the occasion of Caracalla’s stay in Asia Minor in AD 214– part of the dedicatory formula, compare SEG 31: 635 215 which is even now a feature of the archaeology of the (Orbelos [Belasica], Sintike, Macedonia, second to third region (see below). century AD): τὸν βωμὸν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων· εὐτυχῶς, ‘(provided) Dominus noster was unofficial titulature until the late the altar from his own resources; auspiciously’. third century but was extremely common. The imperial Line 7: On the acclamation εὐτ]υχῶς, ‘auspiciously!’, titles pius felix embrace a wide chronological period; they see Robert 1960: 548; Roueché 1984: 183, 185–86; Nollé were officially adopted by Commodus from AD 185 and 1998: 328. It presumably records what the crowd shouted by Caracalla and his successors from ca AD 200 (Kienast at the dedication ceremony. After this word is a mese and 1990: 149, 164). The expression [τοῦ κυρί]ου ἡμῶν what looks like a digamma with all except its foot enclosed Αὐτοκράτορ̣[ος is also paralleled for Caracalla (for in an ‘omicron’; probably, however, it is meant for a leaf, example SEG 43: 732), as well as before and after him. as leaves were commonly carved as punctuation marks in Ὑπὲρ ὑγείας καὶ νείκης κ.τ.λ. is a variant translation of Imperial inscriptions, and it is clearly at a punctuation in the a Latin formula pro salute et victoria (imperatoris) which sentence. Also, the so-called ‘omicron’ has a slight point to first appears as a vow offered by the army, at any rate, only the top right, opposite to the ‘stalk’. For the deaspiration in in Commodus’ reign (Speidel 1993). All other military κατειέρω[σεν for καθιέρω[σεν, compare Gignac 1976: 135; examples collected by M.P. Speidel belong to the Severan Brixhe 1987: 110–13. This is a ‘Phrygian variation’ not period (Speidel 1993: 110). The vow was also offered by found in Attic inscriptions; compare Threatte 1980–1996: cities and private individuals, and was very common in 1.452–55. For a fourth-century BC example, compare Greek inscriptions in the normal translation ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας κατιερώθη, at lines 21–22 of the Greek text on the trilingual καὶ νείκης κ.τ.λ., meaning ‘for the preservation and victory stele from the Xanthian Letoon (Metzger 1974: 85). The of ...’, although the Latin concept of salus embraces itacistic spelling ει for short /i/, originally used only for long ‘health’ as well as ‘preservation’. Inscriptions ὑπὲρ /i/, occurred when the long/short vowel distinction fell out σωτηρίας καὶ νείκης κ.τ.λ. can be found especially in dedi- of use. Examples are not normally found until after AD 100 cations to emperors dating from the late second century to (Threatte 1980–1996: 1.199–202, 385–86). For the the late third century, although the formula is commonest suggested supplement κατειέρω[σεν ἡ πόλις?], ‘[the City] for the Severan emperors (see further Reynolds 1962: 33– dedicated (it)’, compare a statue base for Julia Domna (Petzl 36; Turcan 1978: 1056–59). 1987: 119 no. 629, Smyrna, AD 195–217: [ἡ ------A text from Pergamon takes our Greek version right Σμυρν]αίων πόλις καθιέρω[σεν.]). Other parties may have back to the reign of Augustus, to the beginning of the dedicated it, however, such as a named priest or magistrate. imperial cult, which may be the relevant context for our The form of the inscribed monument cannot be recon- inscription too; see Habicht 1969: 164–65 (correcting IGR structed precisely, owing to the loss of the right and left sides 4.473 + 316): [Μ. Τύλλιον Κράτι]ππον … γενό[με|νον of the stone, and its original depth. The width of the inscrip- ἱερέα διὰ] γένους θεᾶς ῾Pώ|[μης καὶ θεο]ῦ Σεβαστοῦ, tion cannot be ascertained with confidence, either, but as it [θύσαντα? | ὑπὲρ τῆ]ς τε ὑγιείας καὶ νεί[κης | αὐτοῦ κ.τ.λ.], is possible to reconstruct it as suggested above, there is no ‘[M(arcus) Tullius Krati]ppos ... formerly ancestral priest compelling reason to extend the length of the block greatly. of the goddess Roma and of the god Augustus, [having What survives has the appearance of a low base, simply sacrificed? for the sake of] both his health and victory ...’.

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Such vows had a lengthy Greek history, too. Classical εἰσενήνεκται, καὶ τέθυκεν το[ῖς πα]τρίοις θεοῖς εὐχόμενος prototypes occur in inscriptions recording sacrifices made καὶ αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑγείας καὶ [σω]τηρίας καὶ τῆς αἰωνίου ἐφ’ ὑγιείᾳ καὶ σωτηρίᾳ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ τοῦ δήμου, ‘for the διαμονῆς τῆς ἡγεμονίας αὐτῶν … δεδόχθαι … health and safety of the Council and People’ of Athens (for τετειμῆσθαι … Ἀττινᾶν … τὸν στεφανηφόρον καὶ example IG II2 223, 343–342 BC), of which general type ἀρ[χιερέ]α τῶν Σεβαστῶν κ.τ.λ., ‘… and as High-priest of ὑπὲρ ὑγιείας καὶ σωτηρίας was a species (for example IG the Sebastoi at the Wreath-wearing (imperial festival) he II2 1194, ca 300 BC). Compare Xenophon Memorabilia has paid all pious observances, and has sacrificed to the Socratis 2.2.13: ὡς οὔτε ἂν τὰ ἱερὰ εὐσεβῶς θυόμενα ὑπὲρ ancestral gods, praying in person for the sake of the health τῆς πόλεως, τούτου θύοντος, ‘(the city of Athens) and preservation and everlasting continuance of their reign believing that the sacrifices would not be duly offered for … It was decreed … to honour … Attinas … the Wreath- the prosperity/safety of the city, if he (an impious man) wearer and High-priest of the Sebastoi …’. were to offer them’. The Oinoandans would, of course, have made similar The Roman Republic had long celebrated such vota for vows every year for the emperor’s health, but if they needed the salus of the state on 1 January and this tradition too a special reason for the inscribing of an object of dedication continued on that day under the Principate, while those on in the circumstances, a serious illness of the emperor would behalf of the emperor and his family became fixed from be appropriate. An interesting example of this is IGR 1.717 about AD 38, so that the people assembled in various + 1468 (Mikhailov 1961: 908), dated by the editor to AD locations on 3 January, for the nuncupatio votorum, 212 or very shortly after, on an altar from Philippopolis, ‘naming of vows’, to offer and pay collective vows for the Thrace: Ἀγαθῆι Τύχηι· | ὑπὲρ ὑγείας | καὶ νείκης Μ | Αὐρ salus, ‘health, safety, wellbeing’, of the emperor (Warde Ἀντωνεί|νου κατὰ κέλευ|σιν τοῦ λαμπρο|τάτου ὑπατικοῦ | Fowler 1922: 200–06; Reynolds 1962: 33; Gradel 2002: Κ Ἀτρίου Κλο|νίου τέχνης | βυρσ[έων δῶ]ρ[ον], ‘Good 20–22, 370–71; Moralee 2004: 26–28; Herz 2007: 312). Fortune! For the health and victory of M(arcus) Aur(elius) The vows in Rome, at least, were made principally to Antoninus, by order of the Most Illustrious consular Jupiter, Juno, Salus and sometimes other gods (Fears 1981: Q(uintus) Atrius Clonius, the gift of the Guild of Tanners’. 98–100), and the ceremonies were led by the consuls and The emperor here is Caracalla, AD 211–217. The vow for pontiffs, whereas in the provinces parallel rituals were the health and victory of Caracalla has a particular signifi- enacted by governors and local priests and officials cance. In AD 214 he came through Thrace to Asia Minor a (Fishwick 1987: 89–90; Pliny Epistulae 10.100–01; sick man, and made a very public visit to the temple of Plutarch vita Ciceronis 2; ILS 4918 [Capua]). The origin of Asklepios at Pergamon in search of a cure (Herodian these vows in particular can be dated to 30 BC, when the Historia 3.8.6, Loeb edition Whittaker n. 6; Halfmann Senate decreed vota on behalf of Octavian (later Augustus) 1986: 224, 227–29). After wintering at Nikomedeia, he as princeps. At Oinoanda, it seems possible to infer from went east to Antioch in the spring of AD 215. His stay of the Demostheneia festival inscription, lines 56–58, that the several months gave rise to a large number of inscriptions new year’s vows were paid and renewed in the reign of naming him in the cities of Asia Minor, most of which he Hadrian on 1 January, whereas there is no mention of 3 did not visit (Magie 1950: 1551–53, list of, where recorded, January (Wörrle 1988: 10, 33 n. 55, 193–94). civic statues of Caracalla at n. 42; Levick 1969: 428 map, As well as the annual new year’s vows, and recurrent 429–37 catalogue). It is possible to date the text from vows for imperial birthdays and accession days, there were Philippopolis to the second half of AD 214, dating the occasional vows, for example, for the emperor’s safe and governorship of Q. Atrius Clonius to 212–214 at least. That victorious return from campaigns or his recovery from from Oinoanda, containing what seem likely to be public illness (Augustus Res Gestae 9.2; ILS 363, dated AD 164; vows for the emperor’s health, might similarly be referred Reynolds 1962: 35; Fishwick 1987: 90 n. 48). Vows for to Caracalla’s Anatolian sojourn of AD 214–215, but it is the health of the emperors were an integral part of the only a conjecture. imperial cult at Aphrodisias in the second century AD (see As well as being occasioned, perhaps, by Caracalla’s IAph2007: 12.29ii: Τάταν … ἁγνὴν ἱέρειαν ῾Ήρας διὰ βίου illness and Anatolian visitation, our text from Oinoanda is … ἱερατεύσασαν τῶν Σεβαστῶν ἐκ δευτέρου … further evidence, beside the second-century Demostheneia στεφανηφορήσασαν, θύσασαν παρ᾽ ὅλους τοὺς ἐνιαυτοὺς festival inscription and the third-century Euaresteia statue ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑγήας τῶν Σεβαστῶν κ.τ.λ., ‘Tatas … holy base of Apollo, of the cult of patroos theos Apollo at priestess of Hera for life … priestess of the Sebastoi for Oinoanda, in the late second or third century AD, and of the second time … having been Wreath-wearer … having its continuing link with the cult of the emperors. Presum- sacrificed every year without fail for the health of the ably, the inscription and object celebrating and fulfilling Sebastoi …’; IAph2007: 12.206: ἀρχιερατεύων τε ἐν τῇ this vow for the emperor’s health and victory were erected στεφανηφορίᾳ τῶν Σεβαστ[ῶν πᾶ]σαν εὐσεβῆ θρησσκείαν in the sanctuary of Apollo.

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Priesthood pro poleos of Apollo The third new piece of evidence concerns a priesthood pro poleos of Apollo, distinct from the priest pro poleos of Leto and the other gods, and not obviously related to the cult of patroos theos Apollon. This occurs in an Imperial sepulchral inscription found reinstalled in an early Byzantine church site in the southern sector of the city. Questions at once arise over the relationship between the pro poleos priest of Apollo and the cult denoted by the title patroos theos Apollon. For example, were there two Apollo cults and, if so, did they share an altar at the same temple? Was one priest given responsibility for both cults? Were they actually one and the same cult – in which case, why Fig. 11. Sarcophagus in building Nq1 (photo by Alan Hall, the different title – or different aspects of one cult? It seems 1983). preferable, in the circumstances, not to multiply entities unnecessarily, but to take into account the difference of title, and so to regard them as aspects of one cult, and more likely than not furnished with a single priest and one temple. The alternative is to accept the existence of two public Apollo cults at Imperial Oinoanda, one of them with a pro poleos priest and one oriented to the Lycian League cult located in Xanthos or Patara. That seems too costly and elaborate, and such a solution would only amplify the problem, that the apparently exhaustive Demostheneia regulations for an Apollo festival leave no ostensible room for the ministration of any priest of Apollo.

3. YÇ 1100 The inscription was found by Alan Hall in 1975. A large Fig. 12. Sarcophagus in building Nq1, viewed from the limestone garlanded sarcophagus, still with its cover, nave. which is decorated with acroteria, four modillions on one side under the ‘eaves’ and a roundel in each ‘gable end’, lying partly displaced on the chest, was found reused on margin to lip at the top 3.5cm. Characteristic letters are the northern side next to the apse at the centre of the alpha with broken crossbar, omicron full-sized, pi with eastern end of a small early Byzantine church (building equal legs, sigma four-barred with horizontal top and Nq1, also known as the South Church), apparently forming bottom hastae, and omega arcuated with inturned volutes part of the wall of the nave (figs 11, 12). The church lies over two ‘feet’. on the terrace below and north of the Hellenistic southern wall of the city, in square Nq of the British Institute at Text Ankara (BIAA) site plan (fig. 13). That it was a church is Καπίλλας Ἀπολλωνίου Οἰνοανδεὺς, γ̣ε[νόμενος] clear both from the plan and an inscribed nomen sacrum ἱερεὺς πρὸ πόλεως Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ ἀγορ[ανόμος],̣ (an abbreviated reference to God) under a cruciform κατεσκεύασεν τὴν σωματοθήκην ἑαυ[τῷ ζῶν?] graffito located at the inside centre of the apse (YÇ 1264: 4 ἐὰν δέ τις ἐπεισενένκῃ ἕτερον, ἀποδώσ[ει] τ̣ῷ unpublished). [Οἰνο]- Our inscription is in a plain field on the long side of ανδέων δήμῳ δραχμὰς δὶς χειλίας, vv ἐξ ὧν ὁ the sarcophagus, above what appears to be a row of ἐγδική- garlands with bunches of grapes (looking like that on the σας λήμψεται < φ̄ Χ· v ἐὰν δέ τις ἀδικήσῃ τὸ sarcophagus lid for Katagraphos son of Artemon in fig. 7) μνῆμα v that continues around the ends; this feature, seen in Hall’s ἐπάρατος ἔστω θεοῖς πᾶσι καὶ πάσαις vacat 1983 photograph, is now buried (fig. 12). The text is very weathered with a missing top-right corner down to line 4 Translation. Kapillas son of Apollonios, citizen of inclusive (see squeeze, figs 14–16). Height 0.85+m (buried Oinoanda, having been priest pro poleos (‘for the city’) of below), width 2.20m, thickness 1.15m. Letters 2.5cm; Apollo and agoranomos (market regulator), provided the

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Fig. 13. BIAA site plan of Oinoanda (drawn by J.J. Coulton).

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Fig. 14. Inscription no. 3 (squeeze, left side) (squeeze by Alan Hall, photo by Tuğrul Çakar).

Fig. 15. Inscription no. 3 (squeeze, right side) (squeeze by Alan Hall, photo by Tuğrul Çakar).

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allotment list (cf. Hall, Coulton 1990: 125, 129, 133), and two Imperial examples from the territory of Kibyra and from Terponella in the Milyas (LGPN 5c), and although it resembles the Latin man’s name Capella, this must be a coincidence, as there are no other Latin names among the many Balbouran allotment-holders in the list, which predates the settlement of Italians in the district. Unless a variant of the four-times attested Boeotian Greek name Kapillos, it is most likely epichoric. The father’s name, Apollonios, is one of the commonest pre-Christian Greek names, and appropriate for a family associated with the Fig. 16. Inscription no. 3 (squeeze, end of lines 5–7) worship of Apollo. (squeeze by Alan Hall, photo by Tuğrul Çakar). As explained above, the pro poleos priesthood of Apollo here commemorated was a public priesthood, distinct from that of ‘Leto and the other gods’. The missing sarcophagus for himself [while alive?], and if anyone shall part of line 1 probably contained the word γ̣ε[νόμενος], bring in another (body) he shall pay to the People of literally ‘having been’ and often a marker of decease (see Oinoanda 2,000 drachmas, of which his successful prose- Worp 1978: 239–44). Despite this, Kapillas, with his name cutor shall receive (drachmas) 500 (denarii); and if anyone in the nominative case, is presented as alive when the shall harm the tomb, let him be accursed before all the sarcophagus was created. At the end of line 3, ἑαυ[τῷ ζῶν] gods and goddesses. fits a lacuna of closely comparable size to those above and below in lines 2 and 4, and makes sense in an epitaph Commentary. Line 1 fin.: the gamma could also be read as composed for a tomb owner who had made arrangements a rectangular, three-bar sigma, but this is contrary to the for himself ‘while alive’. Compare from Thrace four-barred sigmas used elsewhere in this inscription, and (Mikhailov 1966: 1953 Serdica): Βάσσος Μοκα[------a horizontal crack in the surface of the stone could account ------ἱε]|ρεὺς καὶ πρῶτος [ἄρχων καὶ εἰ]|ρηνάρχης καὶ for the purported ‘base line’. σιτ̣[άρχης γενό]|μενος τῆς ἰδία[ς πόλεως τὸ] | ἡρώειον καὶ Line 4: for the spelling νκ for γκ, see Threatte 1980– τὸ[ν βωμὸν] | ζῶν ἑαυτῷ κατε[σκεύασεν] etc., ‘Bassos son 1996: 1.600; in the Roman period the spelling of this of Moka[------], having been priest and first magistrate consonantal cluster remained unstandardised and both and irenarch and sitarch of his own city, built the heroon forms are well attested in Attic inscriptions. tomb and the altar for himself while alive …’. Line 5: the spelling of ει for ι, with long /i/, is normal The expression γ̣ε[νόμενος] ἱερεὺς without διὰ βίου in the second century AD, and especially after AD 200 (see may imply that Kapillas served as priest for one year, as Threatte 1980–1996: 1.198–99). Ἐγδικήσας for ἐκδικήσας the Apollo priesthood regularly was annual in Lycia is the universal spelling in the Classical and Hellenistic (Reitzenstein 2014: 555 n. 21). Yet others may have held periods, but rare in Attic inscriptions in the Roman period it longer, for a verse inscription from the probable tomb of (Threatte 1980–1996: 1.581); a couple of examples from an anonymous Oinoandan priest of Phoibos Apollo the first half of the second century AD are cited at Threatte suggests the idea of a longer-lasting service (YÇ 1135 = 1980–1996: 2.772. SEG 50: 1354 bis; Milner 2000: 139–50), perhaps even for Lines 5–6: The usual symbol Χ for denarii occurs in life, like the Oinoandan priest pro poleos of ‘Leto and the line 6, after the numeral, which is preceded by <, the usual other gods’. Whether people served for one year or longer symbol for Attic drachmas, but the earlier reference in line depended on the funds they provided for a cult. The office 5 is to ‘drachmas’ fully written out; this shows that at the of agoranomos or market regulator was not held for life, date of the inscription the two currencies were interchange- although individuals may have held it for more than one able at par (cf. Wörrle 1988: 158–59). year or on more than one occasion. Possibly Kapillas could Line 6: λήμψεται with ‘parasitic nasal’ mu is one of the be seen to be suitable for it as a man of probity in financial spellings that were standard in the koine (Threatte 1980– matters, as the connection with Apollo was one of the 1996: 1.489). reasons for choosing the venue for the scrutiny of accounts The letter-forms point to a date in the first two of the Demostheneia agonothetes in the temple of Apollo centuries AD, and the lack of Aurelian names suggests a (see above). date before AD 212. Of the name Kapillas, examples are The fine for tomb violation is at the upper end of the so far restricted almost entirely to the Kibyratis: Oinoanda, usual range, and includes a prosecutor’s reward worth one- Balboura, where it occurs several times in a Hellenistic quarter of the fine, so as to encourage vigilance by others

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to enforce the tomb-owner’s rights by making it worth- How did all these priesthoods fit together and who did while to bring a lawsuit against usurpers. The curse by all what? the gods and goddesses, here uttered against anyone who Thus far at Oinoanda the following public religious insti- should ‘harm’ the tomb, is replicated elsewhere at tutions are epigraphically attested: a priest pro poleos of Oinoanda and in its territory (see Strubbe 1997: 239 no. Leto and the other gods, a priest pro poleos of Apollo, a 360, 241 no. 364), but it is notable that our priest of Apollo temple of patroos theos Apollon, a temple of Artemis (YÇ chose not to use the more colourful formula ἐπάρατος | 1259: unpublished), a temple and priest of Zeus (Rousset ἔστω Ἡλίῳ τε καὶ Σε|λήνῃ καὶ τοῖς καταχθο|νίοις θεοῖς 2010: 6, 12 lines 4–5, 108–09), a temple and priest of πᾶσιν, ‘let him be accursed before Helios and Selene and Caesar the god, Caesar and Demos (OGIS 555 = IGR all the gods of the underworld’, which is found, for 3.482 = YÇ 1127; corrected by Alan Hall; reported cryp- instance, on another Oinoandan tomb of the Imperial tically in Wörrle 1988: 58 n. 30; SEG 38: 1464; printed period (YÇ 1214: Heberdey, Kalinka 1897: 52 no. 71), nor out fully corrected in Milner, Eilers 2006: 70), a priest and did he resort to curses by the Apolline triad and Poseidon, priestess of the Sebastoi and, in the Hellenistic period only, such as are found on Hellenistic steles from the Oinoandan a priest of Roma (Rousset 2010: 6 line 7). There was also, Letoon (SEG 27: 930–31). perhaps only from the late third century AD, an enhanced The reuse of what is actually a pagan sarcophagus and temple of the imperial cult that was presumably supported cover in a privileged position in an early Byzantine church by the Lycian League, so that the city was able to use the is striking. One wonders if it ever contained holy relics, title neokoros, ‘temple-warden’ (Milner 2015: 190–91). such as the bones of a saint or the body of a bishop. It is As we have seen, the regulations for the Demostheneia decorated with Dionysian garlands and bunches of grapes festival’s rituals and sacrifices to patroos Apollon (festival on the northern side and western end at least. Whether they inscription, lines 42–43, 69–70) make the agonothetes continued on the southern side is not clear, as the lower himself always the leading ritual actor and give distinct part of the sarcophagus is buried; but the absence of roles to the priest and priestess of the Sebastoi and the modillions on the southern side of the lid suggests that the priest of Zeus. In a privilege granted to him by the Council same side of the chest too was undecorated. Probably (festival inscription, lines 57–58), the agonothetes of the neither the garlands nor the inscription would have been Demostheneia also joined the civic dignitaries in the sacri- left visible, with their pagan symbolism and language fices to the emperor and the patrioi theoi, ‘ancestral gods’, being relegated to the ‘back’ of the repositioned tomb. in the traditional celebrations on New Year’s Day, where The sarcophagus must surely have been brought in one would naturally expect the participation of the public from outside the city, since almost all other sarcophagi Apolline priests. The process of choosing the agonothetes are found clustered outside the city walls. The nearest every four years shows, too, that he was an office-holder collection of such tombs is the necropolis just over 50m entirely distinct from the priest of Apollo, or any priest. south, on the other side of the Hellenistic southern wall. Yet the role of the agonothetes came with serious It would have been a relatively straightforward building religious responsibilities and was especially concerned operation to manoeuvre the sarcophagus in via the with sacrifices (festival inscription, lines 69, 81–85); he southern gate and down the steep slope within the wall to was dressed and seems to function like a high priest, not the church. This southern necropolis is not a location only during the festival but in the wider formal life of the anywhere near the Leto priests’ complex of tombs, but it city (Wörrle 1988: 190–95). The agonothetes too was a is in the vicinity of the inscribed oracle of Apollo (YÇ trustee and controller of the festival fund and had personal 1103: Bean 1971: 20–22, no. 37) and associated dedica- custody of and formally handed over the gold crown and tions to the Apolline triad including Hypsistos theos, who the silver-plated altar to the successor agonothetes after is there assimilated to Apollo, which dedications are each four-year term (festival inscription, lines 92–93). In inscribed on the southern and eastern façades of the principle, it would seem that such sacred articles were pentagonal tower of the Hellenistic wall at square Mq of more suitable for keeping in the temple of patroos theos the British Institute at Ankara site plan (fig. 13; cf. Apollon, with other treasures, than at his house. Perhaps Bachmann 2009: 155; Milner 2015: 196–97). It seems he deposited them with the temple, but remained legally possible that the church was placed there precisely to responsible for them. Whatever the case, however, there annex for Christianity a focal point of the pagan Apolline was a clear demarcation between the agonothetes and the cults and the worship of Hypsistos in particular, but we priest of Apollo. cannot tell whether the reuse of a perhaps then 300-year- Ultimately, we lack sufficient information to under- old tomb of a priest pro poleos of Apollo in the church stand the absence of any formal participation by the had any such meaning for the presumed fifth-century Apolline priesthood in the Demostheneia festival, at a time Oinoandans who moved it there. when the city seems in all probability to have had such a

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priesthood as a standing civic institution, whether the four-line inscription which seems to begin with the name priest pro poleos of Apollo (and, implicitly, of patroos of the dedicant and proceeds to indicate a vow to θεῷ̣ [. . . theos Apollon) or the priest pro poleos of Leto and the . . | .] Π̣οσει̣δῶν[ι,̣ ‘for Poseidon, the god [who …]’ (fig. other gods. Nothing precludes the simultaneous holding of 18; YÇ 1149: unpublished; cf. Bachmann 2010: 194). The priesthoods by particular individuals; but while it permits relief represents a shepherd standing facing frontally and the easy combination of Apollo with Leto, the evidence carrying a sheep on his shoulders, which in sacred art never combines in one person the Apolline priests with would be the type for a Hermes kriophoros. A second relief those of the Sebastoi or Zeus. to the right represents two hands, the symbol of a prayer or vow to the gods seen also in the rock-cut relief under Dedication to Poseidon? inscription no. 1. One long-since published Oinoandan dedication to Apollo is problematic. It may rather be meant for another god.

4. Petersen, von Luschan 1889: 180 no. 232 The dedication is on a fragment of the lower part of a stele (Stelenfuss) not rediscovered since Eugen Petersen and Felix von Luschan’s visit in 1882. Its location on the site and dimensions are not known, but from the published sketch it appears to have been very small, consisting of no more than a plain lower bevel moulding (on which was the last line) and a triangular piece of die (fig. 17).

Text Fig. 17. Inscription no. 4, sketch (Petersen, von Luschan [?Ἀπ]- 1889: 180). [όλλ]ωνι ἀραίῳ leaf

Translation. To [Apoll]o araios (‘prayed to’)

If the original editors’ supplement is right, we have a modest, private dedication, perhaps from a relief stele, to Apollo, and it is Imperial in date according to the letter- forms. The epithet araios, ‘prayed to’, appears not to be used in inscriptions, and is not found in literature as an epithet of Apollo. An alternative supplement, [?Πλ|ούτ]ωνι, ‘Pluto’, very rarely exhibits titles in votive inscriptions and seems never called araios. Should Petersen and von Luschan’s sketch, which does not suggest room for another letter at the end of line 2, be inac- curate in this respect, however, [----Πο|σειδ]ῶνι [ἑ]|δραίῳ,̣ ‘to Poseidon, (god) of stability’, would be worth consid- ering; compare ΤΑΜ 2.403 (Patara): Θεοῦ Σωτῆ|ρος ἑδραίου | ἀσφαλοῦς | καὶ Πο|σειδῶ|νος ἑδραίου | καὶ Ἡλίου | Ἀπόλλωνος, ‘(Altar?) of theos Soter edraios asphales (“the god Saviour, [bringer] of stability, safety”) and Poseidon edraios (“of stability”) and Helios Apollo’. The reference would then be to Poseidon as author of and protector from earthquakes. Another dedication to Poseidon of Imperial date is found in the eastern necropolis of Oinoanda, ca 250m east of the Esplanade, on the right edge of square Qk of the Fig. 18. YÇ 1149: rock-cut relief of a Hermes krio- BIAA site plan. It has the form of a much-weathered rock- phoros(?) dedicated to Poseidon, together with a relief cut relief in an arched naiskos over an incompletely read symbolising an orans.

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Conclusions Förderer der Nordrhein-Westfälischen Akademie der Oinoandans publicly worshipped the Apolline cults among Wissenschaften, Kim Hee-Kyung Stiftung für europäische the leading cults of the city, even if Zeus was always the Kultur- und Geisteswissenschaften, Franz-und-Eva- eponymous priesthood. Their devotion to these cults was Rutzen- Stiftung, Alumni/Freunde und Förderer der something they had in common with other Lycian cities Universität zu Köln e.V. and the Stiftung Altertumskunde especially of the Xanthos valley and western Lycia. It is der Universität zu Köln. I was supported by a small likely that in the Imperial period there was usually a priest personal research grant from the Hepburn Buckler Fund pro poleos of Leto and the other gods, and a priest pro and the British Academy. Work on the non-philosophical poleos of Apollo; as there was a temple of Artemis, there inscriptions was a team-effort involving Gregor Staab and may have been a comparable priest of Artemis. Although In-Yong Song, both of Cologne University, and myself. I there was at least one other temple dedicated to it, the am very glad to thank them for their collaboration. I am imperial cult was also worshipped by Oinoandans in the grateful also to Bayan Sena Mutlu of the Museum of context of the patroos theos Apollo cult, which had at least Anatolian Civilisations, Ankara, Bayan Zerrin Akdoğan, two musical and athletic festivals and a temple sanctuary of the General Directorate of Cultural Heritage and dedicated to it. The patroos theos Apollo cult too was Museums in Ankara, and Bay Mustafa Barış Harmankaya, worshipped in some other Lycian cities and by the Lycian of the General Directorate of Cultural Heritage and League. For reasons unclear, Oinoanda’s Apolline priests Museums in Istanbul, who accompanied us at Oinoanda had no public duties in the Demostheneia festival of Apollo- in 2008, 2009 and 2011 respectively as representatives of Sebastoi, and the agonothetes performed the role that might the Turkish Government, when our fieldwork took us to otherwise have been filled by such priests. In the early inscriptions nos 1 and 3 in particular, and to the Ministry Byzantine period, Oinoandans reused an old Imperial of Culture and Tourism of the Republic of Turkey for sarcophagus of an Apollo priest in a place of honour in a granting permission for the work. The late Alan Hall would small intra-mural church, a short distance from the site of have wished to acknowledge the help of the government an open-air Leto-Artemis-Hypsistos shrine. Finally, there representatives Bay Sırrı Özenir of Diyarbakır Museum is evidence to suggest that Poseidon was also worshipped and Bay İbrahim Malkoç of Fethiye Museum on the BIAA at Oinoanda in the Imperial as well as the Hellenistic period. surveys he directed in 1975 and 1983 respectively, when inscriptions nos 2 and 3 were objects of study, with the Acknowledgements financial support of the British Academy. I am indebted to the late Martin Bachmann, formerly I am also indebted for the comments and suggestions deputy director of the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, of the anonymous referees of this journal, as I am for Abteilung Istanbul, for permitting me to join the team of comments by Jim Coulton and Stephen Mitchell on a 1999 archaeologists, philologists and ancient philosophers draft of this article, to Dorothy Thompson for kindly working at Oinoanda between 2008 and 2012, on a project converting the original version from a 3.5-inch floppy disk that was funded by benefactors including the Gilbert de to a usable format and to Thomas Corsten for pre-publica- Botton Memorial Foundation, Martin Ferguson Smith, the tion information from LGPN 5c. All figures are by the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung, Gesellschaft der Freunde und author, unless otherwise stated.

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