Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance
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Call to Change Mindset and Attitude
Published by the Department of Information FEBRUARY, 2009 Prime Minister’s Office VOLUME 24 ISSUE 2 Royal speech on 25th National Day HM: Call to change mindset and attitude BANDAR SERI BEGAWAN, February roads in Brunei was only 160km long, 22 – His Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal with a small number of houses, schools, Bolkiah Mu’izzaddin Waddaulah, The one hospital and a small number of Sultan and Yang Di-Pertuan of Brunei literate people. Darussalam said that there is a need to The late Sultan focused on fulfilling change our mindset and attitude and several basic necessities such as strengthen our moral base and ethics health and education facilities, in the bid to stimulate growth and construction of houses, roads, electric achieve excellence as a country. power station, communication system His Majesty said these in his titah and developing the oil industry, (royal speech) to mark the 25th agriculture and fisheries. The National National Day of Brunei Darussalam Development Plan had successfully which was broadcasted nationwide provided peace and harmony to the through radio and television. citizens of this country. Earlier in his royal speech, His His Majesty also highlighted on the Majesty said that development importance of an educated human process of this nation begun more than resource. This is important as this 25 years before its independence. The country is a small country with a small direction of the nation’s development population. A quality human resource PHOTO: PG. HAJI BAHAR OMAR was created through the vision, is the deciding factor for a country’s His Majesty delivers a titah in conjunction with the 25th National Day of Brunei ideologies and hard work of the capability to enjoy prolonged Darussalam. -
A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathification in Iraq
International Center for Transitional Justice IRAQ A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathifi cation in Iraq Miranda Sissons and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi March 2013 Cover: Baath Party membership card. International Center for Transitional Justice IRAQ A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathifi cation in Iraq Miranda Sissons and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi March 2013 International Center A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of de-Baathifi cation in Iraq for Transitional Justice Acknowledgements The authors wish to acknowledge the vital contributions of Tha’ir al-Da’mi, Serge Rumin, and Alexander Mayer-Riekh. We particularly wish to thank the many Iraqi offi cials, parliamentarians, judges, and others whom we interviewed between 2006 and 2011, including many members of the Higher National de-Baathifi cation Commission. Many of our interlocutors died, fl ed, or suff ered other serious harms during the period of research. We remember you all. About the Author This report was written by Miranda Sissons, former chief of staff at ICTJ, and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi, an ICTJ consultant. The report also benefi ted from a signifi cantly earlier version developed by Miranda Sissons and ICTJ consultant Dr Eric Scheye. About ICTJ The International Center for Transitional Justice is an international nonprofi t organization specializing in the fi eld of transitional justice. ICTJ works to help societies in transition address legacies of massive human rights violations and to build civic trust in state institutions as protectors of human rights. In the aftermath of mass atrocity and repression, we assist institutions and civil society groups—the people who are driving and shaping change in their societies—in considering measures to provide truth, accountability, and redress for past abuses. -
30Th January–25Th February 2013
Security Trends NCCI’s Security Trends Analysis providesSecurity internal advice for TrendsAnalysis NCCI members only and should not be forwarded outside your 30th January–25th February 2013 By organization. If forwarded internally, care must be taken to ensure that it is not passed Analysis on to any third parties. [Type text] The NCCI Security Trends Analysis is provided to member NGOs once a month as an informational and advisory report on possible trends, threats and incidents based on information received from NGOs, the media, international organizations and official sources. Every reasonable effort is made to ensure the accuracy of the information contained in this analysis. NCCI collates information from reliable sources. Where a source is in doubt, NCCI seeks to corroborate that information. There may be an occasion when some information is included and its accuracy cannot be guaranteed. This typically occurs with an emerging or developing situation when it is considered in the best interests of NCCI’s member organisations to be made aware of any available information. We thank you in advance for NOT disseminating this document and ensuring that it is ONLY circulated between members within your organisation General information is available to members at the NCCI website, www.ncciraq.org Please do not hesitate to contact us at [email protected] 2 | NCCI | We thank you for not disseminating this document and ensuring that it is only circulated between members within your organization Table of Contents Mukhtar Militia is -
Two Cheers for Bargaining Theory Two Cheers for David A
Two Cheers for Bargaining Theory Two Cheers for David A. Lake Bargaining Theory Assessing Rationalist Explanations of the Iraq War The Iraq War has been one of the most signiªcant events in world politics since the end of the Cold War. One of the ªrst preventive wars in history, it cost trillions of dollars, re- sulted in more than 4,500 U.S. and coalition casualties (to date), caused enor- mous suffering in Iraq, and may have spurred greater anti-Americanism in the Middle East even while reducing potential threats to the United States and its allies. Yet, despite its profound importance, the causes of the war have re- ceived little sustained analysis from scholars of international relations.1 Al- though there have been many descriptions of the lead-up to the war, the ªghting, and the occupation, these largely journalistic accounts explain how but not why the war occurred.2 In this article, I assess a leading academic theory of conºict—the rationalist approach to war or, simply, bargaining theory—as one possible explanation of the Iraq War.3 Bargaining theory is currently the dominant approach in conºict David A. Lake is Jerri-Ann and Gary E. Jacobs Professor of Social Sciences, Distinguished Professor of Political Science, and Associate Dean of Social Sciences at the University of California, San Diego. He is the author, most recently, of Hierarchy in International Relations (Cornell University Press, 2009). The author is indebted to Peter Gourevitch, Stephan Haggard, Miles Kahler, James Long, Rose McDermott, Etel Solingen, and Barbara Walter for helpful discussions on Iraq or comments on this article. -
Istanbul As Seen from a Distance
ISTANBUL AS SEEN FROM A DISTANCE CENTRE AND PROVINCES IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE Edited by Elisabetlf. Özdalga M. Sait Ozervarlı Feryal Tansuğ • AVRUPA •KOLTÜR BAŞKENTI IW:CPLUI WnN. U CIJU'WI SWEDISH RESEARCH INSTITUTEINISTANBUL TRANSACTIONS VOL. 20 A GlJ.rripse from the Periphery: Medina in·the Young Turk Era HASANKAYALI The repeated failures of Ottoman govemments to stern the loss of large European territories to nationalist and secessionist movements throughout the 19th century shifted the focus of their centralising policies in the last quarter of the century to the Asian periphery, including Eastem Anatolia, Syria, Iraq and Arabia. 1 This reorientation had relatively little effect on the province of the Hijaz in Westem Arabia, in part due to its distance from the capital, but more especially because the province traditionally held a unique place in the Ottoman order. The privileges that the Hijaz enjoyed setitapart from the Arab societies in the Fertile Crescent that were being more closely integrated in to the i.mperial centre. lt also lacked the large urban centres with agricultural hinter lands in which the relationship between the i.mperial government and local society was subjected to renegotiation under the pressure of novel economic forces. Yet at the beginning of the 20th century, the town of Medina, situated· in northem Hijaz, emerged as a site of Ottoman penetration of the Arabian frontier. Particularly after 1908, when the centralist policies of the Young Turk govemments brought a new di.mension to Ottoman integration of the provinces, one that was less dependent on the sultan's patronage, the relationship of Medina to Istanbul, and together with it, the mutual vantages from the i.mperi al centre and northem Arabian peninsula, underwent transformation. -
Saddam Hussein
Saddam Hussein ﺻﺪام ﺣﺴﻴﻦ :Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majid al-Tikriti (/hʊˈseɪn/;[5] Arabic Marshal Ṣaddām Ḥusayn ʿAbd al-Maǧīd al-Tikrītī;[a] 28 April ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪ اﻟﺘﻜﺮﻳﺘﻲ 1937[b] – 30 December 2006) was President of Iraq from 16 July 1979 until 9 Saddam Hussein ﺻﺪام ﺣﺴﻴﻦ April 2003.[10] A leading member of the revolutionary Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, and later, the Baghdad-based Ba'ath Party and its regional organization the Iraqi Ba'ath Party—which espoused Ba'athism, a mix of Arab nationalism and socialism—Saddam played a key role in the 1968 coup (later referred to as the 17 July Revolution) that brought the party to power inIraq . As vice president under the ailing General Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr, and at a time when many groups were considered capable of overthrowing the government, Saddam created security forces through which he tightly controlled conflicts between the government and the armed forces. In the early 1970s, Saddam nationalized oil and foreign banks leaving the system eventually insolvent mostly due to the Iran–Iraq War, the Gulf War, and UN sanctions.[11] Through the 1970s, Saddam cemented his authority over the apparatus of government as oil money helped Iraq's economy to grow at a rapid pace. Positions of power in the country were mostly filled with Sunni Arabs, a minority that made up only a fifth of the population.[12] Official portrait of Saddam Hussein in Saddam formally rose to power in 1979, although he had already been the de 1979 facto head of Iraq for several years. -
Template Fikrah
Shaer yang Di-pertuan … Fikrah: Jurnal Ilmu Aqidah dan Studi Keagamaan issn 2354-6174 eissn 2476-9649 Tersedia online di: journal.iainkudus.ac.id/index.php/fikrah Volume 8 Nomor 1 2020, (1-24) DOI: 10.21043/fikrah.v8i1.7063 Shaer Yang di-Pertuan: Tinjuan Historis Relasi Umara dan Ulama di Brunei Darussalam Izzah Naqibah binti Kamis Universiti Islam Sultan Sharif Ali [email protected] Muhammed Sahrin bin Haji Masri Universiti Islam Sultan Sharif Ali [email protected] Abstrak Umara dan ulama adalah dua golongan yang sangat berpengaruh dengan tampilan hubungan dasar dalam perkembangan Negara Brunei Darussalam. Pada dasarnya Ulama memiliki sifat sebagai pewaris para nabi, mereka beperanan sebagai mursyid dalam masyarakat Melayu. Fenomena ini telah dijelaskan dengan keutamaan nama-nama mereka dalam beberapa bahan nadir seperti manuskrip, batu dan tersilah, hikayat dan sebagainya. Namun para ulama jarang menonjolkannya dalam paparan dengan pendekatan berbentuk syair. Karya "Shear Yang Di-Pertuan" adalah salah satu syair yang pernah ditulis dan dapat dianggap sebagai bagian terpenting dari Brunei Darussalam. Syair ini ditulis oleh Pehin Siraja Khatib Awang Abdul Razak bin Hasanuddin, seorang Ulama Brunei yang terkenal sekitar akhir abad ke 19 dan awal abad ke 20. Terdapat banyak peristiwa penting pada masa pemerintahan Sultan Muhammad Jamalul Alam II (Sultan Brunei ke 26) yang dipaparkan dalam syair ini. Atas dasar ini, kajian ini akan menerangkan beberapa komponen penting dalam “Syaer Yang Di-Pertuan” dan mengenai bagaimana hubungan umara- ulama berjalan dalam masa yang sama akan mengetengahkan beberapa orang ulama yang terlibat secara langsung kerana mereka ini cukup berpengaruh sebagai penyambung perjuangan menyebarkan Islam di NBD dan berperanan dalam perkembangan kenegaraan dan pentadbiran di Brunei Darussalam. -
Won't You Be My Neighbor
Won’t You Be My Neighbor: Syria, Iraq and the Changing Strategic Context in the Middle East S TEVEN SIMON Council on Foreign Relations March 2009 www.usip.org Date www.usip.org UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE – WORKING PAPER Won’t You Be My Neighbor UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 Washington, DC 20036-3011 © 2009 by the United States Institute of Peace. The views expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace, which does not advocate specific policy positions. This is a working draft. Comments, questions, and permission to cite should be directed to the author ([email protected]) or [email protected]. This is a working draft. Comments, questions, and permission to cite should be directed to the author ([email protected]) or [email protected]. UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE – WORKING PAPER Won’t You Be My Neighbor About this Report Iraq's neighbors are playing a major role—both positive and negative—in the stabilization and reconstruction of post-Saddam Iraq. In an effort to prevent conflict across Iraq's borders and in order to promote positive international and regional engagement, USIP has initiated high-level, non-official dialogue between foreign policy and national security figures from Iraq, its neighbors and the United States. The Institute’s "Iraq and its Neighbors" project has also convened a group of leading specialists on the geopolitics of the region to assess the interests and influence of the countries surrounding Iraq and to explain the impact of these transformed relationships on U.S. -
Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance
Order Code RL31339 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance Updated May 16, 2005 Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance Summary Operation Iraqi Freedom accomplished a long-standing U.S. objective, the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, but replacing his regime with a stable, moderate, democratic political structure has been complicated by a persistent Sunni Arab-led insurgency. The Bush Administration asserts that establishing democracy in Iraq will catalyze the promotion of democracy throughout the Middle East. The desired outcome would also likely prevent Iraq from becoming a sanctuary for terrorists, a key recommendation of the 9/11 Commission report. The Bush Administration asserts that U.S. policy in Iraq is now showing substantial success, demonstrated by January 30, 2005 elections that chose a National Assembly, and progress in building Iraq’s various security forces. The Administration says it expects that the current transition roadmap — including votes on a permanent constitution by October 31, 2005 and for a permanent government by December 15, 2005 — are being implemented. Others believe the insurgency is widespread, as shown by its recent attacks, and that the Iraqi government could not stand on its own were U.S. and allied international forces to withdraw from Iraq. Some U.S. commanders and senior intelligence officials say that some Islamic militants have entered Iraq since Saddam Hussein fell, to fight what they see as a new “jihad” (Islamic war) against the United States. -
6/21/2003 Jay Garner's Statement on Wmd in Iraq
; • JuneJUDe 21,200321, 2003 TO: MareMarc Thiessen FROM: Donald Rumsfeld UQ SUBJECT: WMD Here isis a very good answer on WMD by Jay Garner. Thanks. Attach. Page from transcript of June 18 press avail w/Jay GarnerGamer DHR:dh 062103-9 ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• Please respond by ---7 _ U20327 103 Certified As Unclassified January 9 2009 IAW EO 12958, as amended Chief, RDD, ESD, WHS DoD News: Secretary Rumsfeld Media Availability with Jay GarnerGamer Page 7 of 12 matter. I do know that the intelligence has been what it has been for a decade and more, and it has gotten richer every year -- fuller, more robust. It is intelligence that the V.S.U.S. had, that the V.K.U.K. had. It is intelligence that was not disputed in the V.N.U.N. Ifyou'llIf you'll recall, the issue wasn't whether or not the intelligence was COITect by the other countries, the only issue was whether it whether or not the intelligence was correct by the other countries, the only issue was whether it was appropriate to wait a bit longerIonger to allow inspections to work. What you have to appreciate is that they learnedleamed to live in an inspections environment in that country; that is to say to be able to still function and have inspectors there in the country. And they had a very long period to hide, or do whatever it is they wanted to do with those they had a very long period to hide, or do whatever it is they wanted to do with those capabilicapabilities.ties. -
Arab Reform Brief N° 06 April 2006
ararrararrar Arab Reform Initiative Arab Reform Brief N° 06 April 2006 SYRIA: WHAT REFORMS WHILE A STORM IS BUILDING? Samir Aita * Syria underwent profound changes since 2005 in its regional and international positioning, as well as in its internal political situation. This policy brief discusses the domestic prospects for change and the potential for reforms and analyzes the impact of regional and international developments on the domestic situation. For the first time in decades, Syrian public opinion is critical of its authorities’ role in Lebanon, with the majority holding them responsible for the situation there. The economic situation has deteriorated to levels dangerous for social stability. Direct criticism of the President and his team by the business community is unprecedented. The opposition overcame its weaknesses and political and civil society movements signed the “Damascus Declaration” calling openly for peaceful “regime change”. The prospects for peaceful change depend on the findings of the UN investigation commission over the assassination of former Prime Minister of Lebanon Hariri, the ability of the opposition to propose a platform to demonstrate to the Syrian public that change will not lead to chaos; and the ability of the “power system” to respond intelligently to the combination of international pressures and internal challenges on the economic, social and political front. Syria has undergone considerable changes in It does not address in detail the regional and 2005 in its regional and international international perspectives, but analyses their positioning, as well as in its internal politics impact on the internal situation. and public opinion. This policy brief discusses the domestic prospects for change and the The assassination of former Prime Minister of potential for reforms. -
Who Are the Insurgents? Sunni Arab Rebels in Iraq
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT “Who Are the Insurgents?” offers insight into the breadth of Sunni Arab groups actively participating Who Are the Insurgents? in the insurrection in Iraq and specifically examines the three broad categories of insurgents: secular/ ideological, tribal, and Islamist. With the exception Sunni Arab Rebels in Iraq of the ultraradical Salafi and Wahhabi Islamists, this report finds, many rebels across these three classifications share common interests and do not sit so comfortably in any one grouping or category. This presents specific problems—and Summary opportunities—for U.S. and coalition forces that, • Building a profile of a typical anti-coalition Sunni Arab insurgent in Iraq is a daunting if handled correctly, could eventually lead to a rapprochement with some of the insurgents. task. Demographic information about the insurgents is fragmented, and the rebels themselves are marked more by their heterogeneity than by their homogeneity. Draw- The report’s author, Amatzia Baram, is a professor ing from a wide array of sources, however, we can try to piece together a view of their of Middle Eastern history at the University of Haifa, primary motivations for taking up arms against the U.S.-led occupation. Israel. He is a prolific writer and editor of several books and dozens of scholarly articles on Saddam • Sunni insurgents generally claim one of three primary identity-based impetuses Hussein and Iraqi politics and history. He testified for their anti-American and antigovernment violence: Ba’th Party membership or about Saddam Hussein and weapons of mass affiliation with Saddam’s regime, adherence to Islam, or tribal interests, values, and destruction in September 2002 before the House norms.