DOCSLIB.ORG

Policy Initiatives That Steer Terrorism

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Policy Initiatives That Steer Terrorism Policy Initiatives that Steer Terrorism A Case Study of L. Paul Bremer's De-Ba’athification of the Iraqi Army Ali G. Awadi, Ph.D. Henry Ford College, USA Email: [email protected] Policy Initiatives that Steer Terrorism: A Case Study of L. Paul Bremer's De- Ba’athification of the Iraqi Army Ali G. Awadi, Ph.D. Abstract A key objective of the U.S. invasion of Iraq was to bring democracy to Iraq by severing all links with Saddam Hussein’s toppled regime. As we’ve now discovered however, this “de- Ba’athization” policy was terribly short-sighted and led to horrific sectarian fighting in Iraq, attacks on U.S. troops when they were occupying the country and eventually the rise of ISIS and other terrorist groups that are wreaking havoc on the region today. We will delve into the complicated political, ethnic and religious dynamics that exist in Iraq to examine why, rather than leading to peace, the dismantling of the Ba’ath infrastructure instead unleashed instability on the Iraqi people soon followed by utter chaos and incalculable suffering for the population of Iraq (and even outside its borders) that continues to this day. We all know the famous Santayana quote that those who fail to learn from the lessons of history are doomed to repeat it. The question is, do we have the political will and wherewithal to put that wise advice to practical use in our current and future foreign policy. Keywords: Iraq Policy, De-Ba'athification, Army, Bremer, Terrorism Introduction When the United States led a multi-national coalition into invading Iraq in 2003, the ostensible reason was to thwart the ambitions of Iraq’s leader, the notorious dictator Saddam Hussein, to develop weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Though no WMD were subsequently uncovered in Iraq, a parallel motive, always thinly veiled at best, was the ouster of Hussein from power and the toppling of his regime. This overthrow was accomplished militarily in very short order, as the United States was able to use technological superiority, particularly with air power, to great advantage. Hussein’s army collapsed and organized resistance came to an end in the wake of the American-led onslaught. However, once the initial military objectives were achieved and the regime was driven out, not surprisingly this created a tremendous power vacuum in Iraq (Mitchell & Massoud, 2009). Hussein had ruled the country with an iron fist for decades. Using brutal tactics, he had very effectively suppressed any political opposition, monopolizing control over the nation’s entire infrastructure. So what would become of Iraqi society now that he was gone? With no viable democratic institutions in place, how would the newly “liberated” Iraq recover from the foreign invasion and move into the future as a successful sovereign state with a credible government? With the hindsight of more than a decade now available to us, it is clear that American planners, along with Iraqi opposition groups, did not investigate these questions adequately before giving the green light to invading Iraq. Chaos and terrorism were the result. We will begin by briefly analyzing the pre-invasion history of Iraq, in order to give some perspective into the policy blunders that have led to unspeakable suffering for the Iraqi people, along with thousands of American casualties. Middle East Review of Public Administration (MERPA), (2)1, 2016 Page 2 Historical Overview It is impossible to understand Saddam Hussein, his regime and the aftermath of its collapse without some knowledge of the history of the Ba’ath party. The movement traces its origins to the 1940s when it was founded by two Syrian teachers, Michel Aflaq and Salah al-Din Bitar and their stated objective was Arab unity, socialism and the modernization of the Arab world (Terrill, 2012). Their slogan was “One Arab nation with an eternal mission.” What many Westerners may not realize is that this movement was not primarily religious. It viewed Islam as an important facet of Arabic culture, but Ba’athism itself was more of a secular ideology. Their aim was to infiltrate the military and other centers of state power. They succeeded in Iraq in 1968, in large part due to the efforts of a young revolutionary named Saddam Hussein. By 1979 Hussein had consolidated his position within the party and within Iraqi politics and assumed leadership of the nation as its president. He had many years earlier befriended the movement’s co-founder Michel Aflaq when both men were living in exile. He used the older man’s patronage to his advantage, as he continued to consolidate his grip on power. Saddam skillfully used the Ba’ath party to gain control of the army and insulate himself from possible coup attempts. He later used Ba’ath party apparatus to help create and nurture a personality cult for himself. The party’s actual ideology, however, had little to do with the personage of Saddam Hussein or for that matter any particular individual. The hallmark of Hussein’s leadership style was the instilling of fear. He ruled with fierce ruthlessness as head of one of the most totalitarian regimes in the world (Terrill, 2012). By 2003, membership in the Ba’ath party in Iraq had reached at least two million. However, membership did not in any way protect any Iraqi’s from Hussein’s wrath if for even the smallest reason he suspected any person or group of disloyalty. In fact, attaining a degree of stature within the Ba’ath party could be fatal because Hussein would often purge those in the party who seemed to be growing too prominent, as he was concerned that such people or groups of people could eventually pose a political threat to him. Nonetheless, in the view of many outside observers, the Ba’athist era in Iraq was for all practical purposes synonymous with Hussein’s reign. In reality, though, it was “leadership” from the barrel of a gun, with violent coercion ruling the land. American Decision-Making and Policy Justification American leaders, in deciding to invade Iraq, of course realized that once Saddam Hussein was ousted from power, a replacement government would need to be formed. But before that could happen, the U.S. and its allies installed what came to be known as the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA). It was led by Ambassador L. Paul Bremer, who arrived in Baghdad in May of 2003, shortly after the cessation of major combat operations (though much additional fighting would ensue in the years to come). In addition to serving as the head of the CPA, Bremer was also George W. Bush’s presidential envoy to Iraq. Bremer’s very first major act in his new position was a May 16, 2003, order to “de-Ba’athify” Iraqi society. According to Bremer, he was told by Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Douglas Feith that such an order was absolutely essential to Iraq’s rehabilitation (Terrill, 2012). However, how did American policy makers reach this conclusion? What was it based upon? Some thought that it would be similar to “de-Nazification” in Germany after World War Two. Middle East Review of Public Administration (MERPA), (2)1, 2016 Page 3 Furthermore, such a view does not take into account the very different circumstances of 1945 Germany and 2003 Iraq (Terrill, 2012). First and foremost, though, Bremer and others were convinced that removing any remnants of Ba’athist influence from the new (still to be formed) Iraqi military was of utmost importance. To start this process, what was left of the Iraqi military would need to be disbanded. According to Bremer, in his 2006 book, “My Year in Iraq,” he actually didn’t have much of a choice in the matter because the Iraqi armed forces had, in effect, disbanded themselves. He also contended that the decision to disband the old army and form a new one (rather than recalling the existing military) was a wise move. Bremer states: “Iraq’s new professional soldiers are the country’s most effective trusted security force. By contrast, the Ba’athist era police force, which we did recall to duty, has proven unreliable and is mistrusted by the very Iraqi people it is supposed to protect.” (Weiler, 2009). Indeed, there can be no doubt that the stranglehold that Hussein and the Ba’athist Party had over everyday life was all-encompassing. Members filled jobs at every level of the society and loyalty was not a request but a demand. Party members were bound to inform on their neighbors, co-workers and one another. It was all part of Hussein’s intricate network of control that he used to keep a tight grip on the reins of power (Stover, Megally, & Mufti, 2005). There were other reasons for wanting to remove all Ba’ath influence from the “new” Iraq. Stover, Megally, & Mufti (2005) assert that one of them has to do with the identification of Ba’athism with the Sunni branch of Islam. Saddam Hussein (though by all accounts not a man of strong religious convictions) was a Sunni, and the Sunni-dominated Ba’ath Party was therefore seen as a threat to the country’s religious majority, Shia Muslims. This also influenced Bremer’s decision to remove the top four ranks of Ba’ath Party members from their positions and ban them from future employment in state jobs (Stover, Megally, & Mufti, 2005). Due to all of the ethnic tensions in Iraq between rival groups, Bremer and others believed that Iraq would be more stable and unified with all remnants of the Ba’ath era completely eradicated.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Clash of Thoughts Within the Arab Discourse
    University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2009 The Clash Of Thoughts Within The Arab Discourse Chadia Louai University of Central Florida Part of the Political Science Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Louai, Chadia, "The Clash Of Thoughts Within The Arab Discourse" (2009). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 4114. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/4114 CLASH OF THOUGHTS WITHIN THE CONTEMPORARY ARAB DISCOURSE By CHADIA LOUAI L.D. University Hassan II, 1992 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts In the department of Political Science In the College of Sciences At the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2009 Major Professor: Houman A. Sadri ©2009 Chadia Louai ii ABSTRACT The Clash of Civilization thesis by Samuel Huntington and the claims of other scholars such as Bernard Lewis reinforced the impression in the West that the Arab world is a homogeneous and rigid entity ready to clash with other civilizations. In fact, some in the West argue that world civilizations have religious characteristics, for that reason the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will be primarily cultural and religious. However, other scholars argue that there is no single Islamic culture but rather multiple types of political Islam and different perception of it.
    [Show full text]
  • Refugee Status Appeals Authority New Zealand
    REFUGEE STATUS APPEALS AUTHORITY NEW ZEALAND REFUGEE APPEAL NO 76505 AT AUCKLAND Before: B L Burson (Chairperson) S A Aitchison (Member) Counsel for the Appellant: D Mansouri-Rad Appearing for the Department of Labour: No Appearance Date of Hearing: 3 & 4 May 2010 Date of Decision: 14 June 2010 DECISION [1] This is an appeal against the decision of a refugee status officer of the Refugee Status Branch (RSB) of the Department of Labour (DOL) declining refugee status to the appellant, a national of Iraq. INTRODUCTION [2] The appellant claims to have a well-founded fear of being persecuted in Iraq on account of his former Ba’ath Party membership in the rank of Naseer Mutakadim, and due to his father’s position as Branch Member of the al-Amed Organisation for the Ba’ath Party in City A. He fears persecution at the hands of members of the Mahdi Army – a Shi’a militia group in Iraq, the police who collaborate with them, and the Iraqi Government that is infiltrated by militias. [3] The principal issues to be determined in this appeal are the well- foundedness of the appellant’s fears and whether he can genuinely access meaningful domestic protection. 2 THE APPELLANT’S CASE [4] What follows is a summary of the appellant’s evidence in support of his claim. It will be assessed later in this decision. Background [5] The appellant is a single man in his early-30s. He was born in Suburb A in City A. He is one of three children, the youngest of two boys.
    [Show full text]
  • The Search for Post-Conflict Justice in Iraq: a Comparative Study of Transitional Justice Mechanisms and Their Applicability to Post-Saddam Iraq, 33 Brook
    Brooklyn Journal of International Law Volume 33 | Issue 1 Article 2 2007 The eS arch for Post-Conflict Justice in Iraq: A Comparative Study of Transitional Justice Mechanisms and Their Applicability to Post- Saddam Iraq Dana M. Hollywood Follow this and additional works at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/bjil Recommended Citation Dana M. Hollywood, The Search for Post-Conflict Justice in Iraq: A Comparative Study of Transitional Justice Mechanisms and Their Applicability to Post-Saddam Iraq, 33 Brook. J. Int'l L. (2007). Available at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/bjil/vol33/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at BrooklynWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Brooklyn Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of BrooklynWorks. THE SEARCH FOR POST-CONFLICT JUSTICE IN IRAQ: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE MECHANISMS AND THEIR APPLICABILITY TO POST- SADDAM IRAQ Dana Michael Hollywood* INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................60 I. TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE .......................................................................63 A. Conceptual Overview .....................................................................63 B. Retributive v. Restorative Justice ...................................................67 C. Truth v. Justice...............................................................................69 1. Truth: A Right to Disclosure?.....................................................70 a. Is
    [Show full text]
  • Looking Into Iraq
    Chaillot Paper July 2005 n°79 Looking into Iraq Martin van Bruinessen, Jean-François Daguzan, Andrzej Kapiszewski, Walter Posch and Álvaro de Vasconcelos Edited by Walter Posch cc79-cover.qxp 28/07/2005 15:27 Page 2 Chaillot Paper Chaillot n° 79 In January 2002 the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) beca- Looking into Iraq me an autonomous Paris-based agency of the European Union. Following an EU Council Joint Action of 20 July 2001, it is now an integral part of the new structures that will support the further development of the CFSP/ESDP. The Institute’s core mission is to provide analyses and recommendations that can be of use and relevance to the formulation of the European security and defence policy. In carrying out that mission, it also acts as an interface between European experts and decision-makers at all levels. Chaillot Papers are monographs on topical questions written either by a member of the ISS research team or by outside authors chosen and commissioned by the Institute. Early drafts are normally discussed at a semi- nar or study group of experts convened by the Institute and publication indicates that the paper is considered Edited by Walter Posch Edited by Walter by the ISS as a useful and authoritative contribution to the debate on CFSP/ESDP. Responsibility for the views expressed in them lies exclusively with authors. Chaillot Papers are also accessible via the Institute’s Website: www.iss-eu.org cc79-Text.qxp 28/07/2005 15:36 Page 1 Chaillot Paper July 2005 n°79 Looking into Iraq Martin van Bruinessen, Jean-François Daguzan, Andrzej Kapiszewski, Walter Posch and Álvaro de Vasconcelos Edited by Walter Posch Institute for Security Studies European Union Paris cc79-Text.qxp 28/07/2005 15:36 Page 2 Institute for Security Studies European Union 43 avenue du Président Wilson 75775 Paris cedex 16 tel.: +33 (0)1 56 89 19 30 fax: +33 (0)1 56 89 19 31 e-mail: [email protected] www.iss-eu.org Director: Nicole Gnesotto © EU Institute for Security Studies 2005.
    [Show full text]
  • A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathification in Iraq
    International Center for Transitional Justice IRAQ A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathifi cation in Iraq Miranda Sissons and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi March 2013 Cover: Baath Party membership card. International Center for Transitional Justice IRAQ A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathifi cation in Iraq Miranda Sissons and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi March 2013 International Center A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of de-Baathifi cation in Iraq for Transitional Justice Acknowledgements The authors wish to acknowledge the vital contributions of Tha’ir al-Da’mi, Serge Rumin, and Alexander Mayer-Riekh. We particularly wish to thank the many Iraqi offi cials, parliamentarians, judges, and others whom we interviewed between 2006 and 2011, including many members of the Higher National de-Baathifi cation Commission. Many of our interlocutors died, fl ed, or suff ered other serious harms during the period of research. We remember you all. About the Author This report was written by Miranda Sissons, former chief of staff at ICTJ, and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi, an ICTJ consultant. The report also benefi ted from a signifi cantly earlier version developed by Miranda Sissons and ICTJ consultant Dr Eric Scheye. About ICTJ The International Center for Transitional Justice is an international nonprofi t organization specializing in the fi eld of transitional justice. ICTJ works to help societies in transition address legacies of massive human rights violations and to build civic trust in state institutions as protectors of human rights. In the aftermath of mass atrocity and repression, we assist institutions and civil society groups—the people who are driving and shaping change in their societies—in considering measures to provide truth, accountability, and redress for past abuses.
    [Show full text]
  • Two Cheers for Bargaining Theory Two Cheers for David A
    Two Cheers for Bargaining Theory Two Cheers for David A. Lake Bargaining Theory Assessing Rationalist Explanations of the Iraq War The Iraq War has been one of the most signiªcant events in world politics since the end of the Cold War. One of the ªrst preventive wars in history, it cost trillions of dollars, re- sulted in more than 4,500 U.S. and coalition casualties (to date), caused enor- mous suffering in Iraq, and may have spurred greater anti-Americanism in the Middle East even while reducing potential threats to the United States and its allies. Yet, despite its profound importance, the causes of the war have re- ceived little sustained analysis from scholars of international relations.1 Al- though there have been many descriptions of the lead-up to the war, the ªghting, and the occupation, these largely journalistic accounts explain how but not why the war occurred.2 In this article, I assess a leading academic theory of conºict—the rationalist approach to war or, simply, bargaining theory—as one possible explanation of the Iraq War.3 Bargaining theory is currently the dominant approach in conºict David A. Lake is Jerri-Ann and Gary E. Jacobs Professor of Social Sciences, Distinguished Professor of Political Science, and Associate Dean of Social Sciences at the University of California, San Diego. He is the author, most recently, of Hierarchy in International Relations (Cornell University Press, 2009). The author is indebted to Peter Gourevitch, Stephan Haggard, Miles Kahler, James Long, Rose McDermott, Etel Solingen, and Barbara Walter for helpful discussions on Iraq or comments on this article.
    [Show full text]
  • Saddam Hussein
    Saddam Hussein ﺻﺪام ﺣﺴﻴﻦ :Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majid al-Tikriti (/hʊˈseɪn/;[5] Arabic Marshal Ṣaddām Ḥusayn ʿAbd al-Maǧīd al-Tikrītī;[a] 28 April ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪ اﻟﺘﻜﺮﻳﺘﻲ 1937[b] – 30 December 2006) was President of Iraq from 16 July 1979 until 9 Saddam Hussein ﺻﺪام ﺣﺴﻴﻦ April 2003.[10] A leading member of the revolutionary Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, and later, the Baghdad-based Ba'ath Party and its regional organization the Iraqi Ba'ath Party—which espoused Ba'athism, a mix of Arab nationalism and socialism—Saddam played a key role in the 1968 coup (later referred to as the 17 July Revolution) that brought the party to power inIraq . As vice president under the ailing General Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr, and at a time when many groups were considered capable of overthrowing the government, Saddam created security forces through which he tightly controlled conflicts between the government and the armed forces. In the early 1970s, Saddam nationalized oil and foreign banks leaving the system eventually insolvent mostly due to the Iran–Iraq War, the Gulf War, and UN sanctions.[11] Through the 1970s, Saddam cemented his authority over the apparatus of government as oil money helped Iraq's economy to grow at a rapid pace. Positions of power in the country were mostly filled with Sunni Arabs, a minority that made up only a fifth of the population.[12] Official portrait of Saddam Hussein in Saddam formally rose to power in 1979, although he had already been the de 1979 facto head of Iraq for several years.
    [Show full text]
  • Syria & Its Neighbours
    Syria Studies i The View From Without: Syria & Its Neighbours Özden Zeynep Oktav Tine Gade Taku Osoegawa Syria Studies ii Syria Studies An open-access, peer reviewed, & indexed journal published online by: The Centre for Syrian Studies (CSS) University of St Andrews Raymond Hinnebusch (Editor-In-Chief) & Omar Imady (Managing Editor) Syria Studies iii _______________ © 2014 by the University of St Andrews, Centre for Syrian Studies Published by the University of St Andrews, Centre for Syrian Studies School of International Relations Fife, Scotland, UK ISSN 2056-3175 Syria Studies iv Contents Preface v-vi Omar Imady The Syrian Civil War and Turkey-Syria-Iran Relations 1-19 Özden Zeynep Oktav Sunni Islamists in Tripoli and the Asad regime 1966-2014 20-65 Tine Gade Coping with Asad: Lebanese Prime Ministers’ Strategies 66-81 Taku Osoegawa iv Syria Studies v Preface Omar Imady In this issue of Syria Studies, we move to a regional perspective of Syria, examining recent political dynamics involving Turkey and Lebanon. Three contributions by scholars on Syria are included in this issue, and their findings consistently point to just how charged and often hostile Syria’s relationships with its neighbours have been. In The Syrian Civil War and Turkey-Syria-Iran Relations, Özden Zeynep Oktav takes us on a fascinating journey from 2002 when the Justice and Development Party came to power, and until the present. Oktav highlights the period when Turkey sought a state of ‘zero problem with its neighbours’ and the positive implications this had on its relationship with Syria in particular. The advent of the Arab Spring, and the events that unfolded in Syria after March 2011, caused a dramatic change in Turkey’s foreign policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Steven Isaac “The Ba'th of Syria and Iraq”
    Steven Isaac “The Ba‘th of Syria and Iraq” for The Encyclopedia of Protest and Revolution (forthcoming from Oxford University Press) Three main currents of socialist thought flowed through the Arab world during and after World War II: The Ba‘th party’s version, that of Nasser, and the options promulgated by the region’s various communist parties. None of these can really be considered apart from the others. The history of Arab communists is often a story of their rivalry and occasional cohabitation with other movements, so this article will focus first on the Ba‘th and then on Nasser while telling the story of all three. In addition, the Ba‘th were active in more places than just Syria and Iraq, although those countries saw their most signal successes (and concomitant disappointments). Michel Aflaq, a Sorbonne-educated, Syrian Christian, was one of the two primary founders of the Ba‘th (often transliterated as Baath or Ba‘ath) movement. His exposure to Marx came during his studies in France, and he associated for some time with the communists in Syria after his return there in 1932. He later declared his fascination with communism ended by 1936, but others cite him as still a confirmed party member until 1943. His co-founder, Salah al-Din al-Bitar, likewise went to France for his university education and returned to Syria to be a teacher. Frustrated by France’s inter-war policies, the nationalism of both men came to so influence their attitudes towards the West that even Western socialism became another form of imperialism.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance
    Order Code RL31339 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance Updated May 16, 2005 Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance Summary Operation Iraqi Freedom accomplished a long-standing U.S. objective, the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, but replacing his regime with a stable, moderate, democratic political structure has been complicated by a persistent Sunni Arab-led insurgency. The Bush Administration asserts that establishing democracy in Iraq will catalyze the promotion of democracy throughout the Middle East. The desired outcome would also likely prevent Iraq from becoming a sanctuary for terrorists, a key recommendation of the 9/11 Commission report. The Bush Administration asserts that U.S. policy in Iraq is now showing substantial success, demonstrated by January 30, 2005 elections that chose a National Assembly, and progress in building Iraq’s various security forces. The Administration says it expects that the current transition roadmap — including votes on a permanent constitution by October 31, 2005 and for a permanent government by December 15, 2005 — are being implemented. Others believe the insurgency is widespread, as shown by its recent attacks, and that the Iraqi government could not stand on its own were U.S. and allied international forces to withdraw from Iraq. Some U.S. commanders and senior intelligence officials say that some Islamic militants have entered Iraq since Saddam Hussein fell, to fight what they see as a new “jihad” (Islamic war) against the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • 6/21/2003 Jay Garner's Statement on Wmd in Iraq
    ; • JuneJUDe 21,200321, 2003 TO: MareMarc Thiessen FROM: Donald Rumsfeld UQ SUBJECT: WMD Here isis a very good answer on WMD by Jay Garner. Thanks. Attach. Page from transcript of June 18 press avail w/Jay GarnerGamer DHR:dh 062103-9 ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• Please respond by ---7 _ U20327 103 Certified As Unclassified January 9 2009 IAW EO 12958, as amended Chief, RDD, ESD, WHS DoD News: Secretary Rumsfeld Media Availability with Jay GarnerGamer Page 7 of 12 matter. I do know that the intelligence has been what it has been for a decade and more, and it has gotten richer every year -- fuller, more robust. It is intelligence that the V.S.U.S. had, that the V.K.U.K. had. It is intelligence that was not disputed in the V.N.U.N. Ifyou'llIf you'll recall, the issue wasn't whether or not the intelligence was COITect by the other countries, the only issue was whether it whether or not the intelligence was correct by the other countries, the only issue was whether it was appropriate to wait a bit longerIonger to allow inspections to work. What you have to appreciate is that they learnedleamed to live in an inspections environment in that country; that is to say to be able to still function and have inspectors there in the country. And they had a very long period to hide, or do whatever it is they wanted to do with those they had a very long period to hide, or do whatever it is they wanted to do with those capabilicapabilities.ties.
    [Show full text]
  • The Coalition Provisional Authority and the Evolution of the Iraqi Special Tribunal Tom Parkert
    Cornell International Law Journal Volume 38 Article 11 Issue 3 2005 Prosecuting Saddam: The oC alition Provisional Authority and the Evolution of the Iraqi Special Tribunal Tom Parker Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Parker, Tom (2005) "Prosecuting Saddam: The oC alition Provisional Authority and the Evolution of the Iraqi Special Tribunal," Cornell International Law Journal: Vol. 38: Iss. 3, Article 11. Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj/vol38/iss3/11 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell International Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Prosecuting Saddam: The Coalition Provisional Authority and the Evolution of the Iraqi Special Tribunal Tom Parkert Introduction ..................................................... 899 I. Investigative Strategy ..................................... 901 II. Trial Scheduling .......................................... 904 II . Local Capacity Building .................................. 905 IV. Community Outreach .................................... 906 V. Victors' Justice? .......................................... 907 VL The Death Penalty ........................................ 907 C onclusion ...................................................... 909 Introduction
    [Show full text]