Congressional Record—House H5705

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Congressional Record—House H5705 June 23, 2003 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE H5705 that it ought to all go for the common House with a number of my colleagues struction is to determine what has hap- good, that everything ought to be who will be joining me later, notably pened regarding our intelligence and thrown into one pot and everybody the gentleman from Massachusetts the political use of that intelligence by shares equally. If you believe in the so- (Mr. DELAHUNT) and the gentleman the Bush administration in the argu- cialistic type of government, then you from Hawaii (Mr. ABERCROMBIE), to ments to support war in Iraq. There is can justify a death tax. But if you be- talk about Iraq. no question that the Bush administra- lieve in the democratic, capitalistic Mr. Speaker, we have had a great tion and the leading senior advisors to process which has made this country, military victory in Iraq. Our young the President stated with complete cer- by the way, the greatest country in the men and women performed with great tainty in the fall of 2002 that Saddam history of the world, there is no way courage and great effectiveness. We are Hussein had weapons of mass destruc- under any circumstances that you all very proud of our military and the tion, was developing more weapons of could justify this tax. fact that the threat of the Saddam mass destruction, and posed an immi- As I said earlier, last week we voted, Hussein regime is no longer present to nent threat to the region and, in fact, it is over on the other side now, we threaten regional and world peace. But to the world. In private briefings and in voted for permanent elimination of we have two questions that we believe public statements, the President of the that tax, of that death tax. Unfortu- need to be addressed: First, is our mili- United States and his senior advisors nately, most of the Democrats once tary mission complete in Iraq? Sec- assured Members of Congress and the again have chosen to support and to ondly, having won the military vic- American people that the weapons of continue the death tax. tory, are we winning the peace? mass destruction existed, that they It is time for the American public, Regarding the military mission, I were being developed in even greater Mr. Speaker, to understand why there would suggest to the House that our numbers, and that they posed an immi- is a difference between Republicans mission is not complete without a full nent threat. And many of us, myself in- and Democrats. There is one issue I accounting of the weapons of mass de- cluded, based our vote in favor of mili- feel very deeply about in my heart that struction. There is no question that the tary action against Iraq for the pri- separates our two parties. Granted, primary purpose for invading Iraq put mary purpose of disarming Saddam about 40 of the more conservative forward by the administration last Hussein of weapons of mass destruc- Democrats did vote to eliminate the year and accepted by a majority of the tion. Now we cannot find them. death tax and for that they deserve Members of Congress, myself included, More troubling, now stories are ap- credit. But when I am out there, I do was for the purpose of disarming Sad- pearing in the press and intelligence not feel like I am getting in a partisan dam Hussein of weapons of mass de- analysts are stepping forward, only on argument, I do not feel like I am tak- struction. There is no question that the record if they have retired, off the ing any cheap spots when I point out Hussein had such weapons in the past. record if they still are at work for the that the death tax is primarily sup- The international United Nations in- United States, saying, in fact, they ported by the Democrats and the elimi- spectors were finding them in the mid were not giving such certain advice to nation of the death tax is driven by the and late 1990s. Hussein used weapons of the White House in the fall of 2002, that Republicans. When you go out to the mass destruction, notably chemical they were saying we cannot be sure heartland of America, when you go out weapons, against his own citizens with what kinds of weapons of mass destruc- there into that countryside some time, devastating and brutal effects. No one tion Saddam Hussein had in the fall of see if you have got enough guts to look has dreamt up or made up the motion 2002. that farm family in the face and say to that Hussein had in the past weapons On September 26, 2002, the President them, it is because of you that the next of mass destruction. There is no doubt made a speech in the Rose Garden stat- generation in that family will in all that he did. But we cannot find them ing with great certainty that Saddam likelihood not be able to continue the now. We do not know where they are. Hussein had chemical and biological farming or ranching operation. Perhaps they are buried in the desert weapons of mass destruction and was I urge my colleagues and I urge espe- and we will find them next week. I developing additional chemical and bi- cially my Democratic colleagues, it is hope that is the case. Perhaps he gave ological weapons of mass destruction, time for you to surrender this issue, them to some other group or some and yet at the same time it now has be- because it is the right thing to do. It is other country. Perhaps he destroyed come public. The Defense Intelligence time for you Democrats to step up to them. We do not know what happened, Agency in September, 2002, was circu- the plate and support the American but many of us in the House believe lating a report through the White farmer and the American rancher and that we must have a full accounting of House in the highest levels of the ad- the American small business. The best what happened to the weapons of mass ministration saying ‘‘there was no way that you can do that is to vote to destruction before our military mission credible evidence that Saddam Hussein eliminate the death tax. Give these is complete, for two basic reasons. families, give these farms, give these currently had weapons of mass destruc- First off, we need to know where they tion or was developing more weapons of small businesses, give these ranches an are. If they are not in Iraq and have opportunity to go to the next genera- mass destruction.’’ There was some been given or taken someplace else, we evidence, but no credible evidence that tion. We all benefit. Our communities need to secure them, to dismantle benefit. Our environment benefits. that was a certainty. And that lack of them. We need to know who has the certainty did not make its way into Push the socialistic temptation aside custody of them. and adopt, rather, what I call the fair- the public and private arguments made ness doctrine. It is very simple, just be b 2300 by the administration. So many of us fair. If you could just be fair in your If they are in Iraq, we have to find feel that the Bush administration has a assessment of this horrible tax, you too them. We have to make sure that the growing credibility gap regarding the next time will join the Republicans and coalition forces gain custody of those weapons of mass destruction. vote against the continuation of the weapons of mass destruction and not Why does this matter? It matters death tax. another group that might use them for greatly for the President’s new doc- trine of preemption, of the preemptive f evil purposes. If these weapons have been destroyed, all for the better; but use of military power to stop an IRAQ AND WEAPONS OF MASS we need to know why our intelligence enemy. I do believe in an age of terror DESTRUCTION did not know that fact. We frankly when we are dealing with adversaries The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. need to know what happened to them that do not always come from another GARRETT of New Jersey). Under the so that we could be sure that the world country who do not always have a cap- Speaker’s announced policy of January has been rid of that particular group of ital city to defend or a homeland to de- 7, 2003, the gentleman from Pennsyl- weapons of mass destruction and that, fend when we are dealing with terror- vania (Mr. HOEFFEL) is recognized for if they do exist, they are in safe cus- ists who are not only faceless but 60 minutes. tody. stateless that it may be necessary to Mr. HOEFFEL. Mr. Speaker, I appre- The second reason that we need a full take preemptive military action if we ciate the opportunity to address the accounting of the weapons of mass de- are faced with an imminent threat to VerDate Jan 31 2003 03:59 Jun 24, 2003 Jkt 019060 PO 00000 Frm 00039 Fmt 7634 Sfmt 0634 E:\CR\FM\K23JN7.092 H23PT1 H5706 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE June 23, 2003 this country. But that presupposes that that nation and the Saddam Hussein not only with this piece of information, we have accurate intelligence. It is one regime in Iraq relative to the desire of but other pieces of information that thing to respond to an attack against Saddam Hussein to purchase highly en- were relied on or alluded to that sup- us.
Recommended publications
  • A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathification in Iraq
    International Center for Transitional Justice IRAQ A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathifi cation in Iraq Miranda Sissons and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi March 2013 Cover: Baath Party membership card. International Center for Transitional Justice IRAQ A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathifi cation in Iraq Miranda Sissons and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi March 2013 International Center A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of de-Baathifi cation in Iraq for Transitional Justice Acknowledgements The authors wish to acknowledge the vital contributions of Tha’ir al-Da’mi, Serge Rumin, and Alexander Mayer-Riekh. We particularly wish to thank the many Iraqi offi cials, parliamentarians, judges, and others whom we interviewed between 2006 and 2011, including many members of the Higher National de-Baathifi cation Commission. Many of our interlocutors died, fl ed, or suff ered other serious harms during the period of research. We remember you all. About the Author This report was written by Miranda Sissons, former chief of staff at ICTJ, and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi, an ICTJ consultant. The report also benefi ted from a signifi cantly earlier version developed by Miranda Sissons and ICTJ consultant Dr Eric Scheye. About ICTJ The International Center for Transitional Justice is an international nonprofi t organization specializing in the fi eld of transitional justice. ICTJ works to help societies in transition address legacies of massive human rights violations and to build civic trust in state institutions as protectors of human rights. In the aftermath of mass atrocity and repression, we assist institutions and civil society groups—the people who are driving and shaping change in their societies—in considering measures to provide truth, accountability, and redress for past abuses.
    [Show full text]
  • Two Cheers for Bargaining Theory Two Cheers for David A
    Two Cheers for Bargaining Theory Two Cheers for David A. Lake Bargaining Theory Assessing Rationalist Explanations of the Iraq War The Iraq War has been one of the most signiªcant events in world politics since the end of the Cold War. One of the ªrst preventive wars in history, it cost trillions of dollars, re- sulted in more than 4,500 U.S. and coalition casualties (to date), caused enor- mous suffering in Iraq, and may have spurred greater anti-Americanism in the Middle East even while reducing potential threats to the United States and its allies. Yet, despite its profound importance, the causes of the war have re- ceived little sustained analysis from scholars of international relations.1 Al- though there have been many descriptions of the lead-up to the war, the ªghting, and the occupation, these largely journalistic accounts explain how but not why the war occurred.2 In this article, I assess a leading academic theory of conºict—the rationalist approach to war or, simply, bargaining theory—as one possible explanation of the Iraq War.3 Bargaining theory is currently the dominant approach in conºict David A. Lake is Jerri-Ann and Gary E. Jacobs Professor of Social Sciences, Distinguished Professor of Political Science, and Associate Dean of Social Sciences at the University of California, San Diego. He is the author, most recently, of Hierarchy in International Relations (Cornell University Press, 2009). The author is indebted to Peter Gourevitch, Stephan Haggard, Miles Kahler, James Long, Rose McDermott, Etel Solingen, and Barbara Walter for helpful discussions on Iraq or comments on this article.
    [Show full text]
  • Saddam Hussein
    Saddam Hussein ﺻﺪام ﺣﺴﻴﻦ :Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majid al-Tikriti (/hʊˈseɪn/;[5] Arabic Marshal Ṣaddām Ḥusayn ʿAbd al-Maǧīd al-Tikrītī;[a] 28 April ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪ اﻟﺘﻜﺮﻳﺘﻲ 1937[b] – 30 December 2006) was President of Iraq from 16 July 1979 until 9 Saddam Hussein ﺻﺪام ﺣﺴﻴﻦ April 2003.[10] A leading member of the revolutionary Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, and later, the Baghdad-based Ba'ath Party and its regional organization the Iraqi Ba'ath Party—which espoused Ba'athism, a mix of Arab nationalism and socialism—Saddam played a key role in the 1968 coup (later referred to as the 17 July Revolution) that brought the party to power inIraq . As vice president under the ailing General Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr, and at a time when many groups were considered capable of overthrowing the government, Saddam created security forces through which he tightly controlled conflicts between the government and the armed forces. In the early 1970s, Saddam nationalized oil and foreign banks leaving the system eventually insolvent mostly due to the Iran–Iraq War, the Gulf War, and UN sanctions.[11] Through the 1970s, Saddam cemented his authority over the apparatus of government as oil money helped Iraq's economy to grow at a rapid pace. Positions of power in the country were mostly filled with Sunni Arabs, a minority that made up only a fifth of the population.[12] Official portrait of Saddam Hussein in Saddam formally rose to power in 1979, although he had already been the de 1979 facto head of Iraq for several years.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance
    Order Code RL31339 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance Updated May 16, 2005 Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance Summary Operation Iraqi Freedom accomplished a long-standing U.S. objective, the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, but replacing his regime with a stable, moderate, democratic political structure has been complicated by a persistent Sunni Arab-led insurgency. The Bush Administration asserts that establishing democracy in Iraq will catalyze the promotion of democracy throughout the Middle East. The desired outcome would also likely prevent Iraq from becoming a sanctuary for terrorists, a key recommendation of the 9/11 Commission report. The Bush Administration asserts that U.S. policy in Iraq is now showing substantial success, demonstrated by January 30, 2005 elections that chose a National Assembly, and progress in building Iraq’s various security forces. The Administration says it expects that the current transition roadmap — including votes on a permanent constitution by October 31, 2005 and for a permanent government by December 15, 2005 — are being implemented. Others believe the insurgency is widespread, as shown by its recent attacks, and that the Iraqi government could not stand on its own were U.S. and allied international forces to withdraw from Iraq. Some U.S. commanders and senior intelligence officials say that some Islamic militants have entered Iraq since Saddam Hussein fell, to fight what they see as a new “jihad” (Islamic war) against the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • 6/21/2003 Jay Garner's Statement on Wmd in Iraq
    ; • JuneJUDe 21,200321, 2003 TO: MareMarc Thiessen FROM: Donald Rumsfeld UQ SUBJECT: WMD Here isis a very good answer on WMD by Jay Garner. Thanks. Attach. Page from transcript of June 18 press avail w/Jay GarnerGamer DHR:dh 062103-9 ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• Please respond by ---7 _ U20327 103 Certified As Unclassified January 9 2009 IAW EO 12958, as amended Chief, RDD, ESD, WHS DoD News: Secretary Rumsfeld Media Availability with Jay GarnerGamer Page 7 of 12 matter. I do know that the intelligence has been what it has been for a decade and more, and it has gotten richer every year -- fuller, more robust. It is intelligence that the V.S.U.S. had, that the V.K.U.K. had. It is intelligence that was not disputed in the V.N.U.N. Ifyou'llIf you'll recall, the issue wasn't whether or not the intelligence was COITect by the other countries, the only issue was whether it whether or not the intelligence was correct by the other countries, the only issue was whether it was appropriate to wait a bit longerIonger to allow inspections to work. What you have to appreciate is that they learnedleamed to live in an inspections environment in that country; that is to say to be able to still function and have inspectors there in the country. And they had a very long period to hide, or do whatever it is they wanted to do with those they had a very long period to hide, or do whatever it is they wanted to do with those capabilicapabilities.ties.
    [Show full text]
  • The Coalition Provisional Authority and the Evolution of the Iraqi Special Tribunal Tom Parkert
    Cornell International Law Journal Volume 38 Article 11 Issue 3 2005 Prosecuting Saddam: The oC alition Provisional Authority and the Evolution of the Iraqi Special Tribunal Tom Parker Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Parker, Tom (2005) "Prosecuting Saddam: The oC alition Provisional Authority and the Evolution of the Iraqi Special Tribunal," Cornell International Law Journal: Vol. 38: Iss. 3, Article 11. Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj/vol38/iss3/11 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell International Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Prosecuting Saddam: The Coalition Provisional Authority and the Evolution of the Iraqi Special Tribunal Tom Parkert Introduction ..................................................... 899 I. Investigative Strategy ..................................... 901 II. Trial Scheduling .......................................... 904 II . Local Capacity Building .................................. 905 IV. Community Outreach .................................... 906 V. Victors' Justice? .......................................... 907 VL The Death Penalty ........................................ 907 C onclusion ...................................................... 909 Introduction
    [Show full text]
  • THE SEVEN DEADLY SINS of FAILURE in IRAQ: a RETROSPECTIVE ANALYSIS of the RECONSTRUCTION by Kenneth M
    THE SEVEN DEADLY SINS OF FAILURE IN IRAQ: A RETROSPECTIVE ANALYSIS OF THE RECONSTRUCTION By Kenneth M. Pollack *This article will appear in Barry Rubin (ed.), Iraq After Saddam (Sharpe, 2007). To order, please contact [email protected]. This article examines the course of the disastrous U.S. reconstruction of Iraq from the invasion through the fall of 2006. It locates the source of America’s many failings not only in the ignorance that governed the Bush Administration’s assumptions about the ease of postwar reconstruction and the absence of appropriate or realistic planning that resulted, but also in a series of equally mistaken decisions by the Bush Administration, the Coalition Provisional Authority, and the U.S. military in the years that followed. It argues that the political deadlock, security vacuum, and absence of a functional Iraqi economy today are all the result of these problems and that only dramatic changes in U.S. policy—not the tactical tinkering that the Bush Administration has engaged in over the past 18 months and that many of its critics continue to recommend today—have any chance of undoing the damage of this long chain of needless mistakes. It never had to be this bad. The consistently failed to provide them with the reconstruction of Iraq was never going to be opportunities and the framework to quick or easy, but it was not doomed to succeed.2 Indeed, perhaps the most tragic failure.1 Its disastrous course to date has evidence of this unrealized potential is that been almost entirely the result of a even three-and-a-half years after Saddam’s sequence of foolish and unnecessary fall, with Iraq mired in a deepening civil mistakes on the part of the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • From De-Ba'athification to Daesh: Analyzing the Consequences Of
    From De-Ba’athification to Daesh: Analyzing the Consequences of U.S. Policy in Iraq C. J. Dijkstra S1357298 Supervisor: Dr. T. Nalbantian August 2017 Leiden University Faculty of Humanities MA Middle-Eastern Studies: Modern Middle-Eastern Studies Thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Arts 2 Table of contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 4 State of the field ....................................................................................................................... 6 Pattern of organization ............................................................................................................ 8 Theoretical framework .......................................................................................................... 10 Methodology .......................................................................................................................... 11 Chapter 1 – Ottomans and Ba’athists: Historical context of Iraq ................................................. 12 1.1 A brief history of Iraq .......................................................................................................... 12 The Ottoman Empire ............................................................................................................. 12 The British Mandate era ........................................................................................................ 14 Iraq from 1979-2003 ............................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance
    Order Code RL31339 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance Updated November 21, 2005 Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance Summary Operation Iraqi Freedom succeeded in overthrowing Saddam Hussein, but Iraq remains violent and unstable because of Sunni Arab resentment and a related insurgency. The Bush Administration says that U.S. forces will remain in Iraq until the country is a stable democracy that will not host radical Islamist forces. The Administration has held out Iraq as a potential model for reform throughout the Middle East. However, mounting casualties and costs have intensified a debate within the United States over the wisdom of the invasion and whether or not to wind down U.S. involvement without completely accomplishing those goals. The Bush Administration asserts that U.S. policy in Iraq is showing important successes, demonstrated by elections that chose a National Assembly (January 30, 2005), a referendum that adopted a permanent constitution (October 15, 2005), progress in building Iraq’s security forces, and economic growth. The next major milestone will be the holding of elections for a permanent government by December 15, 2005. While continuing to build, equip, and train Iraqi security units, the Administration has been working with the new Iraqi government to include more Sunni Arabs in the power structure; Sunnis, many of whom are mobilizing to vote against the draft constitution, were dominant during the regime of Saddam Hussein and now feel marginalized by the newly dominant Shiite Arabs and Kurds.
    [Show full text]
  • US Blunders in Iraq: De-Baathification and Disbanding the Army
    Intelligence and National Security Vol. 25, No. 1, 76–85, February 2010 US Blunders in Iraq: De-Baathification and Disbanding the Army JAMES P. PFIFFNER ABSTRACT In May 2003 Paul Bremer issued CPA Orders to exclude from the new Iraq government members of the Baath Party (CPA Order 1) and to disband the Iraqi Army (CPA Order 2). These two orders severely undermined the capacity of the occupying forces to maintain security and continue the ordinary functioning of the Iraq government. The decisions reversed previous National Security Council judgments and were made over the objections of high ranking military and intelligence officers. The article concludes that the most likely decision maker was the Vice President. Early in the occupation of Iraq two key decisions were made that gravely jeopardized US chances for success in Iraq: (1) the decision to bar from government work Iraqis who ranked in the top four levels of Sadam’s Baath Party or who held positions in the top three levels of each ministry; (2) the decision to disband the Iraqi Army and replace it with a new army built from scratch. These two fateful decisions were made against the advice of military and CIA professionals and without consulting important members of the President’s staff and cabinet. This article will first examine the de- Baathification order and then take up the even more far reaching decision to disband the Iraqi Army. Both of these decisions fueled the insurgency by: (1) alienating hundreds of thousands of Iraqis who could not support themselves or their families; (2) by undermining the normal infrastructure necessary for social and economic activity; (3) by ensuring that there was not sufficient security to carry on normal life; and (4) by creating insurgents who were angry at the US, many of whom had weapons and were trained to use them.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Commander-In-Chief Power
    Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2008 On the Commander-In-Chief Power David Luban Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] Georgetown Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper No. 1026302 This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/598 http://ssrn.com/abstract=1026302 81 S. Cal. L. Rev. 477-571 (2008) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Constitutional Law Commons ON THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF POWER ∗ DAVID LUBAN BRADBURY: Obviously, the Hamdan decision, Senator, does implicitly recognize that we’re in a war, that the President’s war powers were triggered by the attacks on the country, and that [the] law of war paradigm applies. That’s what the whole case was about. LEAHY: Was the President right or was he wrong? BRADBURY: It’s under the law of war that we . LEAHY: Was the President right or was he wrong? BRADBURY: . hold the President is always right, Senator. —exchange between a U.S. Senator and a Justice Department 1 lawyer ∗ University Professor and Professor of Law and Philosophy, Georgetown University. I owe thanks to John Partridge and Sebastian Kaplan-Sears for excellent research assistance; to Greg Reichberg, Bill Mengel, and Tim Sellers for clarifying several points of American, Roman, and military history; to Marty Lederman for innumerable helpful and critical conversations; and to Vicki Jackson, Paul Kahn, Larry Solum, and Amy Sepinwall for helpful comments on an earlier draft.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lost Year in Iraq" Teacher's Guide
    "The Lost Year in Iraq" Teacher's Guide About the Film: In the aftermath of the fall of Saddam Hussein, a group of Americans led by Ambassador L. Paul Bremer III, set off to Baghdad to build a new nation and plant democracy in the Arab Middle East. One year later, Bremer was forced to secretly exit what some have called "the most dangerous place on earth," leaving behind lawlessness, insurgency, economic collapse, death, destruction -- and much of his idealism. Three years later, as America continues to look for an exit strategy, the government they helped create and the infrastructure they designed are being tested. FRONTLINE follows the early efforts and ideals of the reconstruction efforts that tried to seize control and disband the Iraqi police, army, and Baathist government -- and how, along the way, those working on the reconstruction became hardened to the realities of postwar Iraq. Watching the Film: For classes in social studies, civics and government, language arts, current events and history; Grade Level 9-12 Teachers can either assign the film for viewing as homework or show the film in class. Suggested discussion questions are provided. The lessons and activities in this guide can be used in the classroom without having viewed the film. A Note to Teachers: This lesson has students examine three models for postwar reconstruction: the Teller Amendment, the Marshall Plan, and the Bremer Plan. Each was a reflection of its period and addressed issues unique to that time. While there are similarities and lessons to be learned from each, the circumstances, participants, and political climates are different in each of these periods, and application of one plan in part or full does not necessarily suit other contexts.
    [Show full text]