A Geo-Archaeological Study of Settlement Location Selection and Associated Land Management Practices in Bokoni, Mpumalanga

Measuring growth potential: A geo-archaeological study of settlement location selection and associated land management practices in Bokoni, Mpumalanga

Lauren Solomon 378196

Supervisor: Dr MH Schoeman

Department of Geography, Archaeology and Environmental Studies Archaeology Division Faculty of Science 2013

Introduction Mpumalanga hosts an extensive complex of stone walled settlements that were built around a significant agricultural system (Delius et al. 2012). Similar to other Later Farming Communities (LFCs) the people of Bokoni balanced agriculture and livestock management (Maggs 2008; also cf. Hall & Maggs 1979). Their land management choices, such as building agricultural terraces, however are distinct, and it has been suggested that it is an example of intensive agriculture (Maggs 2008). This society, however, changed through time, and the Bokoni research project (see Schoeman & Delius 2011; Delius et al. 2012) divided the different stages of occupation into four phases. They suggested that the core of Bokoni slowly shifted from the South to the North in Mpumalanga from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century. These shifts have been linked to political processes and systemic violence in the region (Delius & Schoeman 2008; Delius et al. 2012).

As a result of this drift northwards Phase 1, Phase 2 and Phase 3 sites were created in different contexts, topographies and geological zones. My research will explore the change and/or continuity in the Bokoni people’s selection of settlement sites, and how this land was managed, through a comparative analysis of site location, the geology, micromorphology and soil chemistry.

Aim This dissertation aims to understand the continuity and/or change in the selection of settlement locations in Bokoni, as well as land management practices during occupations. Specifically, focussing on whether these choices were based on the quality of agricultural soils, and whether the soils were improved.

Rationale Previous studies have suggested that agriculture formed the core rationale of Bokoni society, for example Delius and Schoeman (2008) suggested that Magnesium-Calsium cation ratios might have been a key factor in Bokoni site selection. Similarly Maggs (2008) speculated that the Bokoni system must have rested on intensive land management practices. A deeper, scientific understanding of Phase 1 site selection and land management practices, and grappling with soil selection and land management practices in the later settlement phases will deepen our insights into the importance and dynamics of agriculture in Bokoni.

Literature Review History of Bokoni Bokoni settlements stretch across the Mpumalanga Province from Carolina to Orighstad (Delius et al. 2012). Sites occur in a range of topographic contexts, from gentle, rolling hills in the south to defensive structures in the northern Kloofs (Delius & Schoeman 2010). Irrespective of location, the stone walled ruins of villages and homesteads follow similar layouts, with stone walled enclosures in the centre, and outer walls separating the domestic areas from the terraces. Roads lead from the homesteads to nearby grazing and water sources.

Recent research suggested that the settlements in the south of the region are the oldest, dating to around 1500 AD (for a more detailed discussion of the sequence see Schoeman & Delius 2011; Delius et al. 2012). This research derived this date from oral accounts, such as those recorded by Prinsloo (1936) and Pedi traditions. These recounted that they met SeKoni speaking people in the Crocodile valley, but not the Komati valley. The silence surrounding the southern sites, suggest that the Komati valley sites pre-dates the Crocodile valley occupations encountered by the Pedi. Recent research (Schoeman & Delius 2012; Delius et al.) classified the southern settlements have been classified as Phase 1 sites, and are located on gently sloping hills. The central animal enclosures in the homesteads are circular and additional circular lobes developed when the number of wives in a homestead increased (Delius et al. 2012). Consequently, an analyses of the number of lobes in a homestead could be used to assess the maturity (and wealth) of a homestead. Newer homesteads are built on the fringes, or overlaying abandoned homesteads inside villages (Faerch 2012). No dominant structures or features have been found that would suggest stark political hierarchies (Delius et al. 2012).

Delius & Schoeman (2008); Schoeman & Delius (2011) and Delius et al. (2012) state that these Phase 1 sites are located in open areas and would not have been easily defendable. As these sites were situated along the Komati and Crocodile rivers, trade with other people were easily established and maintained (Coetzee 2009; Delius et al. 2012). Unfortunately, the trade routes also allowed aggressors, such as slave raiders, to reach these settlements. This violence forms the starting point of Bokoni oral traditions recorded by Prinsloo (1936). These accounts indicated that sites such as Moxomatsi near Belfast was one of the first Bokoni settlements;

these however were attacked by 'the Mapono' (possibly Nguni groups) forcing the Bokoni people to move towards Machadadorp and Lydenburg.

The settlement layouts of the Bokoni homesteads and villages near Machadodorp and Lydenburg are similar to that of Phase 1 sites (Delius & Schoeman 2010; Delius et al. 2012). These Phase 2 sites also speak to agricultural concerns being fundamental to society. According to Schoeman & Delius and Delius et al. a dramatic shift occurred in the eighteenth century where Phase 3 settlements were built in more defendable kloofs. It is likely that these sites were initially used as refuges when violent episodes first affected the region. Initial conflict was sporadic; allowing people to continue to use open valley Phase 2 settlements to live and cultivate land (Schoeman & Delius 2012; Delius et al. 2012) However, as the violence became endemic the people of Bokoni were forced to retreat completely into the kloofs (Delius & Schoeman 2010; Delius et al. 2012). The violence increased during the Maroteng (Pedi) dispute between Thulare and his brother Dikopte. Violence further escalated with the arrival of the Ndwandwe and /or Ndebele (see Rasmussen 1978; Delius 1984: 22-29; Schoeman 1997 for a more detailed discussion on the impact of the mfecane in the region). The kloofs could not provide refuge to everybody, forcing the people of Bokoni to spread out, and find refuge with neighbouring groups such as the Ndzundza (Schoeman 1997). Those who did find refuge within the kloofs developed extensive stone walled terraces.

According to Delius et al. (2012) in the early 1800s, during this escalated violence, Chief Marangrang assumed leadership. He was based at Khutwaneng, a large terraced site south of Lydenburg, however, this site was eventually abandoned and people moved to the Dwars River valley. The Dwars River settlement was one of the final terraced Bokoni settlements, as a re-established Pedi polity had formed in the north. The conflict between this polity and the Marangrang led Bakoni ended Bokoni independence. It also destroyed the tradition of terrace agriculture (Delius et al. 2012). The final phase (Phase 4) of Bokoni history saw people remaining in the areas where they found refuge, joining mission stations, or returning to Bokoni settlements with their adopted communities. These returnee settlements, however, were short lived due to the expanding colonial frontier.

Intensive agriculture and Bokoni

A common theme in previous scholarship was that African, especially Southern African, farming communities practiced slash and burn (swidden) cultivation (Sutton 1984; Delius et al. 2012). This was clearly not the case in Bokoni. Terracing and re-use of sites suggest intensive and continued use of land for farming. The people of Bokoni chose to construct terraced sites creating an agricultural system based on intensive labour investment (Delius et al. 2012). There are various debates as to what intensive agriculture is and how to classify it. According to Sutton (1989) agricultural terracing should be viewed as an intensive agricultural practice, because building terraces requires major labour mobilisation and organisation strategy. This involves the initiation of construction, as well as the continued maintenance of these stone walled sites (Sutton 1989; Stump 2010). Sutton (1989) suggests that there is sophisticated and complex reasoning behind building terraces. Stump (2010) further argues that this sophistication or intensity of the agriculture influences other aspects of society such as surplus production and size of the population.

Maggs’ (2008) comparison between Bokoni and Engaruka in Tanzania and Marakwet in Kenya shows that these two settlements are similar to Bokoni because both practiced agricultural terracing. The terracing in Engaruka and Marakwet was used for irrigation (Sutton 1989; Westerberg et al. 2010). Similarly the agricultural terracing in Nyanga, Zimbabwe, has been linked to water management. Here stonewalled terracing was used in order to supplement rainfall where large canals were built off streams creating a fail-safe system for irrigation of crops.

The terraces in Bokoni, however, are not informed by this rationale. According to Delius & Schoeman (2008) and Maggs (2008) the rainfall in the Mpumalanga area is relatively high (ranging between 800 mm and 1500 mm per annum) and consequently irrigation is not required. Therefore various questions have arisen as to why agricultural terraces were built in Bokoni. Delius et al. (2012) describes a questionable model where people moved into the new area due to other social pressures. The soil was fertile but the rocks and the slopes within the area posed an inconvenience as these factors increased the rate of erosion. As a result they placed the rocks in terraced lines in order to counter the disequilibrium of the slopes. Soil fertility and an attempt to increase the permeability of the soils to allow for better water drainage are other possible factors (Sutton 1989).

Recent research has shown that physical factors played a central role in the location of Bokoni settlements. The topography and the geological zones are different between the south and north (Delius et al. 2012). However, there might be small scale similarities such as swarms of dolerite dykes associated with the intrusion of the Bushveld Complex near Lydenburg (Marker & Evers 1976).

Maggs (2008) suggested that maize might have been a key factor in the development of terrace agriculture, and that maize must have been present in Bokoni as a result of trade with the Portuguese coast. Thus far, however, there is no direct evidence for maize in Bokoni, but there is direct evidence regarding other crops grown in Bokoni, for example sorghum and cowpeas have been found in association with house floors south of Alexandriaspruit (Collett 1979; Stump 2010).

Millet (Finger millet, Eleusine and pearl millet, Pennisentium) and Sorghum (Sorghum bicolor) flourishes in clay soils such as doleritic soils. Although, millet can grow in a wider range of soil conditions (du Plessis 1998; Smith et al. 2007). The rainfall requirements for Sorghum and Millet are also very similar, and both can grow in water logged soils (Baltensperger et al. 1995; Smith 2007). According to the ICRISAT (2013) millet can grow in areas where there is as little as 60-100 mm rainfall per annum. Sorghum grows better in higher rainfall conditions of between 300-750 mm of rain per annum (Agriculture, forestry and fisheries 2009). Legumes such as cowpeas (Vigna unguiculata) grow in similar conditions to sorghum with a higher rainfall between 500-1200 mm per annum (Dudgje et al. 2009).

Maggs (2008) suggested that it is possible that manuring could have been present in Bokoni, and liming (addition of pot ash) often is required for optimal growth for sorghum. According to the Kansas Cooperation and Extension Service (1998) sorghum requires continuous nitrogen supplementation throughout its growth. Too much, however, would create problems during the germination phase. Cowpeas (Vigna unguiculata) do not require high nitrogen levels as it fixes nitrogen from the air. Legumes are often planted in rotation with sorghum (Dudgje et al. 2009).

The people of Shixini in Willowvale, Eastern Cape, focused on cultivation of crops and holding livestock (McAllister 1989). Livestock was important, however, the primary resources from these were not procured as regularly, and livestock was rarely slaughtered (McAllister 1989). The women managed gardens, some as large as 2.42 ha, near their homes, while fields were located further away near the rivers. The women of Shixini used manure to fertilize their gardens, but not on fields. During the mid 20th century women started to place a greater emphasis on cultivating the gardens as opposed to fields. These were fenced off and consisted of mainly loamy soils which have a greater amount of moister and especially in drought conditions (Talbolt 1988). Talbolt (1988) found that the fields were located on lower yield sandy soils, and thus the area of cultivation in the fields would be a larger than in the gardens for a similar yield.

Theory Agriculture is one of the major factors that drove the economy in Bokoni, and structuration theory can help to guide my research that tries to establish why people of Bokoni made certain decisions with reference to their cultivation practices. Structuration refers to a dual relationship between the outputs and inputs of a system (Giddens 1981; Davison 1988). Structuration theory has been applied to agriculture economies looking at social factors that play a role within agricultural communities (Dillard & Pullman 2009; van Djik et al. 1986). Van Djik et al. (1986) and Dillard & Pullman (2009) apply it to modern farming, in which the structure is the organisation of food production, and the outcomes of this are economic implications and career and social choices of people.

According to Giddens (1981) certain structures and constraints guide people’s decisions. These could include insecurity where temporary shifts are required, or due to unusual pressures on the land (Sutton 1989). One of these could have been the escalated erosion suggested by Marker & Evers (1976). Other environmental variables that would structure peoples’ choices are geology, relief, climate and the natural vegetation within these areas. It is also possible that conflict had also constrained certain factors regarding the production of the soils. In this study, the soil analysis will explore the constraints which people mediated through their agency, when they made decisions about suitable areas to plant the crops.

Perkins’ (1996) feminist view of structuration theory and agriculture, suggests that women may be constrained by domestic duties, such as looking after children. This may determine the location of the houses, which would need to be located in close proximity to the cultivated areas, as females tended to the crops. The constraints that informed their decisions varied during the different phases of the Bokoni settlements. In the early phases constraints would relate to agricultural issues, such as soil, water and space, whereas during the later phases constraints would increasingly focus to security concerns. All these factors relate to the possible inputs that structured the thoughts of people. As a result they imposed their agency when selecting a suitable area in which to plant their crops and how they had constructed these terraces.

According to Collins (1983) the problem with using structuration theory, where agricultural communities are concerned, is that there is too much emphasis on capitalism. This is problematic as it down plays the exploitation of those who produce the food surpluses (Collins 1983). This is true especially for women in communities; as they are involved in producing the crops, and have many other duties compared to the males, but do not necessarily control the fruits of their production. This outlook, however, does not impact on this project as it does not focus on gender, equality and capitalism.

Methodology

Data will be collected through geological mapping, the chemical analysis of soils, and the study of soil micromorphology of three Bokoni villages. In order to establish the change and/or continuity in the selection of settlement location I will do a comparative analysis of the agricultural potential of soils in Phase 1, Phase 2 and Phase 3 (as defined by Delius et al. 2012) Bokoni stone walled and terraced villages. Consequently, three stonewalled villages – representing the three agricultural phases - have been selected. Phase 1 sites to be sampled are Komati Gorge village 1 or Doornkop village in the Komati Valley (depending on landowner’s permission). The Phase 2 and Phase 3 villages will be Klipspruit (in the Badfontein valley) and Kranskloof (in Orighstad) respectively.

Understanding the geology of these sites is essential because it determines what types of soils will be present. The underlying geology also will help to predict what type of minerals should

be present in the soil, and what the expected nutrients would be. The geology of the area will be determined by studying geological maps as well as macro visual inspection of the rocks when collecting the soil samples.

The soil samples will be collected using a controlled sampling allocation technique. Accordingly samples will be taken at set intervals on a north-south grid through the villages. This will ensure a more representative sample of the whole village. The grids will be created on Google Earth, and intervals will be determined by the site topography and built features. Google Earth is a reliable tool in which to create grids if it has been geo-referenced. If the images are not accurate the sampling grid may be distorted.

In addition specific areas will be targeted; focussing on terraces, homesteads and their associated features. Samples will be taken within the centre of the homestead, the domestic zone, as well as the associated terraces. The number of samples taken will depend on the size of the settlements, but a minimum of 50 samples will be taken per site. Furthermore, control samples will be collected to establish a baseline. This will assist in identifying the chemical signature and micro morphology of the soils without terracing.

A soil auger will be used to take the soil samples. The samples will weigh 1 kg each and will be sent to Omnia for analysis. Analysis will focus on the micronutrients and macronutrients such as Calcium (Ca), Magnesium (Mg), Sodium (Na), Potassium (K), and Phosphate (PO4). Other aspects such as acid saturation, pH and micronutrient ratios will also be recorded.

The results of the chemical analyses will be assessed with reference to the requirements of the crops discussed earlier (millet, sorghum and cowpeas). This data will help me to assess whether the soil is suitable for these crops, and if additional soil management strategies would be needed for optimal yield and production of these crops. The soil analysis will also involve a comparison of the different areas of the sites (e.g. terraces, homesteads, non- terraced) and the controlled sample. This will help me to determine whether the terraces do improve the quality of the soils.

There are some project limitations. A challenge of chemical analysis of these soils is that there is some change in the soil through time. For example, Smith et al. (2007) indicates that

Nitrogen levels within the soils may be affected by the change of moisture in the soil. This factor will be taken into account when considering the results. Another constraint is the technique used to collect samples. Soil sampling with an auger may limit some of the results. An example would be testing for phosphorous, for which the recommended depth for extractable testing is 10 cm in depth. As depth is increased phosphorous levels decrease which in turn may affect the final result (Daly & Casey 2005). The depths at which my samples will be taken will focus on the root penetration zone, which ranges between 0.1 and 0.5 m. The nutrients in the soil might also not reflect the levels during archaeological occupations. This depends on the amount of subsequent leaching and rainfall. Therefore, more modern soils also will be used as a comparative sample (Daly & Casey 2005; Shukla et al. 2006).

While collecting the soil nutrient samples, smaller samples will be taken in order to study the micromorphology of the soils. This is essential as the micromorphology of the soils will help to determine the agricultural potential of the soils. The potential of the soil will be established through an analysis of the ability of these soils to store nutrients, whether the soils are able to sustain biodegradation and promote root growth as well as the resistance of the soil to erosion (Shukla et al. 2006). I will specifically focus on the ability of the soil to retain moisture, the amount of organic matter in the sample, grain size, presence of rocks and the depth of the soils. The retention of moisture in the soil will be judged through visual analysis when collecting the soil. The percentage organic matter such as roots, other plant material and rocks will be visually inspected. It, however, is essential to understand that the micromorphology of the soils are not often preserved in the archaeological record (Fraser et al. 2011) and that the micromorphology presented in this research may only represent contemporary soils.

The depths of the soil will be determined according to the amount of times the auger had to be used to reach the bed rock. This will be referred to as the amount of auger heads. As the size of the auger head is known, soil depth will be easily established.

Summary Previous studies indicate that the geological, topographical and social contexts of Bokoni settlements changed when the occupations moved from south to north. It, however, appears that terraced agriculture continued through the sequence. The changing physical context of

production, however, might have resulted in the use of different soils due to the changing geological contexts. Different soils would require changes in traditional soil management strategies. It is possible that the people of Bokoni changed their soil management strategies, or they may have selected sites with similar clay rich soils in order to continue their existing agricultural strategies. My research will explore these choices.

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