The Rise of Stalin's Personality Cult in Soviet Belarus
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History of Symbols As Social History? Ten Preliminary Notes on the Image and Sign Systems of Social Movements in Germany
History of Symbols as Social History? Ten preliminary notes on the image and sign systems of social movements in Germany GOTTFRIED KORFF The last two centuries have produced, transformed and destroyed a myriad of political symbols of a linguistic, visual and ritual form. Between, say 1790 and 1990 the political sphere witnessed both an explosion in the generation of symbols and a radical decline of symbols. This calls for explanations. Mary Douglas and Serge Moscovici have provided insightful reflections on the theory and history of political symbols of modern social movements. In Moscovici the analysis of symbols is part of a political psychology which aims to interpret the behaviour and conceptions of nineteenth- and twentieth-century mass movements.1 Moscovici's basic premise is that, due to the emergence of new forms of collective conditions of existence, society's perception of itself has been determined since the French Revolu- tion by the image of the mass, by the concept of political mass movements. The extent of the revolutionary processes which determined and accom- panied the progress into modernity, and the political reaction following them, were defined by the category "mass" by those directly involved as well observers. The "mass" was not just a category but also a strategy: the "mass movement" and the "mass action" were seen as the goals of political action. Reaching this goal required collective representations in the form of linguistic, visual and ritual symbols. Signs, images and gestures created and consolidated collective -
“Terra Incognita in the Heart of Europe” Representation of Belarusian National Identity in Tourism Advertisements
“Terra Incognita in the Heart of Europe” Representation of Belarusian National Identity in Tourism Advertisements Alina Lind Master’s Thesis Intercultural Encounters Faculty of Arts University of Helsinki April 2021 Tiedekunta – Fakultet – Faculty Koulutusohjelma – Utbildningsprogram – Degree Programme Faculty of Arts Intercultural Encounters Opintosuunta – Studieinriktning – Study Track Humanities Track Tekijä – Författare – Author Alina Lind Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title “Terra Incognita in the heart of Europe”. Representation of Belarusian national identity in tourism advertisements Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Month and year Sivumäärä– Sidoantal – Number of pages Master’s Thesis April 2021 62+23 Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract Due to historical and political reasons, a lot of Belarusians face a challenge regarding the understanding of their national identity. This thesis aims at analysing the ways tourism advertisements contribute to the nation’s representation to Belarusians. The study’s objectives concentrate on the formulation of the most recurring cultural representations of Belarusian nation portrayed in the advertisements and evaluation of their contribution to nation-building processes. In the following thesis, I am answering the research questions regarding the markers of cultural representation (e.g., signs, symbols) seen in tourism advertising contributing to Belarusian identity, their cultural connotations, and the differences in the representation of such symbols in governmental and private Belarusian tourist advertisements. Since the thesis is analysing Belarusian national identity features, I also provide a historical and political background of the republic since the thirteenth century. By doing so, the reader gets a comprehensive picture of the events that influenced the problem of national identity and the topicality of this issue nowadays. -
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Taking Action! of little importance to big corporations. Sarah Jones However, there is power in numbers and Every time a person makes decisions about the more people who boycott, the heavier how and where to spend money, s/he is the influence on the organization being exercising his/her power as a consumer. boycotted. Boycotting gives teens a way to There are several ways that teens can protest and state their beliefs. If they speak out against consumerism, raise boycott something, others may become awareness about consumerist media interested and take up the cause. messages, and make a difference in the way companies operate. Complaint Power Complaint power is another way in which Boycott Power consumers can influence companies to A boycott is the decision to abstain from change their practices. This method buying or dealing with a particular involves talking to a company directly, organization as a form of protest and/or either by phone, e-mail, or letter. Shari means of coercion. Teens may think that if Graydon suggests that writing a letter is the they boycott a particular product or best method of contacting a company company, their actions will make no because it is harder to throw away or difference because individually, each teen is ignore than an e-mail or phone message. A letter also takes more time than an email or phone call, indicating that the writer is serious about the message (Graydon 87). Again, there is always power in numbers, so the more letters a company receives; the more serious it will take the complaint. -
Ethics in the Theory of Social Representations1
Papers on Social Representations Volume 22, pages 4.1-4.8 (2013) Peer Reviewed Online Journal ISSN 1021-5573 © 2013 The Authors [http://www.psych.lse.ac.uk/psr/] Ethics in the Theory of Social Representations1 IVANA MARKOVÁ University of Stirling There are different ways in which the question ‘what makes humans distinct from other species?’ can be answered. One way is to refer to the ability of humans to reason and make rational decisions; another is to point to the capacity of humans to speak and express themselves in symbols; or to imagine future events and be aware of their mortality; and so on. I propose to focus here on the capacity of humans to make ethical choices and to view this as a feature of common sense knowledge and to that extent, as a feature of the theory of social representations. MAKING ETHICAL CHOICES From his early years shaped by the Second World War, Nazism and Stalinism, Serge Moscovici has placed the study of ethical choices, values and social norms into the centre of his attention with regard to the meaning of humanity. As he reveals that in his autobiography Chronique des années égares, (Moscovici, 1997) in his early youth he found inspiration in Nietzsche’s philosophical thoughts, in Pascal’s Pensées and in Spinoza’s Ethics. In his autobiography Moscovici scrutinized passions that, throughout the long past of mankind, tore apart communities as well as brought them again together. Within broad historical and cultural contexts he pondered 1 This paper is a shortened version of a lecture presented at the 11th International Conference on Social Representations in Evora, June 2012. -
Jo Ann Gibson Robinson, the Montgomery Bus Boycott and The
National Humanities Center Resource Toolbox The Making of African American Identity: Vol. III, 1917-1968 Black Belt Press The ONTGOMERY BUS BOYCOTT M and the WOMEN WHO STARTED IT __________________________ The Memoir of Jo Ann Gibson Robinson __________________________ Mrs. Jo Ann Gibson Robinson Black women in Montgomery, Alabama, unlocked a remarkable spirit in their city in late 1955. Sick of segregated public transportation, these women decided to wield their financial power against the city bus system and, led by Jo Ann Gibson Robinson (1912-1992), convinced Montgomery's African Americans to stop using public transportation. Robinson was born in Georgia and attended the segregated schools of Macon. After graduating from Fort Valley State College, she taught school in Macon and eventually went on to earn an M.A. in English at Atlanta University. In 1949 she took a faculty position at Alabama State College in Mont- gomery. There she joined the Women's Political Council. When a Montgomery bus driver insulted her, she vowed to end racial seating on the city's buses. Using her position as president of the Council, she mounted a boycott. She remained active in the civil rights movement in Montgomery until she left that city in 1960. Her story illustrates how the desire on the part of individuals to resist oppression — once *it is organized, led, and aimed at a specific goal — can be transformed into a mass movement. Mrs. T. M. Glass Ch. 2: The Boycott Begins n Friday morning, December 2, 1955, a goodly number of Mont- gomery’s black clergymen happened to be meeting at the Hilliard O Chapel A. -
Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 11 Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Kathleen Bailey presents evidence of forgeries to the press corps. Credit: The Washington Times Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference By Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 11 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2012 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
1 Terrorism As a Tactic of Minority Influence Arie W. Kruglanski University of Maryland Paper Presented at F. Buttera and J. Le
1 Terrorism as a Tactic of Minority Influence Arie W. Kruglanski University of Maryland Paper presented at F. Buttera and J. Levine (Chairs). Active Minorities: Hoping and Coping. April, 2003. Grenoble, France. 2 Since the late 1970s the topic of minority influence has been an important research issue for social psychologists. Introduced by Serge Moscovici’s seminal papers, minority influence research was itself an example of minority influence in that it innovated and deviated from the tendency to view social influence predominantly from the majority’s perspective. However, as Moscovici aptly pointed out, majority influence serves to preserve existing knowledge whereas the formation of new knowledge, germinating as it typically does in the mind of a single individual, or forged in a small group of persons presupposes the influence of a minority on a dominant majority. The typical metaphor for much of minority influence research was nonviolent influence conducted by the minority members through socially sanctioned means, such as debates, publications, appearances in the media, lawful protests and licensed public demonstrations conducted according to rules. And the prototypical cases of minority influence phenomena were innovations in science and technology, minority-prompted change in political attitudes, shifts in the world of fashion, etc. But in the several last decades a very different type of influence tactic has captivated the world’s attention and mobilized the world’s resources, going by the name of “terrorism” and considered by many the scourge of our times. Though a small groups of social scientists (primarily political scientists, sociologists, and psychiatrists) have been studying terrorism since the early 1970s, only the events of 9/11 catapulted the topic to the very top of everyone’s research agenda. -
The Perimetric Boycott: a Tool for Tobacco Control Advocacy N Offen, E a Smith, R E Malone
272 Tob Control: first published as 10.1136/tc.2005.011247 on 26 July 2005. Downloaded from RESEARCH PAPER The perimetric boycott: a tool for tobacco control advocacy N Offen, E A Smith, R E Malone ............................................................................................................................... Tobacco Control 2005;14:272–277. doi: 10.1136/tc.2005.011247 Objectives: To propose criteria to help advocates: (1) determine when tobacco related boycotts may be useful; (2) select appropriate targets; and (3) predict and measure boycott success. See end of article for Methods: Analysis of tobacco focused boycotts retrieved from internal tobacco industry documents authors’ affiliations websites and other scholarship on boycotts. ....................... Results: Tobacco related boycotts may be characterised by boycott target and reason undertaken. Most Correspondence to: boycotts targeted the industry itself and were called for political or economic reasons unrelated to tobacco Naphtali Offen, disease, often resulting in settlements that gave the industry marketing and public relations advantages. Department of Social and Even a lengthy health focused boycott of tobacco industry food subsidiaries accomplished little, making Behavioral Sciences Box demands the industry was unlikely to meet. In contrast, a perimetric boycott (targeting institutions at the 0612, University of California, San Francisco, perimeter of the core target) of an organisation that was taking tobacco money mobilised its constituency CA 94143, USA; and convinced the organisation to end the practice. [email protected] Conclusions: Direct boycotts of the industry have rarely advanced tobacco control. Perimetric boycotts of Received 25 January 2005 industry allies offer advocates a promising tool for further marginalising the industry. Successful boycotts Accepted 13 April 2005 include a focus on the public health consequences of tobacco use; an accessible point of pressure; a mutual ...................... -
Cults of Personality, Preference Falsification, and the Dictator's
Cults of personality, preference falsification, and the dictator's dilemma Charles Crabtreex, Holger L. Kerny, and David A. Siegelz Abstract: We provide a novel rational explanation for why cults of personality exist: they solve the dictator's adverse selection problem in assigning subordinates to roles within the regime. Participation in a cult of personality is psychologically costly whenever it involves preference falsification, with the costs varying across individuals. Importantly, low psychological costs of preference falsification are correlated with traits the dictator values, such as unscrupulousness and ruthlessness, which we collectively term disposition-based competence. Under a wide variety of circumstances, this correlation makes participation in cults of personality informative from the dictator's point of view, allowing him to hire loyal and competent subordinates for the most important regime positions. In contrast to earlier formal work, our model implies that dictators can use cults of personality to avoid the loyalty-competence trade-off when promoting subordinates. We thank Quintin Beazer, Jens Grosser, Timur Kuran, Andrew Little, Eddy Malesky, Melanie Manion, Arturas Rozenas, Rory Truex, Nils Weidmann, and participants at the 2017 MPSA Conference and the 2017 ESTA workshop at Konstanz University for their very helpful feedback. x PhD cand., Department of Political Science, University of Michigan. y Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Florida State University. z Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Duke University. In 2001, Saparmurad Niyazov, who ruled Turkmenistan from 1985 to 2006, announced the publication of his first book. Called Ruhnama (The Book of the Soul), it contained answers to \all of life's questions" and became required reading in all schools, universities, and workplaces. -
Reading Arendt's on Revolution After the Fall of the Wall
Keeping the Republic: Reading Arendt’s On Revolution after the Fall of the Wall Dick Howard Introduction: From where do you speak, comrade? Two decades after the fall of the Wall seemed to announce – by default, as an unexpected gift – the triumph of democracy, optimism appears at best naïve, at worst an ideological manipulation of the most cynical type. The hope was that the twin forms of modern anti-politics – the imaginary planned society and the equally imaginary invisible hand of the market place – would be replaced by the rule of the demos; citizens together would determine the values of the commonwealth. The reality was at first the ‘New World Order’ of George H.W. Bush; then the indecisive interregnum of the Clinton years; and now the crass take over of democratic rhetoric by the neo-conservatives of George W. Bush. ‘Man is born free, yet everywhere he is in chains,’ wrote Rousseau at the outset of The Social Contract; how this came about was less important, he continued, than what made it legitimate: that was what needed explanation. So it is today; what is it about democracy that makes it the greatest threat to its own existence? In this context, it is well to reread Hannah Arendt’s On Revolution, published in 1963. On returning recently to my old (1965) paperback edition, I was struck by the spare red and black design of the cover, which was not (as I thought for a moment) a subtle allusion to the conflict of communism and anarchism for the realization of ‘true’ democracy, but simply the backdrop against which the editor stressed these sentences: ‘With nuclear power at a stalemate, revolutions have become the principal political factor of our time. -
Constitutional Law - Freedom of Association and the Political Boycott Elaine Cohoon
Campbell Law Review Volume 5 Article 4 Issue 2 Spring 1983 January 1983 Constitutional Law - Freedom of Association and the Political Boycott Elaine Cohoon Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.campbell.edu/clr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Elaine Cohoon, Constitutional Law - Freedom of Association and the Political Boycott, 5 Campbell L. Rev. 359 (1983). This Note is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Repository @ Campbell University School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Campbell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Repository @ Campbell University School of Law. Cohoon: Constitutional Law - Freedom of Association and the Political Boy NOTES CONSTITUTIONAL LAW-FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION AND THE POLITICAL BOYCOTT-N.A.A.C.P. v. CLAIBORNE HARDWARE CO., 102 S. Ct. 3409 (1982). INTRODUCTION When several people with a common goal join together to achieve that goal, are their actions conspiratal or constitutionally protected? When that concerted action leads to economic losses, is the action unfair anti-competition or merely effective political per- suasion? The courts have been troubled by this dichotomy for years, switching sides with confusing regularity. Civil or criminal conspiracy has been severely punished because of the greater threat offered by the concerted actions of a group.' On the other hand, "the practice of persons sharing common views banding to- gether to achieve a common end is deeply embedded in the Ameri- can political process.''2 Even when there is no question of criminal or civil conspiracy, concerted actions have been prohibited for other reasons. -
Somaly Mam, Nick Kristof, and the Cult of Personality | Jacobin 6/16/14 4:20 PM
Somaly Mam, Nick Kristof, and the Cult of Personality | Jacobin 6/16/14 4:20 PM jacobinmag.com 6.16.14 A couple of self-promoting showoffs pale beside proliferating government machinery that now churns out salaries and prestige for thousands worldwide caught up in a movement based on fraud. A Cambodian activist against sex slavery, Somaly Mam, recently resigned from her foundation after an outside investigation confirmed she had lied to attract donors and supporters. The revelations of Mam’s fraudulence are old news, however — Simon Marks’s reports have been appearing in the Cambodian Daily since 2012, and many other debunkings and doubts circulated much earlier among institutions, researchers, and activists trying to reverse unfounded sensationalism about CC-BY-SA-3.0 , via Wikimedia Commons sex trafficking. Newsweek published some of Marks’s work on May 21, provoking outrage in the New York media establishment — less towards Mam than one of her greatest fans, self-styled slave rescuer Nicholas Kristof. He is accused of hoodwinking liberal-identifying readers and letting down the cause of journalism. Both accusations miss the point. An editor from this media in-group asked if I would write for them about Somaly Mam’s resignation, having seen tweets indicating I don’t consider it significant. She suggested I write about problems of “accountability” with institutions like Mam’s, along with the “history and failures of the organization and others like it.” I asked if she was acquainted with my work, mentioning my research on projects to help and save women who sell sex, documented in Sex at the Margins, which originatedthe concept of a “rescue industry.” Since my analysis rarely gets into the mainstream, the focus of anything I do for such outlets would have to explain the basics about that industry.