32. Emotion, Biology, and Culture 781

species-that is, to demonstrating the univer­ is almost unbelievably malleable, responding sality of emotional expression. Interestingly, accurately and contrastingly to contrasting cul­ despite recognizing the important communica­ tural conditions" (p. 289). This view represents tive functions of emotional expression, he one of the earliest social constructivist theories never focused on how individuals label their of emotion, envisioning emotions as arising emotions. This likely reflected his commitment from the dynamic interactions between individ­ CHAPTER 32 to a cross-species approach. Although not to­ uals and cultures (Lutz & Abu-Lughod, 1990; tally discounting the role of culture in emotion, Oatley, 1993; Saarni, 1993). To explicate this Darwin did not afford it great importance. perspective, Oatley (1993) likens emotions to language:

Physiological Theories Although there is no doubt a common basis for Emotion, Biology, and Culture Near the turn of the century, two influential language in all human beings, each culture has its theories arose that emphasized the critical role own vocabulary, its syntactic forms, its meanings, and its range of pragmatic effects. Comparably, it that physiological responses played in emotion. is argued, that each culture has patterns of emo­ James (1884) suggested that emotions derive tions that are somewhat distinctive, that de­ ROBERTW. LEVENSON from the body's patterned response to challeng­ rive from social practices, and that convey mean­ JOSE SOTO ing situations (e.g., "I feel afraid because I am ings and effects to members of that culture. trembling"). This peripheralist view envisioned (p.341) NNAMDI POLE autonomic and somatic nervous system activity as antecedents rather than as consequences of In sharp contrast to the theories of Darwin, emotion. Cannon (1927) took a different view, James, and Cannon, social constructivists lo­ believing that emotions originate in the central cate the core of emotion outside of the human nervous system, with the resulting emotional body and squarely within cultural processes. experience growing out of unconscious neuro­ Although some theorists in this tradition ac­ logical activity. Although differing in their knowledge a few innate emotional responses, views as to the source of emotion and the role they still maintain that most aspects of emotion of conscious awareness, both approaches are socially constructed. Because cultural influ­ In this chapter we first review theories of emo­ Emotion theorists have long struggled with viewed physiological changes as primary deter­ ences have their effect on emotion over time, tion that are most relevant to a consideration how to account for both kinds of influence. In minants of emotion. Facial expressions were social constructionists often adopt a develop­ of the roles of biology and culture. We then re­ general, theories growing out of the evolution­ not explicitly considered by James or Cannon, mental view of emotion, emphasizing that view the existing cross-cultural and cross­ ary tradition embrace biological influences, and neither theory was very conducive to cul­ emotions are socialized from childhood on ethnic research relevant to these theories, with viewing specific features of the emotion system tural influence. (e.g., Saarni, 1993). particular emphasis on studies that have actu­ as chosen by natural selection for their value in Schachter and Singer (1962) proposed an­ ally measured biological responses that occur survival and reproduction. In contrast, theories other physiologically based theory of emotion during emotional reactions. We conclude by growing out of the anthropological tradition that was far more amenable to cultural influ­ lexical Theories presenting a revised version of our earlier embrace cultural influences, viewing emotion ence. In their view, the physiological arousal as­ Lexical theorists highlight the role of language biocultural model of emotion (Levenson, 2003) as created in ways that meet cultural traditions, sociated with emotion is essentially undifferen­ in emotion, believing that emotion is "created that allows for both biological and cultural in­ beliefs, and values. Although most modern the­ tiated. The individual perceives this arousal in, rather than shaped by, speech in the sense fluences, and that is informed by existing em­ ories eschew extreme evolutionary and cultural and labels it as a particular emotion based on a pirical data. that it is postulated as an entity in language construction positions, they differ greatly in cognitive appraisal of the current situation. where its meaning to social actors is also elabo­ terms of how they locate emotion between From this perspective, physiology is integral to rated" (Lutz & Abu-Lughod, 1990, p. 12). these poles. emotion, but the appraisal process is key to de­ EMOTION THEORY From this perspective, the essence of emotion termining the specific emotion that occurred. lies in the ways that people label their subjec­ Although Schachter and Singer did not explore tive experience. For example, claims of univer­ Emotions are short-lived psychological­ Evolutionary Theories cultural influences in any depth, their appraisal sality for a given emotion would require it to physiological phenomena that represent effi­ Darwin pioneered the evolutionary view of process certainly allows for culturally deter­ have lexical equivalents in all natural lan­ cient modes of adaptation to changing environ­ emotions in his book The Expression of the mined variation in how the meaning of a given guages: mental demands (Levenson, 1994). In humans, Emotions in Man and Animals (1872), por­ situation is understood. the emotion system is influenced by both biol­ traying emotional expression as a hardwired, If lists [of emotion terms] ... are supposed to enu­ ogy (e.g., the availability of a facial muscula­ automatic response that is integrally tied to the Social Construction Theories merate universal human emotions, how is it that ture that can produce an array of appearance nervous system. A large part of his research these emotions are so neatly identified by means changes) and culture (e.g., the rules, traditions, program was devoted to documenting the exis­ In Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive So­ of English words? For example, Polish does not and beliefs concerning how and when to use tence of emotional facial expressions and ges­ cieties (1935), anthropologist Mead wrote: have a word corresponding exactly to the English these muscles to reveal or conceal how we feel). tures that were common across cultures and "We are forced to conclude that human nature word disgust. What if the psychologists working

780 782 VI. EMOTION AND MOTIVATION 32, Emotion, Biology, and Culture 783 on the "f~ndamental human emotions" happened Biocultural Theories t? be native spe~kers of Polish rather than Eng­ ones, fall between these extremes, proposing ethnocultural groups. For example, Ekman (re­ lish? Would It still have occurred to them to in­ A ~umber of emotion theorists have attempted different mixtures of biological and cultural in­ viewed in 1982) presented members of a clude "disgust" on their list? (Wierzbicka 1986 fluences, different ways that these two forces preliterate culture in New Guinea with situa­ p,584) , , to mtegrate the roles of biology and cultu s~eing both as significantly influencing em~~ interact, and different implications for the na­ tions thought to elicit anger, disgust, fear, hap­ tIon. In a summary of biocultural approach ture of emotion. piness, sadness, and surprise, and asked them Lexical theorists raise important method­ , H' es to ~motIO~, mton, (1999) outlined four kinds to display the appropriate facial expression. ological caveats for emotion research. For of mtegratlve theones: (1) biocultural synergy Videotapes of these expressions were later example, to get around the problem of (2) eI?bodime,nt, (3) systems theory, and (4) lo~ EMPIRICAL STUDIES shown to American college students, who cor­ translation equivalents between languages cal bIOlogy. BIOcultural synergy theorists argu rectly identified the emotions displayed by the Wierzbicka (1986) has advocated us~ that biology and culture are mutually depen~ In this section, we examine the empirical evi­ New Guineans. This result suggests that facial ing "language-independent semantic meta­ dent and continually transform each other dence relevant to the question of whether emo­ expressions associated with these emotions are language" (e.g., replacing the term fear with throughout the organism's lifetime (Changeux tions manifest themselves differently across sufficiently similar in these two cultures to al­ "the experience that occurs when one thinks 1~85). Embodiment represents the commin~ cultures, concentrating on two biological sys­ low for "translation" and "backtranslation." something bad might happen to one"). As­ th~t, glmg of physiological and mental processes tems prominent in emotion: facial expression Although there has been a great deal of contro­ cnbmg such a key role for language in emotion ~n~ asse,rts that emotion cannot be understood and peripheral physiology. The focus of this re­ versy over how definitive the evidence is for the provides for profound cultural influence in the m IsolatIOn from the social context in which it view is on studies of emotion production (in universality of the recognition of emotional fa­ ways that emotions are labeled and experi­ occurs: ~ystems theory envisions emotions as which emotions are stimulated in some way cial expression (Ekman, 1994; Russell, 1994), enced. Lexical theories have not envisioned a compnsmg multiple components, including bi­ and responses in these two biological systems there is certainly no consistent evidence sug­ major role for biological factors such as facial are measured). We mention only in passing the gesting that some cultures rewrite the basic expression. ology and culture, that work in parallel and are all necessary for understanding emotion. Local literature on cultural influences on emotion mapping between facial expression and emo­ biology highlights the interplay between biol­ recognition (in which subjects typically are tion (e.g., cultures in which happiness is associ­ Appraisal Theories ?gy and culture over the lifetime of the organ­ asked to identify the emotion portrayed in pho­ ated with lowered rather than raised lip cor­ Ism and allows for the creation of new varia­ tographs; see Elfenbein & Ambady, 2002, for a ners). Appraisal theories are based on the notion tions in the emotional system that arise from review) and on emotion-related psychopath­ Cultural differences have been found in the that emotions result from our conscious or this codevelopment. At the core of these an­ ologies (e.g., Pole, Best, Metzler, & Marmar, amount and type of emotion shown in response unconscious cognitive evaluations of events throp?logically based theories is an equal part­ 2005; Tsai, Pole, Levenson, & Munoz, 2003). to a given elicitor. Comparing two cultures, and, situations. Placing the emphasis on ap­ nershIp between culture and biology. However This distinction among emotion production, Tsai and Chentsova-Dutton (2003) found that praIsal allows for cross-cultural and within­ they are often articulated at a very broad level emotion recognition, and emotion pathology European Americans of Scandinavian descent c~ltural variability in the evaluative process, and do not specify precisely how culture and reflects our view that these are quite different showed less emotional facial behavior (espe­ Wlt~lOut precluding some universality in bio­ biology ~nteract to produce the various aspects processes and are likely influenced by culture in cially during happiness and love memories) loglc~l features. In these models, subjective ~f emotIOfo1' such as facial expression, subjec­ different ways. Of the three processes, emotion than those of Irish descent. These findings were emotIOnal experience is largely dependent on tIve expenence, and peripheral physiological production is arguably the most elemental interpreted as reflecting the cultural traditions earlier evaluative processes: Physiological and response. An exception to this is Ekman's stage upon which the intricate dance between of emotional control in Scandinavian culture facial reactions follow as a natural response "neurocultural" theory (Ekman & Friesen biology and culture is performed. and of emotional expression in Irish culture. to the felt emotion. Appraisal theories readily 1969), which describes how emotional facial However, not all studies have found cultural encompass cultural influences on emotion in expression can have both universal features Facial Expression differences. Tsai, Levenson, and Carstensen terms of differences in the ways particular sit­ (~.g., facial c.anfigurations associated with par­ (2000) found no differences in emotional facial uations are appraised. As Scherer (2000) tIcular emotIOns) and culture-specific features Given the apparent differences in facial fea­ expressions of young and elderly Chinese notes: (e.g., "display rules" concerning when these fa­ tures between ethnocultural groups, one might American and European American participants cial configurations are shown or hidden). At wonder whether their facial expressions of in response to film clips designed to elicit Component theorists share the social construc­ the end of this chapter, we present an elabora­ emotions also differ. Darwin (1872) was one of amusement or sadness. tivists' insistence on the powerful role of tion of our own biocultural model of emotion the first to examine whether facial expressions Comparing acculturation levels in Chinese sociocultural determinants of emotional experi­ of emotions were culturally invariant. Sur­ Americans and Mexican Americans, Soto, ences by assuming, for example, that cultural val­ (Levenson, 2003), which encompasses multiple veying former British residents living in ap­ Levenson, and Ebling (2005) found that emo­ ues can strongly affect appraisal, that the regula­ aspects of emotion and allows for different tIOn of the emotion depends on norms and social "mixtures" of biological and cultural influ­ proximately 40 regions of the world, he found tional facial behavior in response to an aver­ context, and that the subjective experience reflects ences. that the expressions of what are often referred sive, acoustical startle stimulus mirrored the sociocultural context. (p. 152) to as "basic" emotions (e.g., anger, disgust, ethnographic norms to the extent that partici­ fear, happiness, sadness, surprise) were ob­ pants identified strongly with their culture of At the same time, these theorists are often quite Summary served in all. Although his methods were crude origin. Specifically, they found less negative by modern standards, this work set the stage emotional expression in Chinese Americans c?mfo~table with indications that a particular Emotion theories run the gamut from those bl<:~loglcal aspect of emotion (e.g., physical sen­ for future studies using improved methodolo­ most identified with Chinese culture (which that view emotion as purely biological to those gies. These subsequent studies also found evi­ emphasizes emotion moderation) and more satIOns) shows consistency across cultures that envision pure cultural construction. Many (Scherer & Wallbott, 1994). dence that the basic emotions are associated negative emotional expression in Mexican theories, especially the more contemporary with similar facial expressions in different Americans most identified with Mexican cul- 784 VI. EMOTION AND MOTIVATION 32. Emotion, Biology, and Culture 785

ture (which emphasizes emotion expression). cooperativeness with an ethnic outgroup mem­ Peripheral Physiology Wallbott and Scherer (1988) surveyed re­ Similarly, Tsai, Chentsova-Dutton, Freire­ ber. spondents in 27 countries about the physiologi­ Bebeau, and Przymus (2002) found that Cultural ingroup-outgroup influences on fa­ Peripheral nervous system activity, most nota­ cal experiences (e.g., relaxed muscles, feeling Hmong Americans who were most strongly cial expression do not require that the other bly in the autonomic nervous system, plays an warm) they associated with anger, fear, guilt, identified with Hmong culture (which empha­ person be physically present. Roberts and important role in many emotion theories, con­ joy, sadness and shame. They found that the sizes emotion moderation) showed fewer "non­ Levenson (2006) found that European Ameri­ tributing to the subjective experience of emo­ amount of variance in subjective physiological Duchenne" smiles while reliving happy and can, Chinese American, Mexican American tion, alerting the organism to significant en­ responses due to the specific emotion was proud experiences than those who were less and African American participants did not dil counters, and preparing the body for action larger than that due to country, concluding that identified with Hmong culture. fer overall in the amount of emotional facial (Levenson, 2003). As with emotional facial ex­ different cultures have similar subjective ap­ Cultural differences have also been found in behavior they displayed when watching pression, there are several fundamental issues praisals of emotion-related physiology. Other the extent to which emotional facial expres­ emotion-eliciting film clips. However, when about the influence of culture on what is basi­ studies, however, have identified differences be­ sions can be produced voluntarily. Levenson, ethnic match between the participants and the cally a biological system. First, there is the ques­ tween cultural groups. Scherer, Wallbott, and Ekman, Heider, and Friesen (1992) studied vol­ characters in the films was considered, Chinese tion of cultural differences in the mapping of Summerfield (1986) asked respondents from untary facial expressions in the Minangkabau American and African American participants particular features of the autonomic response Northern and Southern Europe to indicate of West Sumatra (a matrilineal, Muslim culture displayed more facial expressions of amuse­ onto particular emotions (e.g., are there cultures what bodily responses they experienced during that views emotion as interpersonally situated). ment while watching amusing films featuring in which people's blood pressures fall and their specific emotional states (anger, fear, happi­ Levenson et al. used a directed facial action their own ethnic group than those featuring the faces blanch when they become angry?). Sec­ ness, and sadness). Each emotion was accom­ task in which participants were given muscle­ other ethnic groups. Vanman, Paul, Ito, and ond, there is the question of whether cultures panied by distinguishable bodily signs; how­ by-muscle instructions to construct prototypi­ Miller (1997) found that European American differ in terms of the intensity of the autonomic ever, sadness elicited different responses from cal emotional facial expressions without men­ college students showed more facial muscle ac­ response overall and/or of the separate organ Northern and Southern Europeans. Scherer, tioning the name of the target emotion. Results tivity consistent with positive emotion when systems (e.g., do cultures differ in the ratio of Wallbott, Matsumoto, and Kudoh (1988) re­ revealed that Minangkabau produced lower they imagined working with other European cardiac to electrodermal activation in anger?). peated the study in a sample of u.S. and Japa­ quality expressions of fear, happiness, and sad­ Americans than with African Americans. Despite the fundamental importance of these nese students. They found that U.S. students re­ ness compared to European American controls. Finally, Vrana and Rollock (2002) found that questions, relatively few studies of cultural in­ ported physiological states similar to those Emotional facial expressions are also sensi­ African American and European American fluences on emotion have directly measured reported by European respondents in the ear­ tive to cultural "display rules," which can be subjects showed more emotional facial re­ physiological responses during emotion pro­ lier study; however, Japanese respondents re­ triggered by cues, including the presence of sponses when imagining interaction with an duction. Instead, studies have assessed subjec­ ported far fewer physiological reactions. Prob­ other members of the culture. In a classic study, African American compared to a European tive reports of physiological responses (e.g., be­ ably the most dramatic findings of cultural Ekman and Friesen (1969; Friesen, 1972) com­ American. liefs about what is happening in the body), variation measured by subjective physiological pared emotional facial expressions of Ameri­ cultural differences in resting or baseline physi­ responses were reported by Hupka, Zbigniew, can and Japanese students watching a stressful ologicallevels (i.e., not measured during emo­ Summary Jurgen, and Reidl (1996). Students in Mexico, movie. The two groups did not differ in their tion production), and physiological reactions to Russia, Poland, Germany, and the United facial expressions when watching the films. For the "basic" emotions, we are aware of no stressful situations (in which a specific emo­ States rated the extent to which they felt anger, However, when later interviewed about their convincing demonstration of consistent cul­ tional response is not identified). These kinds of fear, jealousy, and envy in specific parts of their emotional responses by a Japanese experi­ tural differences in the particular assembly of studies are reviewed below. Also important, but bodies (e.g., bones, heart). Findings suggested menter, Japanese participants exhibited more facial muscles contracted when a given emo­ not directly relevant to our focus in this section, several cross-cultural similarities (e.g., respon­ positive emotion than their American counter­ tion is elicited. This biologically based part of are studies of the extent to which individuals in dents from all nations reported feeling envy parts. The authors concluded that Japanese the emotion system appears to be universal. Of cultures somatize emotions (e.g., Heelas, 1986; and jealousy in the breath, chest, and heart) participants masked their negative emotions in course, subtle differences between cultures in Shweder, 1993) and emotional distress (e.g., and a number of differences (e.g., only respon­ compliance with their culture's prohibitions the appearance changes that accompany these Kleinman, 1977; Pole et aI., 2005). dents from the United States reported feeling against displaying negative emotions in social contractions are quite possible, reflecting dif­ envy and jealousy in their eyes, face, stomach, settings. More recently, Vrana and Rollock ferences in facial morphology. Cultural differ­ Subjective Reports of Physiological Response and tears). Given that physiology was not di­ (1998) compared African American and Euro­ ences are found, however, in the amount and rectly measured in this paradigm, the authors pean American subjects as they encountered type of emotional expressions that occur in re­ Subjective reports of physiological responses interpreted their findings as most likely reflect­ confederates of both races. They found that sponse to emotion elicitors. These differences are not proxies for actual physiological mea­ ing cultural stereotypes and emotion meta­ both groups showed more positive facial ex­ often reflect cultural norms concerning emo­ surement. Research on visceral perceptions has phors. pressions during the first few seconds of an en­ tional expression, especially in those individu­ shown that our estimates of physiological ac­ counter with a confederate of their own ethnic als most strongly identified with that culture. tivity are often not very accurate (Katkin, Resting or Baseline Physiological Levels background, but subsequently showed greater In addition, the presence of a member of a cul­ Blascovich, & Goldband, 1981; Pennebaker, positive facial expressions with confederates of ture (in person, imagined, or depicted) can re­ 1982). Nonetheless, visceral perceptions A number of studies have examined cultural the other ethnic background. This could reflect sult in modulation of emotional expression in clearly exist, influence the way we talk about differences in physiological states measured in an initial spontaneous positive emotional re­ culturally consistent ways. Thus, the existing our emotions (Lakoff, 1987), and assume an the absence of any specific, emotion-eliciting sponse to encountering a person of one's own research clearly indicates that the production important role in many emotion theories stimuli. Depending on the research tradition, ethnic group, followed by a socially prescribed of emotional facial behavior is influenced by (Damasio, 1998; James, 1884; Levenson, measures obtained in this manner can be de­ positive emotional display that might indicate both biology and culture. 2003; Schachter & Singer, 1962). scribed as "tonic" (vs. "phasic"), "trait" (vs. 186 VI. EMOTION AND MOTIVATION 32. Emotion, Biology, and Culture 787

"state") " . "( ,o~ restmg vs. "reactive"). Most of s~in cor:ductance data revealed that the Emotion Production signed to elicit specific emotions. All of the these studIes have compared African Ameri­ hlgh.e~ skm conductance levels in the Japanese studies on emotional facial expressions from cans and European Americans, in an attempt to partICIpants occurred throughout the experi­ Studies in which the influence of culture is as­ our laboratory and from the Tsai laboratory, understand the high incidence of essential m.ent, . and not just in response to the film sessed by physiological responses measured di­ reviewed in an earlier section, also included an hypertension (i.e., chronic high blood pressure stImulI, arguably reflecting their greater con­ rectly during emotion production are critical extensive set of autonomic measures (typically of ~nknown etiology) in African Americans cern about the experimental situation. for understanding the interplay between cul­ including measures of cardiovascular, electro­ (Akmkube., 1985). Findings suggest that Afri­ ture and biology. The simplest emotional stim­ dermal, respiratory, and somatic activity), and can Amencans begin life with faster resting most found no significant cultural differences Stressful Situations ulus for which cultural differences have been heart rates than their European American studied in this way is the acoustic startle. Al­ in measures of peripheral physiological re­ counterparts (Lee, Rosner, Gould, Lowe, & In these ~tudi~s, cultural groups are exposed to though the initial response to the startle (i.e., in sponse. Levenson et aI. (1992) found that phys­ Kass,. 1976; Schachter, Kerr, Wimberly, & cha.llengmg sItuations. The situations are ge­ approximately the first 500 milliseconds) is ar­ iological responses to emotional facial configu­ La.chm, 1974; Schachter, Lachin, Kerr, nencally stressful; thus, it is difficult to kno guably more a reflexive defensive reaction than rations using the directed facial action task WImberly, & Ratey, 1976) but achieve similar exactly which. em~tion(s) are being produce; an emotion, it is often followed by a rich emo­ were the same in Minangkabau participants heart rates to European Americans by adoles­ Because e~otlOn IS not the primary focus of tional response (Ekman, Friesen, & Simons, living in West Sumatra and in European Ameri­ cence (Sch.achter, Kuller, & Perfetti, 1984; the~e studIes, resea~chers typically do not query 1985). Korol et al. (1975) found that African can controls. Tsai et al. (2000) found no differ­ Shekelle, LIU, Raynor, & Miller 1978· Voors subjects abou~ theIr emotIOnal experience or Americans had smaller skin conductance re­ ences in physiological response to sad and We~ber, & Berenson, 1982) ~nd that thi~ measure. emotIOnal expressive behavior. As in sponses to an acoustical startle than did Euro­ amusing films in Chinese American and Euro­ eqUIvalency continues into older age (Persky: ~he. prevIOus section on resting levels, the ma­ pean Americans, a finding they interpreted as pean American participants. Roberts and Dyer, Stamler, Shekelle, & Schoenberge: Jonty of these studies have compared Afri­ related to the lower resting skin conductance Levenson (2006) found no overall differences 1979): In addit~on, compared to Europea~ can Americans and European Americans. levels commonly found among individuals with in the physiological responses of African Amer­ Amencans, Afncan Americans have been Anderson, Lane, Muranaka, Williams, and darker skin. Soto et al. (2005) found no physio­ ican, Chinese American, European American, found to have lower resting skin conductance Houseworth (1988) found African Americans logical differences in responses to an acoustical and Mexican American participants in re­ levels (L. C. Johnson & Corah, 1963; L. C. to have greater increases in blood pressure and startle between Mexican Americans and Chi­ sponse to amusing, disgusting, and sad films. & & Johnson Landon? 1965; Juniper Dykman, ~orearm vascular resistance, but no differences nese Americans. When King and Levenson Tsai et al. (2003) found no ethnic differences in 1:'67! Korol, BergfIeld, & McLaughlin, 1975; m heart ~ate reactivity in response to a cold (2004) expanded this study to include African physiological response to imagined emotional LleblIch, Kugelmass, & Ben-Shakhar 1973. stressor (ICe pack applied to forehead) com­ Americans and European Americans, they also scenarios in Scandinavian Americans and Irish Morell et aI., and higher blood 1988) restin~ pared to Europ~an Americans. Alpert et aI. found no ethnic group differences in physiolog­ Americans. pressure levels (Levinson et aI., 1985; Morell et (1981) found Afncan Americans to have higher ical response. There are two exceptions to this general aI., 1988; Roberts & Rowlands, 1981). The ?lood pressure reactivity than European Amer­ Studies of prejudice (see Guglielmi, 1999, for trend of no cultural differences. Tsai et al. reasons for these differences are not fully un­ IC.ans. to an exercise stressor, but found no eth­ a review) often examine the emotional reaction (2002) found that Hmong Americans had derstood. For example, differences in skin con­ mc dIfferences in heart rate reactivity. Hohn et of a person from one race to encountering smaller skin conductance responses than their have been attributed to darker skin d~ctance aI. (19~3) fo.und that among participants with someone from another race. Rankin and European American counterparts while reliv­ plg~entation and differences in the number of a fa~lly hIstory of hypertension, African Campbell (1955) found that European Ameri­ ing a "love" memory. Vrana and Rollock actIve sweat glands (Boucsein, 1992). How­ Amencan children had larger blood pressure can males had larger skin conductance re­ (2002) found that African Americans had ever, these assertions have not always been sup­ responses than European American children to sponses when interacting with African Ameri­ larger blood pressure responses than European ported empirically (L. C. Johnson & Landon an exercise stressor. Murphy, Alpert, Moes, can than did their European American Americans when imagining emotional scenar­ 1965; Korol et aI., 1975). ' and Somes (1986) found that African Ameri­ confederates. Vrana and Rollock (1998) found ios. ~thnocultural differences in resting physio­ c.ar: children had greater blood pressure reac­ that African American and European American logIcal levels are not readily interpreted in tl.Vlty than European American children to a males had larger increases in heart rate when of emotions but may reflect more en­ Summary ter~s VIde? game. Finally, Jackson, Treiber, Turner, encountering African American confederates ~unng fact~rs such as mood, styles of emo­ DaVIS, and Strong (1999) found that African compared to European American confederates. The literature on cultural influences on periph­ tIOn regulatIOn, and sensitivity to contextual Americans showed greater reactivity in systolic Social interaction between partners in com­ eral physiological response suggests that cul­ cues. Brownl~y, Light, and Anderson (1996) ~nd diastolic blood pressure to a range of phvs­ mitted, intimate relationships is an extremely ture may have an influence on subjective re­ found that hIgh hostility levels were associ­ ICal a~d psychological stressors, but Europ;an rich source of emotion (Gottman & Levenson, ports of physiological response, resting ated ~ith higher blood pressure in European Amencans showed greater reactivity in heart 1986). Tsai and Levenson (1997) examined physiological levels, and physiological re­ Amencans, but lower blood pressure in Afri­ rate .. Consistent with these findings, this litera­ physiological responses of Chinese American sponses to generalized stress. However, in the can Am~ricans. E. H. Johnson (1989) found t~re IS often. summarized as indicating that Af­ and European American couples in committed realm of directly measured physiological re­ that Afncan American adolescents suppressed ncan Amencans have greater cardiovascular dating relationships as they engaged in a 15- sponse to well-defined emotional stimuli, the anger more frequently and had higher blood reactivity to stress than do European Ameri­ minute discussion of an area of relationship impact of culture appears to be relatively mini­ pressure than their European American coun­ cans. However, it is important to note the siz­ conflict. Levels of physiological arousal pro­ mal. Nonetheless, within this scant literature, terparts. Lazarus, Tomita, Opton, and able number of contrary results (e.g., Anderson voked by the conflict did not differ between the with contributions by only a few laboratories, Kodoma (1966). found that Japanese partici­ e.t aI., 1988; Anderson, Lane, Taguchi, & Wil­ two ethnic groups. caveats abound. Still, it does seem to be the pants showed hIgher skin conductance levels hams, 1989; Delehanty, Dimsdale, & Mills, Only a handful of studies of cultural influ­ case that for the two biological systems being than U.S. participants, despite reporting simi­ 1991; Falkner & Kushner, 1989; Morell et aI., ences in emotion have directly measured physi­ considered in this review, cultural influence on lar levels of distress. Closer analysis of the 1988; Saab et aI., 1997). ology in response to well-defined stimuli de- peripheral physiological response is less pro- 788 VI. EMOTION AND MOTIVATION 32. Emotion, Biology, and Culture 789 found than that on facial expression. This no­ troIs produced emotional facial configurations tion that cultural "penetrance" or influence Self-Reported Emotional Experience 2002). Facial expressions are clearly socially they activated the same patterns of auto~ varies for different aspects of emotion plays a visible; nonetheless, the importance of control­ nomic nervous system activity. However, the central role in the theoretical formulation pre­ We do not view the ways we label our emo­ ling them may be lessened by several factors. Minangkabau were much less likely than Euro­ sented in the next section. tional states as being predetermined by biologi­ For example, although people have proved to pean Americans to report feeling the associated cal "hardwiring," but rather as quite mallea­ be quite good at identifying the emotional emotion. Even after taking into account cul­ ble, reflecting factors such as situational cues, meaning of static photographs of high-intensity tural differences in the ability to produce the TOWARD AN EMPIRICAllY INFORMED visceral sensations, cultural values and mores, expressions, they may be less accurate at identi­ facial configurations, this difference in self­ BIOCULTURAl THEORY and "feeling rules" (Hochschild, 1979). In fying the emotional meaning of low-intensity reported subjective experience remained. most situations we are able to exert a great deal and brief facial expressions (Ambadar, School­ Moreover, our careful translation-backtrans_ One failing of most theories of emotion that of voluntary control over what we say we are er, & Cohn, 2005). In addition, cultural con­ lation work and testing of how emotion terms have considered cultural influences is that they feeling. These emotion labels are highly socially ventions may place limits on attending to and were used with other emotion-eliciting tasks have treated emotion as a monolith. Thus, cul­ visible events; thus, there is a strong incentive labeling the facial expressions of others (e.g., (not reported in the published work) indicated ture is viewed as having an effect on emotion in to modulate this aspect of our emotional re­ Goffman, 1971). These inaccuracies, coupled that translation inequivalencies were not re­ its entirety rather than as having more variable sponse in culturally sanctioned ways. Arguably, with culturally proscribed neglect, may make it sponsible for this finding. Thus, we found levels of influence depending on features of the when emotions are extremely intense, or when relatively "safer" to allow true feelings to show members of two different cultures could pro­ emotion, context, and person. Viewed in this we are dealing with immediate utterances on the face. duce the same emotional configurations on more differentiated way, cultural influences rather than retrospective reports, this modula­ their faces and have the same attendant auto­ may vary for aspects of emotion (e.g., subjec­ tion becomes more difficult. nomic nervous system activity but report very Autonomic Nervous System Response tive experience, language, expressive behavior, different subjective emotional states. Our spec­ peripheral physiology), type of emotion (e.g., The autonomic nervous system is designed to ulation as to the basis of this difference was Emotional Facial Expressions negative emotion, positive emotion, self­ function automatically and in general is not sub­ that emotion is viewed as more of an internal conscious emotion), context (e.g., presence of We believe that the set of facial muscles that ject to direct voluntary control (Levenson, state in European American culture, and culturally salient cues), and the individual (e.g., contracts for particular "basic" emotions such 1979). Although a great deal of autonomic ac­ as more of an interpersonal condition in extent of identification with cultural tradi­ as anger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness, and tivity is socially invisible (e.g., regulation of co~e Minangkabau culture. Thus, a situation in tions). As the body of cross-cultural and cross­ surprise is determined by hardwired, involun­ temperature), the autonomic nervous system 1S which facial and physiological aspects were ac­ ethnic empirical research on emotion has in­ tary neural circuitry. However, the innervation also responsible for producing a number of tivated (along with the attendant somatic and creased, it has become increasingly clear to us of the facial muscles is such that voluntary highly visible, emotionally relevant appearance visceral sensations) would be sufficient for la­ that the impact of culture on emotion is any­ pathways can, under some conditions, alter changes (e.g., blushing, blanching; for a com­ beling the state as "emotion" for European thing but uniform. and override these expressions (Rinn, 1984). prehensive listing, see Levenson, 2003). Thus, Americans, but not for Minangkabau, for For example, in a series of emotional suppres­ there clearly are good reasons to try to modulate whom it lacked the appropriate interpersonal sion studies, we found that participants can autonomic activity to conform to social norms. Components of Emotion: Differential Susceptibility grounding. dramatically decrease and increase the amount Nature, however, has wisely not provided us to Cultural Influence The previously described research by Soto et of facial behavior produced by emotion­ with the tools to override easily the essential bi­ al. (2005) also illustrates this pattern using a Although this chapter focuses on the impact of eliciting films and acoustic startle stimuli ological functions the autonomic nervous sys­ more "conventional" emotional elicitor. In this culture on two biological systems, facial ex­ (Gross & Levenson, 1993; Hagemann, tem serves. Consistent with this, in our own study, Chinese Americans reported experienc­ pression and peripheral physiology, a number Levenson, & Gross, 2006; Kunzmann, work, we have found few physiological differ­ ing significantly less emotion than did Mexican of studies from our laboratory and others have Kupperbusch, & Levenson, 2005). Thus, in ences between cultural groups relative to those Americans in response to an aversive acoustical examined self-reported subjective emotional theory, people should be able to comply with found in emotional facial expression and self­ startle stimulus. This is consistent with experience as well. Upon examination of this cultural "display rules." However, the empiri­ reported emotional experience. Several caveats, ethnographic descriptions of Chinese culture as work in its entirety, a clear pattern emerges: (1) cal evidence suggests that modulation of facial however, must accompany this observation. a culture of emotional moderation and of Mex­ Self-reported subjective emotional experience displays in culturally proscribed ways is much First, interpretations of failure to find differ­ ican culture as a culture of emotional expres­ is highly susceptible to cultural influence­ less likely to be observed than modulation of ences between cultural groups must be tem­ sion. However, in the realm of emotional often mirroring ethnographic descriptions of self-reported emotional experience. It is impor­ pered by considerations of sample size/power behavior, evidence for greater emotional ex­ cultural values and mores; (2) emotional ex­ tant to note that despite the huge theoretical and the impossibility of proving null hypothe­ pression in Mexican Americans than in Chi­ pressive behavior is somewhat susceptible to impact the display rule notion has had on the ses. Second, when cultural groups appraise the nese Americans was only found when partici­ cultural influence; and (3) autonomic nervous field of emotion research, empirical tests have eliciting situation in ways that result in different pants who most strongly identified with their system response is minimally susceptible to cul­ been quite limited. The original research on emotional states, we would expect physiologi­ culture of origin were compared. Physiological tural influence. display rules (Friesen, 1972) did not find cul­ cal differences consistent with those states to oc­ differences among the groups were minimal. The cultural malleability of self-reported tural difference when participants viewed cur (e.g., when an epithet caused Southerners to Why would this differential susceptibility to emotional experience is dramatically demon­ films, only when they discussed them after­ feel insulted but had little effect on Northerners, cultural influence exist? We believe it primarily strated in our work with the directed facial ac­ wards. In more contemporary studies with Southerners showed a larger endocrine re­ reflects the extent to which these different as­ tion task conducted in West Sumatra with the bicultural participants, cultural differences sponse; Cohen, Nisbett, Bowdle, & Schwarz, pects of the emotional response are amenable Minangkabau (Levenson et aI., 1992). When have often been limited to those participants 1996). These caveats notwithstanding, the lack to voluntary control and, to some extent, the Minangkabau and European American con- with the strongest identification with their cul­ of consistent findings of cultural differences in social visibility of those components. ture of origin (Soto et aI., 2005; Tsai et aI., autonomic activity is impress1ve. 791 790 VI. EMOTION AND MOTIVATION 32. Emotion, Biology, and Culture fluenced, facial expression tendencies are A Revised Biocultural Model of Emotion experience of different emotions. All of this in an emotion and its typical, associated re­ sponses. Cultural influences on emotion occur somewhat influenced, and self-reports of sub­ occurs automatically, without conscious inter­ jective emotional experience are highly suscep­ The growing body of empirical data on cultural vention. As such, it does not allow for a great in both aspects of the control system, in the tible to cultural conventions. influences on emotion reviewed in this chapter deal of learned cultural influence. ways that the world is appraised (e.g., what is suggests several revisions to our original In humans, the core system is encapsulated dangerous, what is safe) and in the extent to biocultural model of emotion (Levenson, by a control system (outside the large rectan­ which emotional response tendencies are ex­ Modulating Cultural Influence 2003). In the revised model, presented in Fig­ pressed (e.g., conventions and values concern­ gle) that influences both the input to and out­ We believe that the extent of influence culture ure 32.1, a core system (inside the large rectan­ ing emotional expression and experience, such put fr?m the core system. On the input side, an has on the various components of emotion is gle) continuously scans incoming information appraIsal system can alter the extent to which as display rules and feeling rules). not fixed, but rather is modulated dynamically in search of patterns that match one of a lim­ In this revised model (Figure 32.1) the differ­ an event matches.a p~oto:y?e, thus influencing by a number of features of the emotion, con­ ited set of configurations that match prototypi­ whether an emotIOn IS elICIted by a particular ential susceptibility of emotion response sys­ text, and person. We present our ideas about cal challenges and opportunities (e.g., loss of tems to cultural influence is depicted in the event, and if so, which emotion. For example, a modulators in Table 32.1 below along with em­ support, presence of attachment object). When shading of the observable responses-with sudden loss of support experienced during a pirical support where available. Should these a match occurs, a hardwired organized set of roller-coaster ride may be appraised in a way darker arrows indicating greater cultural influ­ hypotheses about the modulating influences of response tendencies (i.e., an emotion) is acti­ ence. Thus, autonomic response tendencies that makes it less life threatening; thus, it is less culture prove to be correct, they will indicate vated. This set of response tendencies has been likely to produce fear and more likely to pro­ pass through the control system relatively unin- selected by evolution for having the highest duce amusement or excitement. On the output probability of dealing successfully with that side, another part of the control system alters kind of situation most of the time. For simplic­ the likelihood that a response tendency acti­ TABLE 32.1. Moderators of Cultural Influence on Emotion ity, in this version, we have omitted some of the vated in the core will lead to its usual, observ­ additional response systems that are recruited able response (e.g., whether a tendency to show Greater cultural influence on emotion associated with Rationale (e.g., perception, attention, purposeful behav­ a facial expression of disgust when viewing a Modulator Familiarity with cultural norms and reinforcement ior, vocalization, gross motor activity, gating of decaying body results in an observable disgust Acculturation/stage Stronger immersion in and history of rewards for conforming to these norms higher mental processes-see Levenson, 1999, expression or a neutral face; whether a particu­ of ethnic identity identification with cultural beliefs and mores about increases likelihood of future conformity (Soto et al., for a more complete set). The different patterns lar configuration of visceral sensations is la­ 2005; Tsai et al., 2002). of activation of these systems, especially the beled as disgust or not). It should be noted that emotion visceral and somatic sensations and proprio­ the control system can both increase and de­ Strong emotion "floods" system, making voluntary Intensity Less intense emotion ceptive feedback, contribute to the subjective crease the likelihood of a given event resulting control more difficult.

Rapid onset cuts off opportunity to reappraise Timing More gradual onset of Appraisal Display/Feeli n9 emotion situations and to "brace" against the natural rules expression of the emotion. Species-relevant prototypical elicitors (e.g., loss of Match to Antecedent condition more support as prototypical fear elicitor in humans) have prototypical distal from a prototypical strong evolved hardwired circuitry that is extremely elicitor elicitor difficult to modulate. Antecedents that diverge from prototypes produce weaker response tendencies that are easier to override and alter.

Self-referential emotions (e.g., pride, shame, guilt) are Class of emotion Emotions that are more Scan self-referential than more culturally constructed (Kitayama, Markus, & incoming survival-oriented Matsumoto, 1995), more directly embody cultural Event information norms, and have less strongly evolved hardwi.red circuitry than survival-oriented negative emotIOns (e.g., and match fear, anger). Positive emotions likely fall somewhere in to prototype between. Emotions, such as disgust, that have not only hardwired origins but also "moral" extensions (Rozin, Lowery, Imada, & Haidt, 1999) could provide particularly interesting tests.

Ethnic ingroup members and other culturally relevant Social context Presence (real or imagined) of other members of ethnic symbols (language, food, etc.) can cue cultural norms, group or cultural cues making them more salient and more likely to influence emotion (Kitayama, Markus, Matsumoto, & Antecedent Recruited response Observable Norasakkunkit, 1997; N. A. Roberts & Levenson, in condition tendencies responses press; Vanman, Paul, Ito, & Miller, 1997; Vrana & Rollock, 2002). FIGURE 32.1. Revised biocultural model of emotion. 792 VI. EMOTION AND MOTIVATION 32. Emotion, Biology, and Culture 793 important issues for researchers to consider to test falsifiable hypotheses and to explore tative of the cultural traditions of interest. Boucsein, W. (1992). Electodermal activity. New York: and control for when attempting to evaluate, causal, mediating, and moderating influences Bicultural college students are often quite capa­ Plenum Press. compare, and aggregate findings concerning on actual emotion production. ble of "code-switching" (i.e., shifting between Brownley, K. A., Light, K. c., & Anderson, N. B. cultural influences on emotion. their culture of origin and their adopted "main­ (1996). Social support and hostility interact to influ­ ence clinic, work, and home blood pressure in Black stream" culture); thus, it is important to be sen­ and White men and women. Psychophysiology, 33, CONCLUSION sitive to the extent that the laboratory environ­ FUTURE DIRECTIONS 434-445. ment is providing cues as to what behavior is Cannon, W. B. (1927). The James-Lange theory of emo­ "appropriate" (e.g., the ethnic match between In this chapter we have reviewed the literature tions: A critical examination and an alternative the­ experimenters and participants). Studies asse~s­ Studying the influences that culture has on ac­ that has considered cultural influences on two ory. American Journal of Psychology, 39, 106-124. ing multiple aspects of emotion present spe~lal Changeux, J.-P. (1985). Neuronal man: The biology of tual emotion production provides a rich and of the primary biological systems in emotion_ analytical challenges in attempts to apportIOn mind. New York: Oxford University Press. fertile direction for future research. Such re­ facial expression and peripheral physiological cultural influences among the measured sys­ Cohen, D., Nisbett, R. E., Bowdle, B. E, & Schwarz, N. search arguably provides the third essential leg response. Many of these studies include self­ tems (e.g., is the found cultural influence on fa­ (1996). Insult, aggression, and the southern culture of a modern empirical science of culture and report measures of emotional experience, and cial expression more or less than would be ex­ of honor: An "experimental ethnography." Journal emotion consisting of emotional ethnography these data have also been considered. Although of Personality and Social Psychology, 70(5), 945- pected given the found cultural influence on (critical for hypothesis generation and interpre­ there have been a large number of studies of 959. peripheral physiology?). Moreover, researchers tation of results); studies of emotion percep­ cultural influences on the ability to recognize Damasio, A. (1998). The somatic marker hypothesis need to consider factors that could modulate tion, understanding, and values (critical for un­ the emotions being expressed by others, we and the possible functions of the prefrontal cortex. In the impact of culture on emotion (e.g., intensity derstanding the ways that culture influences have given primary consideration to studies of A. C. Roberts, T. W. Robbins, & L. Weiskrantz of stimuli, type of emotion, acculturation level (Eds.), The prefrontal cortex: Executive and cogni­ our thinking about emotion); and studies of emotion production in which these biological of participants) when attempting to aggregate tive functions (pp. 36-50). New York: Oxford Uni­ emotion production (critical for discovering systems have been directly measured during ac­ findings across different studies. . versity Press. the influences of culture on different emotion tual emotions. Based on this body of research, Emotion provides an ideal stage for studymg Darwin, C. (1872). The expression of the emotions in systems as emotions unfold over time). Studies we conclude that cultural influences in emotion the interplay of culture and biology, nature and man and animals. London: Murray. of culture and emotion production lend them­ vary depending on which aspect of emotion is nurture, and contexts and individuals. We are Delehanty, S. G., Dimsdale, J. E., & Mills, P. (1991). selves readily to experimental designs in which being considered, with the strongest influence Psychosocial correlates of reactivity in Black and still at a relatively early stage in the study of cultural variables are carefully manipulated on self-reported emotional experience, some­ White men. Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 35, cultural influences on the biology of emotion. (e.g., presence of culture-salient cues) and their what weaker influence on emotional facial ex­ 451-460. As this research area continues to mature, we influence on emotional responding precisely pression, and relatively minimal influence on Ekman, P. (1994). Strong evidence for universals in fa­ expect the theoretical and practical yield f~r measured. 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Tsai, L., Pole, N., Levenson, R. W., & Munoz, R. F. J. der, ethnicity, and social context. Psychophysiol (2003). The effects of depression on the emotional re­ 35,462-469. og~ sponses of Spanish-speaking Latinas. Cultural Diver­ Vrana, S. R., & Rollock, D. (2002). The role of eth . sity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 9, 49-63. . mc- Ity, gender, enwtional content, and contextual differ- Vanman, E., Paul, B. Y., Ito, T. A., & Miller, N. (1997). ences III phYSIOlogical, expressive, and self-reported The modern face of prejudice and structural features emotIOnal responses to imagery. Cognition and Emo­ that moderate the effect of cooperation on affect. tIOn, 16, 165-192. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 73 941-959. ' , Wallbott, H. G.: & Scherer, K. R. (1988). How universal CHAPTER 33 and speCIfIC IS emotional experience?: Evidence from Voars, A., Webber, L., & Berenson, G. (1982). Resting 27 countnes on five continents In K R S h heart rate and pressure-rate product of children in a . " c erer (Ed.), Facets of emotion: Recent research. (pp. 31- total biracial community: The Bogulusa Heart Study. 56). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Amerzcan Journal of Epidemiology, 116,276-286. Wierzbicka, A .. (1986). Human emotions: Universal or Vrana, S. R., & Rollock, D. (1998). Physiological re­ culture-specIfIC. American Anthropologist 88 584- Culture and Psychopathology sponse to a minimal social encounter: Effects of gen- 594. ' , Foundations, Issues, and Directions

ANTHONY J. MARSELLA ANN MARIE YAMADA

Shall we write about the things not to be spoken of? Shall we divulge the things not to be divulged? Shall we pronounce the things not to be pronounced? -JULIAN THE ApOSTATE (332-363 C.E.) Hymn to the Mother of the Gods

After decades of relative neglect and marginal­ Mental Disorders (DSM-IV) under the titles ization within psychiatry, the study of the rela­ "Glossary of Culture-Bound Syndromes" and tionship between culture and psychopathology "Outline for the Cultural Formulation of has emerged as topic of considerable interest Case." Though these sections appeared at the and influence. In 1994, under pressure from very ends of the book (pp. 843-849), they nev­ ethnic minority and international psychiatric ertheless signaled a new era in psychiatry, in professionals, the American Psychiatric Associ­ which cultural factors would now be given in­ ation included new sections in the fourth edi­ creased attention in our understanding of the tion of Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of etiology, expression, assessment, diagnosis, and

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