Cultural Commodities in Japanese Rural Revitalization Social Sciences in Asia

Home , Tsugaru clan, Tsugaru dialect, Tsugaru Peninsula

Edited by Vineeta Sinha Syed Farid Alatas Chan Kwok-bun

VOLUME 28 Cultural Commodities in Japanese Rural Revitalization

Tsugaru Nuri Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen

By Anthony S. Rausch

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2010 Th is book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Rausch, Anthony, 1960- Cultural commodities in Japanese rural revitalization : Tsugaru Nuri Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen / by Anthony S. Rausch. p. cm. — (Social sciences in Asia ; v. 28) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-17996-7 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Rural development—Japan—Case studies. 2. Cultural industries—Japan—Case studies. I. Title. II. Series.

HN730.C6R38 2010 307.1’4120952—dc22

2009047720

ISSN 1567-2794 ISBN 978 90 04 17996 7

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to Th e Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands CONTENTS

List of Figures ...... vii List of Tables ...... ix Acknowledgements ...... xi

Chapter One Th e Future of Local Places ...... 1 Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization ...... 2 Local Revitalization and the Culture Economy ...... 5 Framework and Methodology ...... 10

Chapter Two Th e Tsugaru District of Aomori Prefecture ...... 15 Contextualizing Local Revitalization in Aomori Prefecture ...... 15 Aomori Prefecture and the Tsugaru District ...... 18 Th e Cultural Commodities of Aomori and the Tsugaru District ...... 24

Chapter Th ree Culture in Revitalization: Policy, Production and Consumption ...... 33 Policy: Local Opportunity in a Culture Economy ...... 33 Production: Characteristics of Cultural Industries ...... 40 Consumption: Representation and Consumption Ethos ...... 51 A Research Framework ...... 58

Chapter Four Tsugaru Revitalization Policy and Cultural Commodities ...... 63 Toward a Culture Economy: Local Identity and Cultural Commodities ...... 63 Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization ...... 66 Tsugaru Lacquerware: National, Prefectural and Local Policy ...... 86 Tsugaru Revitalization Policy and Cultural Commodities: Modern Patronage versus Missed Opportunity ...... 96 vi contents

Chapter Five Th e Production of Tsugaru Cultural Commodities ...... 99 Th e Characteristics of Tsugaru Lacquerware Production ...... 99 Th e Characteristics of Tsugaru Shamisen Music Production ...... 122 Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Production: Workers and Artisans, Hobby Players and Professionals ...... 140

Chapter Six Th e Consumption of Tsugaru Cultural Commodities ...... 143 Th e Representation of Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen ...... 144 Th e Consumption of Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen ...... 162 Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Consumption: Multi- Dimensionality in Representation and Consumption ...... 179

Chapter Seven Cultural Commodities and Local Revitalization ...... 183 Tsugaru Revitalization: Government Policy and a Culture Economy ...... 183 Th e Future of Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen ...... 185 Th e Reality of Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization: Historical Trajectory ...... 189 Th e Promise of Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization: Conceptual and Operational Space ...... 199 Epilogue: Tsugaru Revitalization and Tsugaru Cultural Commodities, 2009 ...... 205

Appendices ...... 209 References ...... 221 Index ...... 231

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.1 Th e Combinative Nature of Place, Process and Product as Cultural Commodities ...... 10 Figure 1.2 Place, Process and Product as Policy, Production and Consumption ...... 11

Figure 2.1 Aomori Prefecture and the Tsugaru District ...... 19 Figure 2.2 Characteristics for Assessing Cultural Commodities ...... 25

Figure 3.1 Characterizing Industrial Production ...... 41 Figure 3.2 Research Frames for Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization ...... 59

Figure 4.1 Characteristics for Assessing a Culture Economy in Local Revitalization ...... 63 Figure 4.2 Summary of Hirosaki City Revitalization Policy and Cultural Commodities ...... 85

Figure 5.1 Scheme for Assessing Cultural Commodities Production ...... 99 Figure 5.2 Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Assessment Outline ...... 100 Figure 5.3 Designated Tsugaru Nuri Lacquerware Patterns ...... 103 Figure 5.4 Shikake-bera used in Tsugaru Lacquerware ...... 103 Figure 5.5 Cross-section of Kara-nuri ...... 104 Figure 5.6 Cross-section of Nanako-nuri ...... 105 Figure 5.7 Tsugaru Lacquerware Production: Representative Producer Types ...... 120 Figure 5.8 Tsugaru Shamisen Production Assessment Outline ...... 123 Figure 5.9 Tsugaru Shamisen Production: Representative Player Types ...... 139 viii list of figures

Figure 6.1 Scheme for Assessing Cultural Commodities Consumption ...... 143 Figure 6.2 Social Representation of Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen ...... 157 Figure 6.3 Consumption of Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen ...... 181

Figure 7.1 Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Conceptual Space ...... 200 Figure 7.2 Conceptual Space for Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen ...... 201 Figure 7.3 Operational Space for Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen: Exploitation ...... 202 Figure 7.4 Conceptual-Operational Space: Combination and Coordination ...... 203 LIST OF TABLES

Table 2.1 Aomori Prefectural Revitalization: Priorities ...... 17 Table 2.2 Major Craft Products of Aomori Prefecture ...... 24 Table 2.3 History of Tsugaru Lacquerware, 1600–1975 ...... 29 Table 2.4 Historical Periods of Tsugaru Shamisen ...... 32

Table 3.1 JAPAN BRAND Product Distribution (2008) ...... 38 Table 3.2 Local Brand Registration (2008) ...... 40 Table 3.3 Jōmon Products Age and Th eme Consumer Targets ...... 58

Table 4.1 Tsugaru District Identity ...... 64 Table 4.2 Factors of Tsugaru District Development: Comprehensive View ...... 66 Table 4.3 Tsugaru Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization Resident Producer ...... 67 Table 4.4 Conception of Tsugaru Cultural Commodities (Residents) ...... 67 Table 4.5 Creation and Management of Tsugaru Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization ...... 69 Table 4.6 Cultural Resources of Aomori Prefecture: Tōōnippō Newspaper Search ...... 70 Table 4.7 Cultural Commodities Information Source ...... 71 Table 4.8 Social Representation of Cultural Resources ...... 73 Table 4.9 Activity Areas in Tsugaru Lacquerware Promotion ...... 87 Table 4.10 Tsugaru Lacquerware: Promotion Plan Budgets and Expenditures ...... 88

Table 5.1 Tsugaru Lacquerware Production and Major Events 1949–present ...... 107 Table 5.2 Tsugaru Lacquerware-related Associations ...... 113 Table 5.3 Lacquerware Product by Category 2004 ...... 114 Table 5.4 Tsugaru Lacquerware Production: Traditional/ Non-Traditional ...... 115 x list of tables

Table 5.5 Tsugaru Lacquerware Industry Management Diffi culties, 2004 ...... 117 Table 5.6 Tsugaru Lacquerware Industry Production Policies ...... 118 Table 5.7 Tsugaru Lacquerware Future Orientation, 2004 .... 118 Table 5.8 Notable Events in Contemporary Production of Tsugaru Shamisen ...... 127 Table 5.9 Tsugaru Shamisen Records/CDs ...... 131

Table 6.1 Preferences in Cultural Commodities Media Representation (Producers) ...... 145 Table 6.2 Preferences in Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Advertising (Producers) ...... 146 Table 6.3 Lacquerware and Tsugaru Lacquerware on the Internet ...... 148 Table 6.4 Media Representation of Tsugaru Lacquerware: Th ematic Focus ...... 152 Table 6.5 Tsugaru Shamisen on the Internet ...... 154 Table 6.6 Media Representation of Tsugaru Shamisen: Th ematic Focus (2002–2005) ...... 155 Table 6.7 Image of Tsugaru Lacquerware (Consumers) ...... 158 Table 6.8 Conceptual Parameters of Tsugaru Lacquerware: 4 Criteria ...... 160 Table 6.9 Conceptual Parameters of Tsugaru Shamisen: Two Criteria ...... 161 Table 6.10 Tsugaru Lacquerware Use ...... 163 Table 6.11 Tsugaru Lacquerware Purchase Budget ...... 164 Table 6.12 Factors in Purchasing Tsugaru Lacquerware ...... 164 Table 6.13 Tsugaru Lacquerware and National Lacquerware Sales Routes ...... 166 Table 6.14 Initial Experience with Tsugaru Shamisen ...... 176

Table 7.1 Historical Trajectory: Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen ...... 192 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Th ere are many people deserving of acknowledgement for their assistance and support in this research. First of all, I would like to express my deepest thanks to my Monash University PhD advisors, Dr. Ross Mouer and Dr. Alison Tokita, as well as Hirosaki University Profes- sor Emeritus, Takeji Satō. Th anks as well to the reviewers of both the manuscript as well as the journal papers that were published over the course of the research. I thank all the individuals who have helped me come to understand Tsugaru, Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen. And, lastly, I thank my wife and children. Th e guidance and patience shown by all is deeply appreciated and has contributed greatly to this research. Whatever errors remain are my own.

Th e ideas of the research herein are my own: I organized the framework, put all the pieces together and hammered out the conclusions. Th e content of the research, however, has multiple origins. Refl ecting a sociological orientation, the content is based on relevant literature in both English and Japanese, public policy and budget documents at national, prefectural and municipal administrative levels, original surveys and media analysis, information gleaned from internet sites, and interviews with local residents, committee members, municipal government offi cials and artisans and performers. Th e ‘data’ that these sources provided are off ered both in the text as well as in the appendices. Th e information on the sources is provided in the text (with reference citations) as well as the appendices. Sources such as these are absolutely necessary to organize this sort of research and the information they off er was used solely to provide a basis for understanding of the worlds of Tsugaru, Tsugaru nuri lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen and to allow for the development of the ideas and the conclusions of the research. Th ere is always an inevitable time lag between research and publication—particularly when the publication is in the form of a reviewed and print-on-paper book as this is; I can assure you that the internet sites referred to existed and provided the information as given when the research was being conducted. It is, however, the xii acknowledgements nature of the medium, that some may no longer exist or may off er dif- ferent content as this book goes to publication. Th at noted, the theoretical trajectory of the research and the conclusions off ered stands as is. Finally, the names of the informants—those many individual who so generously off ered time, detailed expertise and informed opinion have been changed to preserve anonymity. In making it possible for this research to come to its conclusion, I appreciate the understanding of all. CHAPTER ONE

THE FUTURE OF LOCAL PLACES

Th e world’s rural places face an increasingly pessimistic future. Urban- ization and modernization, globalization and economic rationalization, depopulation and social shrinking—these phenomenon put rural places in circumstances where they must compete in what is an increasingly high-stakes contest of social and economic survival, while at the same time, handicapping them in their eff orts to do so. As economic, institutional, political and social powers are increasingly concentrated in and shift ed among global mega-cities, the rural places of the world are left behind and left out. However, as these trends continue, and their implications and outcomes become increasingly clear, there is also an emerging understanding of the value of rural places—an awareness that they fulfi ll many important roles in contemporary society and that they are meaningful, if only to the people who live and work in them. Attention then turns to how to ensure their future. Th is is the primary focus of this book: identifying a means of providing appropriate, meaningful and sustainable futures for rural places. Th is book takes up this challenge through examination of a highly peripheral place in a highly-developed modern nation-state; a place that is host to a wealth of historical and cultural richness, yet is also in dire need of revitalization. Th is book focuses on that place, and two locally-traditional commodities that share an origin in this place. Th is is the second focus of this book is a detailed examination of both a unique place and its two highly-specifi c cultural commodities. isTh examination yields a conclusion showing how the diff ering historical trajectories of specifi c commodities, which bring them to distinctly diff erent contemporary circumstances, also yield contrasting contributions for local revitalization. Taking these two local cultural commodities in combination, however, the research leads to a means for better recognizing both the character of cultural commodities and how these characteristics contribute to the future of the host area, in organizing a more broadly appealing, yet distinctive and sustainable approach to revitalization, through identifi cation of the conceptual and operational space that these cultural commodities provide it. 2 chapter one

Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization

Times change, circumstances change and the strategies employed by places in forging a future must likewise change, particularly for the peripheral places of the world. Looking to the future, the cities, towns and villages of rural places must organize policies that not only ensure a quality of life and are locally meaningful, but are also sustainable and competitive nationally and globally. Th ese polices must incorporate a broad combination of elements, some of which must link to the universal principles of local revitalization, with others specifi c to the place itself, shaped by its unique social history and contemporary cultural character. Th is book examines a part of this complex equation by focusing on a place called Tsugaru and two prominent cultural commodities of Tsugaru and their role in local revitalization.

Th e Tsugaru District and Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Much of rural Japan is uncertain about the future, due in no small part to a dramatic change in the central government’s relationship with these outlying areas. From the post-war period in the late 1940s and early 1950s through to the period of high economic growth of the 1960s, and on through the bubble economy of the 1980s and 1990s, the central government directed much of economic, political and societal functions of Japanese society, meaning that progress was, by and large, focused on the metropolitan areas of Kanto and Kansai, predominantly Tokyo and Osaka. Th is was, to a degree, justifi ed, as Japan was focusing on rebuilding aft er the war and thereaft er centralized most political and economic activities with an aim toward competitive participation at an international level. Th is centralization has, however, forced two unanticipated and inter-related realities: fi rst, that progress ensured at the center does not automatically equal progress everywhere else, and second, that such lack of progress elsewhere ultimately compromises the power of the center to generate progress anywhere. Th is dual reality forced the Japanese central government to initiate a policy of bunkenka (decentralization), culminating in the Heisei Gappei, the municipal mergers of the Heisei Period. Th ese two consecutive policy trends have forced the outlying areas of Japan to recognize that the fate of their communities, the fate of the economies of their communities, and the fate of the lives of the residents who live in these communities, now depend less on the national government in the future of local places 3

Tokyo than on local government and a local capability to create and sustain economic revitalization. Th e Tsugaru District, comprising the western half of Aomori Pre- fecture, the northernmost prefecture of Honshu, Japan, is just such a distinctly peripheral place in the overwhelmingly modern nation-state that is Japan. Situated outside the densely-populated and highly modernized cityscapes that most people associate with Japan, Aomori is last or near last on most measures of socio-economic status. As a part of the Tohoku District, Honshu’s northernmost six prefectures (see Brown 2006), it is the type of place Japanese imagine when they speak of ura-Nihon, the Sea-of-Japan-backside of Japan. Still, and possibly because they do see it that way, many Japanese view Tsugaru with nostalgia, casting it as a universal furusato (homeland), a counter to the commonality and uniformity of urban Japan. Tsugaru still possesses its unique character and a peculiar set of idiosyncrasies that make it diff erent from most other places in Japan. It is a place where, as Japanese ethnologist Yanagita Kunio would say, unseen things live on (Hashimoto 1998); a place that has the power to remind Japanese of who they are and where they have come from, even if they themselves are not in fact from such a place. Such nostalgia aside, questions abound as to where Tsugaru’s future lies. Once an important military outpost in Edo-period Japan, Tsugaru is now isolated geographically, economically, politically and culturally, such that the contemporary economic fate of the cities, towns and villages of Aomori and the Tsugaru District have become dependent on agriculture and a limited local economy. With decentralization and the Heisei municipal mergers forcing further economic isolation and pressure, the local governments and residents of Tsugaru now struggle to identify a suitable and sustainable menu of revitalization possibili- ties. And so it is that the resources and the commodities that represent Tsugaru, along with the unique histories and the idiosyncrasies of the place that make up the local Tsugaru identity and the Tsugaru way of living, the very elements that produced the cultural commodities, must now be viewed as the essential elements of Tsugaru’s future. Th e Tsugaru District is ideal for a study of cultural commodities in local revitalization. First of all, the Tsugaru District is a highly peripheral area in a highly developed Asian nation-state that is undergoing economic decline and depopulation (see Yamashita 2004; Matsutani 2006). Th is yields not only a meaningful case study, but one which provides a contrast to the predominantly Europe-centered body of 4 chapter one literature on local revitalization. Second, Tsugaru’s contemporary peripherality belies a history long characterized by tensions between center and the periphery, which has been exacerbated by the recent Heisei-era municipal mergers (see Rausch 2006a). Tsugaru’s rich history provides it with a wide range of cultural resources—some successful, some less than successful. While mindful of this diversity, this study focuses on two, neither of which has been dealt with extensively in either Japanese or English. Th e fi rst is a locally produced lacquerware, Tsugaru nuri, and the second a local music performance tradition, Tsugaru shamisen. Th ese two cultural commodities—one a tangible craft item, the other an intangible performing art—both possess a Tsugaru place-name designation, but each is an outcome of a diff erent origin and historical trajectory and each enjoys a dramatically diff erent contemporary circumstance, providing illuminating compari- sons and contrasts. Interestingly, these two cultural commodities point to a frustrating paradox in both history and policy. While Tsugaru lacquerware has a historical trajectory of social status and patronage, with contemporary government policy and funding support, it languishes. On the other hand, Tsugaru shamisen fl ourishes, despite its origin as a music of the social periphery and a history with neither an organized approach to its development nor government patronage or sponsorship.

Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization Th e designation of any product, service or performance as a ‘cultural commodity’ signifi es an array of elements that must be viewed simultaneously in understanding its circumstance and its potential. Th ese include its form, its contemporary attractiveness and popularity, along with the socio-cultural and political-economic infl uences of its history, which provide it with meaning and signifi cance. Th ere are also the processes of its production and consumption, taking the creation of the commodity itself from start to fi nish, followed by marketing, distribution, and ultimately, purchase and use. It is in this combination of form, meaning and process that cultural commodities succeed or fail, surviving as a commodity or being relegated a historical artifact; it is in the management of these forms, meanings and processes that a cultural commodity can make a locally appropriate and sustainable contribution to revitalization. Th ere is, without question, value in preserving languishing cultural commodities as cultural artifacts. Th ere is also potential in recognizing that such cultural commodities can the future of local places 5 have a broad signifi cance in making multi-dimensional contributions to the development of a sound local economy as well as to a strengthened local identity for the places they are associated with. And fi nally, there is the necessity of understanding the adjustments, adaptations and compromises that must sometimes be made to realize either or both of these outcomes. Taking up the specifi c research herein, this book focuses fi rst on the question of how a local community organizes local development in order to use its local resources as cultural commodities. Second, and constituting a larger element in the research, is how local cultural commodities themselves are created, maintained, managed and promoted. Th ese themes dovetail to show how local development policy and local social processes identify and cultivate local resources as cultural commodities and how these commodities are produced and consumed, enabling the survival of the commodity itself and the local infrastructure that supports it, while also contributing to local development. Th is research presumes that appropriate management of local cultural resources, such that cultural commodities are recognized, valorized, exploited and sustained in ways that yield economic benefi ts while contributing to a sense of local identity, will contribute to the future of a place as a stable and sustainable location. However, the reality is that this is more complex than such an idealized summary would indicate and, further, that success in cultural commodities-based local revitalization brings with it risks both to the community and to the specifi c cultural commodity. Some commodities succeed in the modern market, while others fail, a function of history and the specifi c characteristics of the commodity, together with the contemporary circumstances of policy, production and consumption that support it. Some can succeed with support, usually provided by government at some level, while others are either preserved as cultural artifact or allowed to fade and disappear. And while the successful contribution of a particular commodity as product or artifact may bring a range of benefi ts to the community, there are compromises that must be made to realize that success.

Local Revitalization and the Culture Economy

While there are abundant theories regarding local industry and development and the character of cultural commodities, the present research 6 chapter one aims to combine these themes as they apply to questions of cultural commodities in local development. Clearly, a conceptually broad and multi-dimensional view is needed, but one which can also accommodate a set of highly specifi c and focused research approaches.

From Economic Development to Local Revitalization: Identifying Progress for a Place Th rough the early part of the 20th century, increasing industrialization and diversifi cation led to expansion and internationalization of the economies of developed countries, which, with varying levels of government guidance, yielded our contemporary economic dynamic as well as a social infrastructure supporting it. However, by the late- 1960s, questions were being raised about the human and environmental costs of this, bringing a reconsideration of the fundamental premises of economic development itself. Measures of economic growth alone have increasingly been complemented by notions which incorporate improvements in the quality of everyday life for a majority of people (Daly 1996). Development is a universal feature of all societies, the goal of which is to enable citizens to “make their own histories and geographies under conditions of their own choosing” (Lee 1994: 128). Th is objective is, however, complex, diverse and subject to controversy, a reality that Barnes (2001) described as messy, fractured, and full of competing perspectives, where as McDonagh (2001) pointed out, a ‘one-size- fi ts-all’ defi nition is less valid than multi-dimensional perspectives that take into account the role of cultural values in establishing the priorities of development. Th us, the narrow, quantitative descriptions of economic development have been replaced by multi-disciplinary orientations that refl ect complex social realities. Keane (1996: 4) noted how an increasing variety of criteria have been identifi ed in the context of creating a local development process, pointing to social infrastructure, institutional capacity and social coherence, highlighting how variations in the local situation can shape a community’s response to a need for development. Kearney et al. (1994) asserted that local development must include such social elements as “upgraded local leadership, a culture of enterprise and innovative action, or the enhanced capacity of people to act in concert, purposefully and eff ectively so as to cope with the threats and opportunities they face” (16), which Cabus (2001) refor- the future of local places 7 mulated to regional advocacy of local interests. In this sense, the local development policy ideal is a multi-dimensional approach guided by rational management of local resources aiming at collective prosperity for a specifi c place—the essence of the Japanese term kasseika (vitalization), and for our purposes specifi c to the historical trajectory of Tsugaru and Tsugaru cultural commodities, revitalization. Such a policy ideal notwithstanding, Fairbanks (2000) pointed to inevitable tensions between policies designed to promote quantitative economic development, primarily increased output, and those incorporating cultural elements and yielding social advances. Policy ultimately implies decisions to focus on one sector over another, yielding an advantage for some and a disadvantage for others. Broader tensions concern the extent to which various levels of government should provide overall co-ordination in balancing and accomplishing these priorities across a range of geo-political perspectives. If a peripheral district or town endures a slow demise to ensure the prosperity of a better-equipped global city, should this not be considered merely a noble death for an outlying province for the good of the nation-state? Clearly, policy undertaken at one level can run counter to the intentions and best interests of policy undertaken at another.

Culturally-informed Multi-Dimensional Progress: Cultural Commodities in a Culture Economy Th e mechanisms by which culture is incorporated into local revitalization are only now being identifi ed, articulated and untangled. Culture is without doubt one of the most complicated notions in the social sciences, not given to being defi ned in any static sense, but rather viewed as a methodological tool, the meaning and use of which changes depending on the objectives (Williams 1976). Warde (2002) concurred, noting that ‘culture’ is less a function of a fi xed defi nition than of what the defi nition is being used for. Th e operational utility of culture in local revitalization is framed by cultural materialism, “the analysis of all forms of signifi cation . . . within the actual means and conditions of their production” (Williams 1981: 64–65), the elements of which are:

1. institutions of artistic and cultural production; 2. formations, the schools, movements and factions of cultural production; 8 chapter one

3. modes of production, the relations between the material means of cultural production and the cultural forms; 4. identifi cations and forms of culture, including the specifi city of cultural products, their intended aesthetic purpose and the particular forms that generate and express meaning; 5. the reproduction, in time and space, of selective traditions of meanings and practices involving both social order and social change; 6. the organization of the ‘selective tradition’ in terms of a ‘realized signifying system’ (italics as in Barker 2000: 40).

Th ese elements provide a starting point for examination of cultural commodities in local revitalization. However, more recent cultural study theorists have asserted that meanings emerge and are altered and managed at the level of consumption as well, by consumers acting as producers of meaning. Bringing these two sides together, du Gay et al. (1997) outline a “circuit of culture,” in which cultural meaning is produced and embedded at each point, or moment, of a circuit which includes production, representation, regulation, identity, and consumption. Each moment involves a generation of meaning which is necessary, but not suffi cient in itself, for determining the next; each moment is articulated and linked to the next in a manner predictable but continually subject to change. While du Gay and Pryke (2002) further outlined this trend of the culturalization of the economy, the notion of culture as it relates to economy in the present research originated in Fiske’s (1992) use of the term to indicate the signifi cance of consumers as producers of popular meaning. As summarized by Negus (2002): Th e emphasis was placed on how commodities are used and appropri- ated and are imbued with or accrue additional meanings, uses, sign values, and how, in turn, this dynamic contributes to the social value of things and is therefore signifi cant for their continuing circulation and exchange. Th is argument was an important challenge to a crude ver- sion of the distinction between use value (social needs) and exchange value (economic market), and was part of a more general concern with the extra-cultural value which can be accumulated by commodities. (116–117) Negus ultimately concludes that a culture economy exists in all contemporary societies, with culture as the place where “practice, way of life and representation collide” (119). It is this culture as practice, way the future of local places 9 of life and representation, a function of the moments of identity creation, production, representation, regulation and consumption being articulated in the circuit of culture, that confi rms the linkage between the economic and the cultural component of cultural commodities. Concrete representations of the range and diversity of cultural commodities, and the cultural industries that produce them, will be examined herein; suffi ce it to say for now, the conceptual and concrete range and diversity that one can fi nd in defi ning cultural commodities beg the question of a comprehensive notion of the cultural industries and cultural commodities as representative of a single and inclusive economic sector on a practical, real-life level. Negus does little to address this when he admits that: . . . the activities of those within culture-producing organizations should be thought of as part of a way of life; one that is not confi ned to the formal occupational tasks within a corporate world, but stretched across a range of activities that blur such conventional distinctions as public— private, professional judgment—personal preference and work—leisure time . . . (I)t is misleading to view practices within entertainment and arts institutions as primarily economic or governed by an organizational logic or structure. Instead, work and the activities involved in cultural production should be thought of as meaningful practices which are interpreted and understood in diff erent ways and given various meanings in various social situations (Negus 2002: 119). Given this expansive realm of cultural industries and cultural commodities, it is clear that the practices associated with the circuit of culture within a local economy must be viewed as extensively varied as well. Approaches to policy, for example, can range from full and unquestioned governmental or institutional support for a cultural product to the wholesale abandonment of the realm of cultural products to market viability. Th e dynamics of production and consumption and the associated moments of representation and identity in the circuit of culture must account for extremes from innovative and interpretive performance on one hand to production of a craft item according to strictly-prescribed traditional processes and consumed as a durable good for its everyday functionality on the other. 10 chapter one

Framework and Methodology

From Place, Process and Product to Policy, Production and Consumption Economic development as local revitalization, based on elements of a culture economy and its cultural commodities, implies powerful and highly symbiotic connections between the characteristics of place and the processes and the products related to cultural resources as cultural commodities. Place provides for the constitution of a specifi c locale: the characteristics and resources which constitute a tangible base on which a local way of life emerges over time and leads to local processes and products that come to represent the place. As outlined by Rausch (2003), this yields complex and recursive connections of place, process and product, a highly intuitive conceptual framework for this research (Figure 1.1). A conceptual framework organized around the notions of place, process and product assumes a local socio-cultural identity which provides for social cultural values, values that ultimately organize development eff orts within the framework of a culture economy and the concomitant production and consumption of the cultural commodities. Th ese values include a pride in a certain image or ideal of what the local community should be, or might be, and a commitment to ensure the continuation of that local community in that image through

Product * the characteristics of local products and cultural commodities Process * the processes Processes yield of cultural products commodity and products direct production processes Place *the constitution Place infl uences Place determines of a specifi c place processes; products; processes products refl ect and represent place represent place Place Process Product (from Rausch 2003) Figure 1.1 Th e Combinative Nature of Place, Process and Product as Cultural Commodities the future of local places 11

Product as Industry, retailer consumption and consumer activity relating to consumption Process as Industry and individual producer production activity relating to management and production Place as National, regional, and local level policy relating to policy development, industry, commerce, etc. Place Process Product (from Rausch 2003) Figure 1.2 Place, Process and Product as Policy, Production and Consumption appropriate development. Th e manifest elements by which the identity and values of place, along with processes and products, are operationalized are found in concrete assessments of policy, production and consumption (Figure 1.2). Policy, formulated by local and prefectural municipalities, but infl u- enced by a myriad of other interested parties, each making assessments on the basis of various combinations of altruistic and self-interested objectives and aims, systematically organizes the multi-dimensional elements of both local development and the culture economy. Pro- duction, also characterized by a variety of tensions between policy- makers, cultural-commodity producers and interested parties, relates directly to the organized production of the cultural commodity itself. Consumption, the act through which the cultural commodity as product is ultimately realized, is also infl uenced by multiple social actors, including policy-makers, producers, wholesalers and retailers, together with enthusiasts and supporters of the cultural commodity as well as a wide range of consumers from various socio-economic and geographic backgrounds. However, as du Gay and Pryke (2002: 8) point out, techniques of policy and production, particularly when practiced in the realm of local revitalization and a culture economy, “do not come ready-made. Th ey have to be invented, stabilized, refi ned, and reproduced; they have to be disseminated and implanted in practices of various kinds in a range of diff erent locales.” Th e same can be said for consumption, albeit less in the invention and so on of patterns, 12 chapter one but where each product produces its own pattern of consumption, in practices both concrete and representational.

Th emes, Methodology and Overview Th ere is a central assumption that local revitalization, both as an abstract notion and as concrete policy, is trending toward a broader inclusion of cultural resources to meet its aims. Th ere is an additional assumption that despite the diff ering historical trajectories and contemporary realities that characterize all cultural commodities, all have the potential to contribute to local revitalization, economically, culturally or in some combination. It is in the intersection of these two assumptions that the following research themes are organized. Local revitalization based on cultural commodities: What is the nature of local revitalization policy based on cultural resources? Where local policy incorporates cultural resources, what are the implications for place, policy and the cultural commodities themselves?

Cultural commodities in local revitalization: What is the nature of place-based cultural commodity production and consumption organized on the basis of economic viability and cultural signifi cance? Where cultural commodities are produced and consumed in a manner that contributes to local revitalization, what are the implications for the cultural industries and the cultural commodities themselves and what is an approach to achieve the contributions to local revitalization? While many disciplinary perspectives, methodological approaches and explanatory dimensions can be brought to the multiple strands of this research, the work herein is sociological in its inspiration, organization, execution and explanation, and limits itself to attempting to address the themes outlined above. Th e elements infl uencing policy, production and consumption related to cultural commodities in local revitalization are numerous and the infl uences between them complex. In order to identify these elements and illuminate these relationships, a multi-dimensional case study that can accommodate a broad and multi-faceted range of information is necessary. Elucidation of policy, production and consumption—drawing on the literatures of local development and the culture economy, the cultural industries and cultural commodities and the production and consumption of the future of local places 13 cultural commodities—will identify the relevant factors and appropriate approaches to undertake, approaches that will guide the case study research that follows. Th is case study makes use of government information in the public domain to focus on the specifi c characteristics of policy, production and consumption, as well as content analysis of the media representations that characterize and contextualize these commodities, and a variety of questionnaires and interviews with a range of policy-makers, community leaders, cultural commodities producers and local residents in order to capture the sense of place, process and product on the one hand, as well as the reality of policy, production and consumption as these relate to local revitalization and cultural commodities on the other. Th e research of this book focuses on Aomori Prefecture and the Tsugaru District along with the two most visible cultural commodities of the Tsugaru District. Chapter Two will introduce these ‘places’ and these ‘commodities.’ An extensive contextualization of Tohoku, Aomori and Tsugaru—a more powerful creating of these places within Japan—could have been included; out of concern for space and focus, it is not. For fuller contextualization of Aomori and Tsugaru, see, in English, A Year with the Local Newspaper: Understanding the Times in Aomori, Japan (Rausch 2001, Tsugaru: Regional Identity on Japan’s Northern Periphery (Guo et al. 2005), Wearing Cultural Styles in Japan (Th ompson and Trap- hagen 2006) and, in Japanese, the serial publications Tohoku Gaku (kashikashbo) and Tsugaru Gaku (Tsugaru ni manabu kai). Chapter Th ree presents the theoretical base, ‘operationalizing’ the implications of place, process and product in an operational methodology that focuses on policy, production and consumption. Th e chapter proceeds on the basis of literatures on local identity, the culture economy and cultural industries production, and the meaning and consumption of cultural commodities being ‘operationalized’ to several specifi c and grounded research approaches. Chapters Four, Five, and Six report on the case study fi ndings regarding policy, production and consumption. Chapter Four focuses on the policy of place in local revitalization as it relates to cultural commodities, fi rst by looking at the local identity and local factors of development, in particular as they relate to cultural commodities, followed by an overview of local revitalization policy and the place of cultural commodities in that policy before closing by looking at policy specifi cally related to Tsugaru lacquerware and 14 chapter one

Tsugaru shamisen music. Chapter Five focuses on the production of cultural commodities based on a scheme by which the production of such diverse commodities as lacquerware and music can be analyzed leading to an assessment of how the participants in cultural commodity production engage with both production and revitalization. Finally, Chapter Six takes up the consumption of cultural commodities, focusing fi rst on the social construction of specifi c cultural commodities by considering their social representation, and second, on the consumption patterns of specifi c cultural commodities by considering a cultural commodities consumption ethos. Chapter Seven concludes the case study by outlining the specifi c case for the Tsugaru District and Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen before generalizing the research on the basis of outlining means of assessing the historical trajectory cultural commodities and identifying the conceptual and operational space of culture in a culture economy, illuminating a universally-applicable model for realizing the potential of cultural commodities in local revitalization. CHAPTER TWO

THE TSUGARU DISTRICT OF AOMORI PREFECTURE

Th is study focuses on a real place, examining real cultural commodities in real local policy. Th at place is the Tsugaru District, a historically and culturally defi ned district located in the western half of Aomori prefecture. Th e research will focus on Tsugaru revitalization policy in its relevance to the cultural resources of Tsugaru on the one hand, along with examination of the two dominant Tsugaru cultural commodities, Tsugaru nuri lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen music performance, on the other. Aomori Prefecture and the Tsugaru District provide a suitable case study site, fi rst by providing an example of a clearly peripheral area in an economically-advanced nation-state and second by virtue of the distinctiveness of the cultural commodities base it provides as well as the concrete place-name designation of Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen.

Contextualizing Local Revitalization in Aomori Prefecture

While social and economic peripheralization have characterized Aomori Prefecture’s relationship with the rest of Japan for most of the 20th century, this has been exacerbated in the early years of the 21st, with the Heisei Gappei, the municipal mergers of the Heisei Period. Kohara (2007: 9) asserted that the Heisei mergers were instituted on the basis of the national government’s view that the dissolution and merging of small municipalities into more eff ective administrative units was of primary importance in restoring Japan’s national fi scal health. With defi cits increasing across levels of governmental functions throughout Japan, the central government estimated that costs for administrative services by small municipalities could be cut drastically by bringing about their amalgamation with other, oft en larger, municipalities. Assuming this will prove true, the Heisei Mergers can be viewed as a success numerically, as they nearly halved the number of municipalities in Japan, from 3,232 as of 1999 to 1,820 by 2006. However, 16 chapter two the reality of the mergers, as well as the post-merger fallout that will inevitably arrive, temper such a unilaterally positive assessment. First of all, the mergers, and the resulting reconfi guration of population and resources, did not proceed uniformly throughout the country. In general, rural prefectures saw the number of municipalities fall, in some cases dropping to a quarter of what they had been, while other urban prefectures oft en underwent little change. Top in terms of decrease was Hiroshima, which went from 86 municipalities to just 23, followed by Ehime, Nagasaki, Oita and Niigata; the fi ve prefectures with the smallest change in number of municipalities were Nara, Hok- kaido, Kanagawa, Tokyo and Osaka (Osaka lost only one out of an original 44 municipalities). While consolidation of services in remote areas yields greater savings than the same measures in more densely populated areas, thereby justifying this unequal distribution, the second of the merger realities is more impacting. Despite justifi cations otherwise, the nancialfi incentives that were the default driving force for the mergers fail the test—savings in local administrative services previously borne by the national government will be off set by the increase in tax allocations required for repayment of the special local bonds that were issued by newly merged municipalities to build new administrative units. Th ird, and perhaps most importantly for the rural areas that underwent such dramatic restructuring, Kanai (2007) asserts that the long-term implications of the decentralization that underlie the Heisei Mergers will “debilitate functions and services essential to regional vitality and quality of life. Th e cessation of fi scal support from the national government would oblige Japan’s local governments to fend for themselves,” (5). As of January 2005, the Heisei Mergers in Aomori Prefecture yielded 16 new prefectural cities, towns and villages from 42 pre- merger, with an additional 23 having decided to remain independent. In truth, exclusion from merging was forced on numerous of these twenty-three due to their inability to attract merger partners, this a consequence of their own dismal fi scal circumstances. Ten of the 16 mergers could be characterized as a joining of one or more less-populated partners with a more-populated municipality. In several cases, a smaller municipality, fi scally sound and known for its high standard of local services, was merged with a larger town or city with a less stellar reputation on both counts. Pre-merger concerns in Aomori focused primarily on identity and service, as the residents of smaller villages and towns of outlying areas the tsugaru district of aomori prefecture 17 anticipated a loss of both when merged with a larger municipality. As it turns out, a spring 2007 prefectural newspaper article reported that 12 of the 40 post-Heisei Merger cities and towns of Aomori Prefecture have a consolidated real revenues and expenditures in the red for the previous fi scal year (Rausch 2008). Th us it is clear that Aomori is in need of some form of locally- directed revitalization, and direct reference to local development has been readily apparent in the local media. Local development as a theme has been well represented in the local newspapers of Aomori Prefecture since the early 2000s. Rendered as kasseika in Japanese, the Tōōnippō, considered to be the prefectural newspaper, and the Mutsu Shimpō, the primary newspaper serving the Tsugaru District, have both carried articles and long-running columns specifi cally related to the theme of local revitalization, detailing a range of themes and approaches, from tourism and public relations to product development and cooperative fi nancing of local enterprise. A 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer/Producer Survey (see Appendix 2.3 for full explanation and survey) showed that local residents held that the economy and jobs constituted the most important priority of local revitalization for Aomori Prefecture (see Table 2.1). Interesting to note, however, that this fairly predictable focus on an economic approach was followed, in order, by youth development and education, government services and leisure opportunities, and then regional solidarity and quality of life.

Table 2.1 Aomori Prefectural Revitalization: Priorities mean Economy and jobs 1.48 Youth development/education 1.53 Governmental services 1.65 Leisure opportunities 1.85 Regional solidarity and participation 1.92 Access to large cities 1.97 Living environmen 1.99 Large-scale shopping centers 2.31

Source: 2004 Cultural Commodities Producer / Consumer Survey. Note: mean based on Likert scale response to prompts with 1 = positive response and 4 = negative response; N = 190; see Appendix 2.1 for description and survey. 18 chapter two

Aomori Prefecture and the Tsugaru District

Any place is the sum of its many diverse characteristics. Suffi cient understanding of the diverse characteristics of a place is an important fi rst step to any consideration of local revitalization and the cultural resources that can be used in local revitalization. For Aomori Pre- fecture and the Tsugaru District, it is its location and geo-physical characteristics, its cultural origins, history and identity, and its more recent progression of politics, economy and culture that provide this understanding.

Aomori Prefecture: the Northernmost Prefecture of Honshu Aomori Prefecture is the northernmost prefecture of Honshu. Th e name means ‘blue forest,’ of which it has many. It is bounded on three sides by ocean or sea, and on the fourth by a mountain range, and it has a typical northern hemisphere seasonal climate—a warm spring, a brief rainy season, a hot summer, a mild autumn and a cold and snowy winter (see Figure 2.1). Aomori Prefecture was established as a prefecture in 1871. It is the eighth largest of Japan’s 47 prefectures, but with a population of about one-and-a-half-million, it has the sixth-lowest population density (154 residents per square kilometer, versus 335 for Japan as a whole and 5,410 for Tokyo (see Appendix 2.1 for citation). Th e prefecture has negative population growth and a highly aged population (more than 20 percent over 65 years of age overall and as high as 30 percent in some towns and villages). Th e prefecture has three major urban areas. Aomori City (318,000 residents), Hachinohe (248,000 residents) and Hirosaki City (193,000 residents), followed by three cities of between 60,000 and 70,000 residents, and 30 smaller towns and villages (post- Heisei era municipal mergers; see Rausch 2006). Far from Tokyo and the major political and commercial centers to the south, Aomori has been characterized by limited access throughout its history. A rail link with the south connected Aomori to Tokyo’s Ueno Station in 1889, and the northernmost extension of the Tohoku Expressway, which provided a high-speed motorway link from Tokyo to Aomori City, was not completed until 1986. Aomori Airport was opened to full-scale jet service in 1987. Th e Shinkansen line to Hachi- nohe City, located on the Pacifi c Ocean side of the Prefecture, was the tsugaru district of aomori prefecture 19

Aomori Prefecture Mutsu Hokkaido

Goshogawara Aomori Kuroishi Misawa Hirosaki Tsugaru-District Lake Towada Hachinohe Tohoku

Honshu Tokyo

Osaka

0 200km

Figure 2.1 Aomori Prefecture and the Tsugaru District 20 chapter two completed in 2002, with the line currently being extended to Aomori City and scheduled for completion in 2011. Aomori ranks low on virtually every economic indicator—from employment and income, to industrial production and small business sales. Annual per capita income for Aomori Prefecture ranks 45th nationally and half that of Tokyo, with monthly real income per working household ranked 37th nationally. Fourteen percent of the prefectural labor force works in the primary sector, with another 25 percent in the secondary and just under 60 percent in the service sector. Although Aomori Prefecture ranks 35th in terms of agricultural productivity, it is Japan’s number one producer of garlic, at 80 percent of the national crop, and apples, at 51 percent. Hachinohe Port boasts the largest yearly catch of any single port in Japan, although Hok- kaido’s six ports make it the national leader. On lifestyle indices, the prefecture looks better, with most indicators nearer national standards and living space and social welfare expenditures above the national average. Home fl oor space has Aomori ranked fourth nationally, with 13.73 tatami mats per person (approximately 22 square meters). A fi nal point of pride for Aomori Prefecture is its production of sumo wrestlers. Aomori can claim at least fi ve yokozuna and by divisions, Aomori ranks highest in number of natives in the top maku-uchi division, with four prefectural natives having attained this distinction at the time of writing.

Th e Tsugaru District: the Western Half of Aomori Prefecture Th e Tsugaru District comprises the western, Sea of Japan-facing half of Aomori Prefecture, with the eastern, Pacifi c-facing half being referred to as the Nambu District and the axe-shaped peninsula hanging over these two from the north, the Shimokita District. Tsugaru is bordered on the west by the Sea of Japan, on the east by Mutsu Bay and the Hakkoda Mountains, a string of eight peaks running on a north-south line through the center of the prefecture from Aomori City to Lake Towada, and the south by the southern boundary of the prefecture, which runs through the heart of the Shirakami Mountain Range. Th e area covers approximately 90 kilometers west to east and 80 kilometers south to north (at its longest, up the south-north line of the Tsugaru Peninsula). Despite Aomori City’s prominence as the prefecture capital, Hirosaki City is, in reality, the core city of the Tsugaru District. Mount Iwaki (1625 meters) sits to the west of Hirosaki City in the the tsugaru district of aomori prefecture 21 middle of Tsugaru, surrounded at the base by apple orchards, and further out by rice paddies that extend all the way up the Tsugaru Plain, the fl at north-south stretch of land running up the center of the Tsugaru Peninsula. Th e name Tsugaru, originally written asᵤಿ , fi rst appeared in Nihon Shoki (Chronicle of Japan), Japan’s oldest offi - cial history, dating back to the early-eighth century (Guo, Johnson, Kitahara, Rausch 2005). Currently, the name is written with two kanji, ᵤシ, the fi rst meaning harbor or overfl owing, and the second, light of weight.

Ancient Cultural Heritage Nationwide attention turned to Aomori Prefecture with the discovery of the Jōmon-Period (ca 10000 BC–ca 300 BC) Sannai Maruyama archaeological site in the early 1990s in the hills to the south of Aomori city and designated a National Historical Site in 1997. Th e site is one of the largest in Japan and has yielded a massive number of artifacts, including lacquerware, jade pendant heads, stone masks and pot shards, all dated from the early to middle Jōmon period. Th e remains of some 700 dwellings, including evidence of several structures supported by pillars as much as 15 meters in height, and long rows of human graves have also been found, proving the existence of a stable community (Shibuya 1997). While debates will continue regarding the interpretations that can be drawn from the site, the notion that Sannai- Maruyama may have been one of the earliest permanent communities of Japan has forced many Japanese to reconsider their understanding of Japanese ancient history and Aomori’s place in that history, and has fostered tremendous pride in Aomori and the Tsugaru District.

Early Political History As detailed by Hasegawa et al. (2000), Tsugaru Tamenobu (1550–1607) founded the castle town of Hirosaki in 1590, becoming the fi rst lord of the Hirosaki Domain. As Hirosaki lay at the northernmost extent of Honshû Island, the important task of defending the Tokugawa ter- ritories fell to the Tsugaru clan. Th e reign of the second lord Nobuhira (1586–1631) and the third Nobuyoshi (1619–1655) saw further expansion of the castle town, development of local agriculture and the opening of the port of Aomori to the north on Mutsu Bay. Th e fourth lord, Nobumasa (1646–1710), devoted much eff ort to cultural activities, 22 chapter two inviting intellectuals and artists from other domains to Tsugaru, the result being that even today Hirosaki is considered the cultural center of Aomori Prefecture. Th e Hirosaki Domain was reorganized into Aomori Prefecture in 1871, and although the political center was moved to Aomori City, the samurai of Hirosaki played an important role in the development of the new prefecture. In 1896, the Eighth Divisional Military Headquar- ters was established in Hirosaki, making it a Meiji ‘military capital.’ Lacking the major industries that accompanied Japan’s imperialistic expansion of the period, this favor bestowed by the Meiji government was important economically as well as in terms of prestige. Hirosaki returned to its emphasis on culture and education with the post- Second World War education reforms, which brought establishment of Hirosaki National University in 1949 along with a number of other specialized schools thereaft er.

Th e Local Economy as Dekasegi Th roughout the post-war period of national economic growth, poverty in Tsugaru has forced locals to seek work outside the area, in what is called dekasegi, a seasonal labor migration to the major metropolitan areas of Tokyo and Osaka. As outlined by Tanaka and Yamashita (1999), dekasegi peaked in the mid-1960s, during the height of the period of high economic growth in Japan, with numbers steadily declining since. Most of the men worked as manual laborers in the construction industries, with the women working in the bar trade. Dekasegi continues today, with some Tsugaru locals choosing it as a long-term lifestyle choice, with the availability of local seasonal agricultural work and the prospect of higher-than-local-wages validating the dekasegi labor pattern as opposed to seeking long-term, stable local employment. However, given the current economic uncertainties even in major metropolitan areas and the infl ux of foreign labor in Japan, the number of dekasegi-pattern positions are increasingly fewer than in the past and the wages to be gained are less attractive, even as local opportunities stagnate as well.

Cultural History As part of the process of establishing the Tsugaru Domain, the Edo- period Tsugaru lords tapped into the symbolic power of religion, the tsugaru district of aomori prefecture 23 ordering construction of the Iwaki Shrine at the foot of Mount Iwaki and an area of temples in Hirosaki City itself. Belief in the Tsugaru itako, the blind female shaman reputed to have the ability to communicate with spirits of the dead, has long been prevalent and deeply rooted to and was an essential part of life in Tsugaru in times when many were dying of illness and poverty (Suda, Daijō, Rausch 1998). Tsugaru is also famous for its festivals, many of which are music and dance accompaniments to Shintō and Buddhist practice and which can be traced to pre-modern times. Th e Neputa and Nebuta festivals of Tsugaru also speak to beliefs and practices of the past; although they are more agricultural and community-oriented in origin than religious, an important indicator of the importance of the agricultural vis-à-vis the spiritual in the history of Tsugaru. As a cultural center through the Edo period, a variety of cultural fi g- ures emerged in the Tsugaru District beginning at the end of the Meiji period, among them novelists, poets and social critics respected for their contributions to modern Japanese intellectualism and literature (Guo 2005; Kawanishi 2005). Tsugaru-shamisen and other local performing arts, as well as Tsugaru lacquerware and the work of woodblock artist Munakata Shikō (1903–1975) have become highly regarded representative forms of Tsugaru’s cultural base. Hirosaki City, spared bombing during the Second World War, is home to a vast array of historical sites displaying the region’s cultural heritage—Eastern and Western.

Tsugaru Identity Th e reality of geographical peripherality has replaced Tsugaru’s early importance as a northern border. Along with the extremely cold climate, recurrent crop failures and general economic malaise, it has generated a sense of inferiority in Tsugaru. Th is is particularly acute as Japan as a whole has undergone governmental and commercial centralization in Tokyo and regions south, and this sense of inferiority has became part of the local, particularly unique Tsugaru identity. Kawanishi (2005) asserts that this has led to emergence of a distinctive Tsugaru regionalism, which has gradually yielded a reserved sense of local pride—a pride in the unfortunate circumstance of Tsugaru that remains while Japan continues to progress. 24 chapter two

Th e Cultural Commodities of Aomori and the Tsugaru District

Japan is a country blessed with an almost uncountable number of diverse and highly local cultural resources. What is true for Japan as a whole is oft en true for its parts, and Aomori Prefecture is no exception. Th e Aomori Prefectural Government homepage introduces agricultural products, packaged food products and wood products, along with a Prefectural Te-shigoto (handicraft ) site listing pottery, lacquerware, dyeing, weaving, stitching, basket weaving, woodworking, metal-working, hide-working, festival and traditional performance goods, glass, and doll-making (for homepage addresses, see Appendix 2.2). Another prefectural list outlines the Traditional Craft Products of Aomori as shown in Table 2.2. While it is clear that both Tsugaru and Nambu are represented by place-name designated local products, it is also clear that Tsugaru dominates the traditional craft s landscape of Aomori Prefecture. A Hirosaki City municipal tourism homepage lists tourist facilities, religious sites, Western architecture, Japanese architecture, craft s, authors and prominent individuals, the preserved areas of the city, and local foods and dishes. Prominent among the craft s is Tsugaru lacquerware, bunako woodworking, Tsugaru pottery, weaving and a local stitching called kogin zashi.

Table 2.2 Major Craft Products of Aomori Prefecture Tsugaru: Product Name Nambu: Product Name Tsugaru Lacquer Ware Hachinohe Pottery Hirosaki Trad’l Wooden Craft s Nambu Diamond Embroidery Tsugaru Pottery Nambu Paulownia Chest Tsugaru Kites Yawata Horses Tsugaru Glassware Nambu Weaving Shitakawara Earthenware Dolls Nambu Hime Maru (Princess Ball) Akebi Vine Craft s Enburi Festival Hats Tsugaru Bamboo Baskets Kimigara (Corn Husk) Slippers Aomori Cypress Wood Products Kogin Embroidery Tsugaru Handcraft ed Knives Meya Dolls Nuruyu Kokeshi Dolls Owani Kokeshi Dolls Tsugaru Geta Clogs Taiko (Drums) Nishiki Stone Products Source: Aomori Prefectural Government homepage, Traditional Products page. Note: place-names not italicized. the tsugaru district of aomori prefecture 25

Th e primary focus of this research will be the two most important and most visible, yet clearly diff erent cultural commodities of Tsugaru: Tsugaru nuri lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen (the latter not included in Table 2.1; presumably because it is a performance). What makes Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen appropriate as the cultural commodities under examination is their multi-dimensional circumstance, which provides multiple meaningful empirical points of measure related to policy, production and consumption. In the case of Tsugaru lacquerware, the many dimensions of the craft —the history, the materials, tools and techniques used to produce it, its form and physical characteristics, the social nature of the production and the character of sales and consumption, as well as local consciousness and sentiment for the craft , its use and social meaning, and the place of the craft in administrative purview—provide a view to this cultural commodity’s contribution to local Tsugaru revitalization (see Figure 2.2). Likewise, Tsugaru shamisen provides similar dimensions—the history, the production of the instrument, the character of the music, the form of transmission and the nature and extent of the market, the character of the performers, together with sentiments about the music—which provide highly specifi c criteria by which to place the music and its characteristics related to policy, production and consumption in the question of its contribution to Tsugaru revitalization.

Tsugaru Nuri Lacquerware While the forms and patterns possible in lacquerwork are virtually unlimited, most contemporary Tsugaru lacquerware takes the form of eating utensils such as chopsticks and bowls adorned with one of three or four prescribed patterns. Tsugaru lacquerware is made by in a

Characteristics of the product: history, form, function, use . . . Characteristics of production: production amount/value, materials/techniques, characteristics of the industry, enterprises, associations . . . Characteristics of consumption: social status, representation in media, consumption motivation, consumption circumstances . . .

Figure 2.2 Characteristics for Assessing Cultural Commodities 26 chapter two process of applying multiple layers of colored lacquers, in some cases with specialized application tools or techniques, and then burnishing down through these layers to reveal an underlying pattern. Most oft en consisting of lacquer applied over wooden forms, although sometimes used on pottery, metals and plastic, contemporary Tsugaru lacquerware consists of, as above, food utensils such as chopsticks, bowls and trays, but also furniture, in the form of low tables, decorative objects such as vases and stands or stationery items such as address books, business card cases and pens and pen stands. From a peak of some 180 enterprises and more than 700 workers in 1974, the Tsugaru lacquerware industry was comprised of fewer than 100 enterprises and somewhere around 150 workers in 2005, estimates that are subject to dispute. Likewise, from a peak production value of over two billion yen in 1986, the industry has contracted to just over 600 million yen by 2005 (2004 Traditional Craft Products Production Area Investiga- tion Report: 10).

Th e History of Tsugaru Lacquerware Like most regional Japanese lacquerwares, Tsugaru lacquerware originated in the early Edo period, produced on the basis of local patronage to meet the demands of the feudal elites for original and innovative designs for lacquered military goods such as saddles and sword scabbards and later, household goods. Numerous entries in the Tsugaru clan diaries show the practice of patronage for these lacquer artisans, most notably in the issuing of invitations for consultation and provision of rice and property off ered to lacquer masters (Mochizuki 2000). As shown in Table 2.3, a journal reference dated 1624 refers to the cultivation of urushi lacquer sap. Under the patronage of the fourth Tsugaru Lord Nobumasa (1646–1710) and in the eff orts of Ikeda Gen- bei, lacquerware as a craft came to be formally organized in the Tsugaru District in the late 1600s, refi ned in eff orts to meet the demand for original lacquerware patterns through development of varied lacquering techniques using a variety of materials. Th roughout the Edo period, what would come to be called Tsugaru lacquerware had been referred to with the catch-all term kawari-nuri (literally, changed lacquer, in reference to the unlimited technique variations possible), as well as a variety of other terms: shunkei-nuri, a combination of the kanji characters for ‘spring’ and ‘rejoice’; kara-nuri, a word with reference to China or ‘foreign’; shimofuri-nuri, meaning the tsugaru district of aomori prefecture 27

‘salt-and-pepper patterned’; kanyû-nuri, written with the kanji characters for ‘pierce’; and mon-mushikui-nuri, the fi rst part of which refers to family crest or simply pattern on cloth, the second part meaning ‘moth-eaten’ (Satō 2001). Evidence of this range and variability in technique, materials and design has been found in the recent discovery of more than 500 te-ita, the hand-sized sample boards the lacquer artisans used to show their skills, in a storehouse of the Tsugaru family, each showing a unique design. Th e fl at form of the te-ita, as opposed to the normally rounded forms which simulated sword scabbards, and the only such samples found in Japan, also indicate that local lacquer craft smen were moving beyond the saya-nuri concepts and into forms refl ected better on fl at surfaces. With the abolition of the Edo feudal government ending local clan control and the associated patronage, Tsugaru lacquerware was forced to accommodate a market approach. Th e lacquerware, however, enjoyed a high reputation and was included in early government attempts at showcasing Japanese craft s on a global stage, as Tsugaru-produced lacquerware was included as a Japanese product at the Vienna International Exhibition of 1873 and at similar venues thereaft er (Satō 2001). Th e term ‘Tsugaru nuri’ was coined for these events, in order to distinguish Tsugaru-produced lacquerware from other regional varieties of Japanese lacquerware. Th is then represented the fi rst reference to the lacquerware produced in the Tsugaru District using a regional reference and it signaled the start of a process of standardization of Tsugaru lacquerware, as representative patterns of what was to be referred to as Tsugaru lacquerware had to be established and maintained. Th e transition from Edo to Meiji, from the 1870s to the early part of the 1900s, also saw the establishment of lacquerware enterprises, education facilities and associations. Post Second World War, the lacquerware was designated a Prefectural Small Business Promotion Product in 1949, and the post-war period from 1950 to 1980 saw a steady increase in the fortunes of Tsugaru lacquerware, with exhibitions increasing the visibility of the craft on a national level. Desig- nation of the craft as a Traditional Craft Product by the Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry in 1975 established it as a Japanese craft tradition in four designated techniques and representative patterns. In the period aft er its designation up to the present, Tsugaru lacquerware has been the focus of extensive promotion eff orts, while still experiencing a downturn in sales. Th e nature of this promotion together 28 chapter two with examination of the contemporary circumstances of production and consumption will be taken up in Chapters Four, Five and Six.

Tsugaru Shamisen Tsugaru shamisen is a musical performance both delicate and raucous, traditional and modern, performed in set pieces and open to innovation and ad-lib play. Emerging in the social margins of Tsugaru society in the late 19th century, Tsugaru shamisen is now played in the Tsugaru District in live houses and tourist venues and at special events on the one hand. On the other, it constitutes a national phenomenon, with iemoto-type schools located throughout Japan centered on some identifi able claim to lineage, either on a particular instructor or in being placed in a national competition, and performances not uncommon in major cities throughout the country. Th e music is also being seen as a distinctly Japanese music on an international level, with global CD sales and numerous players routinely touring overseas. Daijô Kazuo, Tsugaru shamisen teacher/researcher, recently estimated the number of hobby players as 100,000 throughout Japan with an unidentifi ed number worldwide.

Th e History of Tsugaru Shamisen Like lacquerware, the birth of Tsugaru shamisen was very much a function of the socio-economic climate of the times—in the case of shamisen however, a climate that pressed hard on the weakest members of society, the rural blind in particular. As of the sixteenth century, a centralized organization known as the tōdō-za, literally ‘our way’ or ‘proper way,’ controlled the activities of blind men who chanted historical narratives while performing the biwa (lute) in exchange for alms. By the late seventeenth century, the tōdō-za served primarily to maintain the economic welfare of its top-ranking members. A blind man from a wealthy family could master the biwa, shamisen or koto, and make a life performing and teaching while receiving pay- ment through the tōdō-za. A 1776 law further consolidated the power of the tōdō-za, by forbiding blind men outside the tōdō-za from earn- ing a living by such activities. According to Groemer (1999), the blind in the Tsugaru area were placed under the offi cial control of the tōdō-za in 1666. As elsewhere, the blind of wealthy families benefi ted most, with the poor receiving little from the tōdō-za. Th e poorest of these poor, referred to as bosama, were considered nothing more than the tsugaru district of aomori prefecture 29

Table 2.3 History of Tsugaru Lacquerware, 1600–1975 Establishment of Tsugaru Lacquerware as a Tsugaru Commodity 1624 Local Landowner Narita Y. cultivates urushi (Narita Family Journal) 1668– 4th Tsugaru Lord Nobumasa invites lacquer craft smen to Hirosaki; 1704 Ikeda Genbei returns from apprenticship in Edo, develops kara-nuri style and contributes to formation of Tsugaru lacquerware as a craft (1677) 1692 Reference to kara-nuri in National Diary Transition to a Viable Local Industry with National Attention 1870s– Tsugaru lacquerware included in the Vienna International Exhibi- 1880s tion of 1873 as a representative Japanese craft item; establishment of lacquerware companies in Hirosaki (Yamada H. 1880; Seigai 1883); Tsugaru lacquerware included in the 2nd Domestic Promotion Exhibition (1881) (dainikai naikoku kangyō hakurankai) 1900– Hirosaki Lacquerware Production Training Facility established in 1910 Hirosaki (1906); Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Association (tsugaru nuri sangyō kumiai) (1907); Aomori Prefectural Industrial School opens with Lacquerware Division (1909) 1940s– Six lacquer craft sman establish an informal technique certifi cation 1950s system (1942); Tsugaru Lacquerware designated Prefectural Small Business Pro- motion Product (1949); Tsugaru Lacquerware Exhibition held in Tokyo (1951); 1st Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Investigation (by Aomori Prefecture, 1953); Tsugaru Lacquerware Group wins 1st Prize at Th ird Nat’l Lacquer- ware Exhibition (1955); Aomori Prefectural Lacquerware Association established (1955) Transition to a Traditional Craft Object 1970s Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Investigation (by Hirosaki City); Aomori Prefectural Lacquerware Federation established (1972); start of the annual Tsugaru Lacquerware Craft ers’ Exhibition (1972); Tsugaru Lacquerware Production District (tsugaru nuri danchi) established (1973); Designated Traditional Craft Object by national commission (1975)

Source: adapted from Traditional Craft s Products Industry Promotion Association 2004 ‘Traditional Craft Products Production Area Investigation Report,’ 2–3. 30 chapter two simple beggars, but when skilled on the shamisen, they were referred to as jan-jan bosama, in reference to the ‘jan-jan’ strumming of the shamisen. Locals, however, overlooked legal proclamations and social status and valued profi cient playing, with some business owners going so far as to place a bosama performer in front of a shop to attract customers. Itinerant performers were also appreciated for the news they carried from village to village as they made their way across the countryside. Th e Meiji Restoration brought the end of the tōdō-za, but in its drive to modernize and Westernize Japan, the Meiji government established laws restricting the activities of the blind and the beggars. Without the benefi ts of urban industrialization, such laws resulted in an even harsher reality for the blind in rural areas, such as Tsugaru. Daijō (1995, 2004; see also, Suda, Daijō, and Rausch, 1998) proposed that the origin of what would come to be called Tsugaru shamisen lies with one bosama named Akimoto Nitarō (1857–1928) who came to be known as ‘Nitabō.’ Nitabō, like the other bosama of his time and those who followed, survived by what was called kadotsuke, going from village to village, corner to corner and gate to gate, playing a bit in hopes of attracting a patron who would pay for a performance in rice or money. While Daijō traces the lineage of shamisen players back to Nitabō, it is also true that there likely were numerous shamisen performers of the day who were improvising their own style. Cast as a skilled and innovative shamisen player and an entertaining performer, Nitabô, however, provides a romantic story and a powerful persona for the origins of this local music. Another important element in the development of contemporary Tsugaru shamisen is its association with min’yō, traditional Japanese folk songs. In the early 20th century, singing contests called utakai became very popular in Tsugaru. At the utakai, shamisen was used as an accompaniment to a min’yō singer, bringing together popular min’yō pieces and the energy of shamisen. Eventually, the shamisen grew in popularity and players began to stage shamisen solo competitions of their own. Th e Second World War brought an end to the utakai, with shamisen performers fi rst, forced to join ‘consolation troupes’ that entertained soldiers, and later, forced to abandon their music, as music in general was frowned upon during the war eff ort. Aft er the war, local music in the form of the utakai returned, becoming both a source of solace for the defeated nation and a basis for national and regional pride. the tsugaru district of aomori prefecture 31

By the time the utakai peaked in the 1950s, radio and record companies were bringing the music of rural Japan to urban residents, providing the mechanism for two Tsugaru shamisen greats to establish the principal styles performed today. Early in their careers, both Shirakawa Gunpachirō (1909–1962) and Kida Rinshōei (1911–1979) were famous in the troupe performances, eventually transforming themselves into independent solo players. Shirakawa’s style was a highly sensitive hiki-shamisen (plucking), earn- ing him the title as greatest Tsugaru shamisen player of all time. Kida’s energetic, pounding and very percussive style of play, called tataki- shamisen (beating or hitting style), however, has supporters who hold it as the essence of the Tsugaru style of shamisen, with critics who charge that Kida simply covered up his lack of skill in an overpower- ing playing style and sound. In any case, Tsugaru shamisen is now a combination of these two styles of play. By the 1960s, Tsugaru shamisen was booming in Tokyo, a function of Japan’s high growth economy bringing rural laborers to the south, whose nostalgic longing for home provided the base by which the popularity of Tsugaru min’yō and shamisen expanded to include urbanites and those from other rural locations. Most famous among these Tokyo players was Takahashi Chikuzan (1910–1998), prompting the period to be referred to as the Chikuzan boom. Th e Chikuzan boom brought media focus, with Tsugaru shamisen being broadcast on radio and the subject of several television documentaries. Th is in turn provided for a local appreciation to take hold within Tsugaru, as the music was heralded as a ‘Japanese ethnic jazz’ worthy of international recognition. From the 1970s on, LP records, which gave way to tapes, CDs and MDs, as well as books profi ling players appeared with increasing frequency. Th is history is summarized in Table 2.4 and will be taken up further in Chapters Five and Six. Th e research questions introduced in Chapter One asked how local revitalization policy incorporates and capitalizes on local cultural commodities on one hand, and how local cultural commodities are produced and consumed in a manner that contributes to local revitalization on the other. Th is chapter has shown that the Tsugaru District has cultural products appropriate to such examination. Th us the stage is set to consider the potential role that these cultural commodities of Aomori’s Tsugaru District can play in this local kasseika. 32 chapter two

Table 2.4 Historical Periods of Tsugaru Shamisen 1860– Tsugaru kadotsuke Min’yō accompianment with blind performers 1910 going house to house announcing their performance; social discrimination. 1910– Tsugaru utakai Promotion of the music through the Min’yō 1950s Festival Contests; increasing shamisen solo play and continued innovation. 1960– Tokyo Min’yō Period of High Economic Growth drew many 1980s Bar Boom performers to Tokyo leading to coining of term ‘Tsugaru shamisen’; dissemination through television. Post Tsugaru establishment of Tsugaru shamisen 1980s Competitions competitions in Tsugaru along with rise of and Young Stars young stars emerging through competitinos raises local and natinal consciousness of music; beginning of overseas performances. Post Tsugaru Shamisen Tsugaru shamisen promoted through mass 1990s Boom media; appeal across region and class; term ‘Tsugaru shamisen’ gains widespread diff usion nationally and internationally.

Adapted from Maeda 2003: 6, 17. CHAPTER THREE

CULTURE IN REVITALIZATION: POLICY, PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION

Th e methodological premise of this research is that policy, production and consumption provide a suitable framework for examining cultural resources in local revitalization. Specifi c policies direct local economic or cultural revitalization and specifi c characteristics of the production and consumption of local cultural commodities in some way and to some degree contribute to realizing these objectives. Th is chapter focuses on the concepts of policy, production and consumption, identifying the specifi c research themes, methodologies and assessment criteria—a set of research anchors—which will guide the case study of Tsugaru District and Tsugaru cultural commodities that follows.

Policy: Local Opportunity in a Culture Economy

Contemporary society is infl uenced by actions and interactions occurring at local, national and international levels, some directed by nation- states or by corporations or organizations operating at a national or international level, others by actors at a local level, originating in local municipalities, corporations or groups. Subject to such broad and varied infl uences, the promise of local revitalization is a function of bringing together the economic and cultural potential inherent in a particular locale. In the economic realm, this involves mobilization of capital and expertise in combination with local physical and human resources. Recognition and organization of cultural resources in a manner that preserves the character of the resources and the place constitute the cultural side of revitalization. Th ese sometimes complementary, sometimes competing processes can be characterized by a tension between local control and the actions of outsiders, with the interests of both characterized by competing economic and cultural priorities. 34 chapter three

Local Identity and Local Opportunity Local development, the process through which communities and local governments try to stimulate or maintain productive activity and employment in their own community, is oft en based fi rst and foremost on the use of natural, institutional and human resources that exist in a place (Blakely 1994). Precedo Ledo (2000) mirrors this notion, asserting that the fate of peripheral regions rests on local and regional development which can accommodate, if not capitalize on the geophysical, socio-economic and cultural idiosyncrasy of the place. Roca (2000) identifi ed this multi-dimensional idiosyncrasy in a representative case study of Portugal in three clusters of identity— socio-cultural identity, socio-economic identity, and techno-economic identity—which were perceived as important in local revitalization. Despite negative socio-cultural and socio-economic dimensions in a sense of local inferiority, an aged population, insecure employment and an exodus of youth, positive dimensions of local identity were found in traditional events and arts, public investment in culture and a positive cultural image being represented in the local media all supporting a collective cultural consciousness. Elements of techno-economic identity seen as activating local development are local agriculture and commerce, small and medium enterprises, and alternative tourism and leisure industry, with an emphasis on individual and institutional stakeholders fi nding ways to capitalize on these dimensions. According to Bryden and Munro (2001), available factors of local development can best be utilized on the basis of their tangible versus intangible characteristics. Tangible factors include natural resource availability and quality, macro-economic infrastructural investment and local human resources—the production functions of the area. Intangible factors include the local historical and cultural base, the nature of the local institutional and market performance, and local networks, community connectedness and overall quality of life. Pro- vided appropriate mobilization of these factors, local cultural, social, and environmental assets can be brought to play a signifi cant role in local development strategies.

Culture Economy and Cultural Districts As fundamental as local identity is to local revitalization, a specifi c and local mechanism through which this resource base is activated and culture in revitalization 35 managed must be identifi ed. Ray (1998) outlined a culture economy as the means by which the potential of cultural commodities may be realized. Ray’s culture economy is based on four operational modes which represent a combinative set of strategic approaches that may be employed in the pursuit of rural and local development: Mode I calls for the commoditization of local culture by creation and valorization of resources that have a place identity and can be marketed directly, emphasizing encapsulation of local culture within products. Th is step enables the locale to control the type of economic activity that occurs with these resources and retain the economic benefi ts. Mode II occurs with the construction and projection of a territorial identity to the outside with emphasis on the incorporation of cultural resources into this identity in order to promote the territory, oft en operating in the context of tourism. Mode III focuses on selling the locale to itself, to the communities, business, groups and offi cial bodies of the local area. Th e rhetoric of this mode aims at raising the self-confi dence of the local people and organizations, thereby increasing the capacity for local development. Mode IV emphasizes the normative capacity of the culture economy and involves reconstructing the state economy model at the local or regional level. Activity at this level includes organizing to compete in the global economy in a manner mediated by local protectionism to control the economic, social, cultural and environment impacts of such activity on the locality. (Ray 1998; 6–7) As for where the work of this culture economy is situated, Santagata (2002), in an examination of artisanal districts of northern Italy, identifi ed an ‘industrial cultural district’ as the site organizing the actual production of cultural commodities on the basis of a local tradition, and an ‘institutional cultural district’ as the site activating formal institutions which allocate property rights and trademarks, both legal and imagined, to this restricted area of production. Th e goods produced in such an industrial district are strictly connected to the local culture: the more the institutional district is able to forge and strengthen the link between the image and symbolic icon of the good and local customs and cultural behaviors, the more consumers, both within the area and from outside, are culturally locked-in to the place-sense of the good. Essential for industrial and institutional cultural districts is a cohesive community able to act on accumulated technical knowledge and social capital, public fi nancial support along the entire chain of value creation and the construction of public infrastructures, a large and 36 chapter three qualifi ed labor market which participates in professional and manage- rial training, a high rate of new enterprise establishment and high levels of innovation and dissemination leading to new product creation, a leaning towards open, international markets and export practices with international circulation of local products (18–19). Vital to the dual characteristics of district-mindedness and internationalization, Kneafsey et al. (2001) emphasized networks in a study of traditional industries in Wales, focusing on “how diff erent kinds of nodes (people, fi rms, states, places, organization) are connected to one another in complex and multi-stranded ways” (Hughes 2000: 178) and leading potentially to the cooperative-based connections referred to in the edited volume of Grimes and Milgram (2000). In their network scheme, ‘horizontal’ local networks are seen as facilitating closer relationships between producers, institutions and consumers resulting in information fl ows and trust-based relationships which support local commodities. More extensive ‘vertical’ networks are seen as allowing producers to forge alliances with externally located suppliers, distributors, retailers, institutions and consumers.

Japan Case Studies: Success, Failure and a New Approach

Th ree Tourism Scenarios Realization of such a culture economy is based in part on local policy, which, however, is oft en misguided and mishandled, as evidenced by Wood’s (1999) analysis of the local revitalization policies and practices of two neighboring local communities of Akita Prefecture, situated just to the south of Aomori Prefecture. Ogata Village, founded in 1964 and with a population of just over 3,000 residents, has undertaken revitalization policies planned and implemented by village offi cials in a top-down manner with little community input or interest. Th ese include a festival highlighting a local agricultural product, but which is scheduled during a busy agricultural period, a bunkajin neighborhood project, which seeks to encourage cultural persons from other parts of Japan to reside in the village for part of the year, and an attempt to stimulate tourism through hosting a solar car race once a year. Nearby Hachirogata, a market town going back to the Edo-period which had been experiencing a declining population down to 8,000 residents, has, in a wholly diff erent approach, undertaken revitaliza- culture in revitalization 37 tion eff orts that connect with the local natural resources and the local history, through a local fi shing contest and a Bon-odori dance festival. Wood’s analysis shows how each community, while equally rich in its own unique resources both tangible and intangible, exploits these dif- ferently, with Hachirogata’s approach based on a recognition of socio- historical resources while Ogata attempts to shift these to new forms. Th e activities undertaken by the municipal leaders in Ogata ignore local reality and are rather oriented toward an outward image creation which is meaningful only in that they bring tourists to the area. In the case of Hachirogata, the activities are locally relevant and inward- directed, contributing to community creation fi rst and economic aims second. Suzuki (2006) outlined the specifi c role of local traditional craft s in tourism development in a case study of Asuke, a town of approximately 10,000 residents in Aichi Prefecture. Contending that the basis of traditional craft was a cohesive village, which could be recreated with an aim for tourism, local municipal authorities, craft producers and craft supporters created a traditional craft s village in 1980 which included a weaving area, a wood-craft area, an exhibition area, a sou- venir shop and a restaurant. Th e basic concept was to utilize natural and traditional resources and technology indigenous to the region in order to promote tourism and to provide indigenous people with local meaning through their participation. Th e original investment costs were shared roughly 50–50 between the central government through a Remote Area Promotion Law and the Asuke municipal government. While the number of visitors was double the expected level over the fi rst decade, post-1995 saw a steady decline of visitors and revenues. Suzuki concludes that while there was a positive impact in terms of both an economic contribution and a reinvigoration of local life, over- dependency on tourism for revenue brings risks. Th e question then is how to mitigate the long-term risks.

Place Branding in Japan Th e Japanese national government has recently emphasized the potential of branding, both as a means of broadening the image of Japan as a producer of highly specialized and high quality goods on the global market as well as a means by which locales throughout the country can revitalize, and stabilize, their local economies. Th is can be seen, on the international level, in the JAPAN BRAND Development Assistance Program, an attempt to support the products of “regional small and 38 chapter three medium enterprises” that “have the passion, pride and responsibility in manufacturing and the local (sic: locale) they belong to,” (JAPAN BRAND undated). Launched in 2004 by the Small and Medium Enter- prise Agency of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, the project aims at identifying and fostering internationally competitive regional brands, by supporting projects related to development of products with brand strength by coordinating local industries that make use of regional characteristics: “evolve the unique values of local small and medium enterprises, produce products and services that are accepted in modern life, as well as in the Japanese and overseas markets, establish local brands, strengthen the company’s management base, and contribute to local economy activation,” (JAPAN BRAND undated). By mid-2008, the number of JAPAN BRAND projects listed on the homepage was 54–14 fashion-related, 7 food-related and 33 housing or craft s-related—with an additional 16 being developed under the Strategy Establishment Assistance Project bringing the total of JAPAN BRAND projects to 70 (JAPAN BRAND undated). Looking at these projects in terms of the questions framing this research on geographic coverage and overlap, the 70 local products under the JAPAN BRAND project represent 35 of the 47 prefectural administrative units of Japan, with two prefectures having fi ve JAPAN BRAND items, one having four items, and six prefectures having three items. Th is means that nine prefectures (25% of the total holding JAPAN BRAND items (N=35) and 20% of all prefectures total (N=47)) account for 32 items (46 % of the total number of items (N=70)). Prefectures claiming one branded item number 14, or 40 percent of the total number holding JAPAN BRAND items (see Table 3.1; see Rausch 2008). Th e JAPAN BRAND Program coincided with a national-level ‘Pro- motion of Japan Brand Policy.’ Th is policy emphasized the potential of local place branding as a means by which rural areas of Japan can

Table 3.1 JAPAN BRAND Product Distribution (2008) 70 total products 13% food-related; 26% fashion-related; 61% housing/craft -related 35 (74%) of the total 47 Japanese prefectures represented 9 prefectures (24% of 35; 19% of 47) account for 32 items (46% of 70) Note: Data from JAPAN BRAND website (undated); reported in Rausch 2008. culture in revitalization 39 promote tourism resources and local products within Japan, seen as vital as the cities, towns and villages of Japan struggle to identify ways to address increasingly diffi cult fi scal circumstances. Th is policy seeks establishment of diverse and reliable local brands through four specifi c action proposals: (1) approaching regional branding strategically through collaboration between producers, tourism operators, universities; (2) developing and disclosing product standards for agricultural, forestry and fi shery products thereby contributing to regional brands that are trusted by consumers; (3) coordinating eff orts by local governments and specialized industries in producing and disseminating information; and (4) developing systems for the protection of regional brands (Ikuta, Yukawa and Hamasaki 2007; 132). Th ese proposals culminated in revisions to the Trademark Law in April 2006 making it possible for localities to apply place designated brand names to local products and services and allowing for registration of trademarks consisting of ‘name of a local area’ + ‘name of a product.’ Under the pre-2006 revisions, just over 10 products with nationwide recognition were registered as local place brands, the most famous among these being a local melon, a local dumpling and a local stitched fabric (Daily Yomiuri 19 March 2006: 2). A spring 2006 Daily Yomiuri newspaper article reported that about 320 applications were received by the National Patent Offi ce in the fi rst week of the 2006 application period (Daily Yomiuri 9 April 2006: 2); by summer 2008 the total number was over 823 (Brand Sōgō Kenkyujo, 15 August 2008). While this branding policy was conceived as important in aiding outlying rural areas of Japan in terms of economic revitalization, it is clear that the advantage still goes to the prefectures and municipalities that either benefi t from a nationally predominant historical trajectory or have already established themselves or their goods on a national level. Ikuta (2006) noted that only about one-third of municipalities nationally had proposed local policies that would lead to development of a local brand, and that many of those that did reported diffi culty in dif- ferentiating themselves from other areas on the basis of a specifi c local image. Data on the Brand Sōgō Kenkyujo website shows that of the 823 products that are registered as local brands, Kyoto prefecture, famous throughout Japan by virtue of the importance of Kyoto city in Japan’s history, alone accounted for 138, or 17 percent of the total number; the next highest number of applications went to neighboring Hyogo prefecture with 46, followed by Gifu and Hokkaido (the northernmost island of Japan, constituting one of the 47 national administrative 40 chapter three units), each with 37 and Okinawa (the chain of islands lying to the south of Japan, also constituting one of the 47 national administrative units), with 35 (see Table 3.2; Rausch 2008). Th is means that these fi ve prefectures, out of the 47 total in Japan, account for 36 percent of the brand applications. Another six prefectures claimed 21, 24, 25, 27, 29 and 33 brand products, meaning that these 11 prefectures (23% of the total 47) claim 452 brands (55% of the 823 total). Following this trend, 17 prefectures claim from 10 to 20 brands, with 19 prefectures claiming less than 10, with the fewest brands claimed by any prefecture being three.

Production: Characteristics of Cultural Industries

Th ere is a contemporary tension in the conceptualization of the cultural industries and the commodities these industries produce. On the one hand, there are those cultural industries which are highly innovative and fl exible, oft en technological and which yield products based on universal attributes of design and function that can be produced irrespective of place of origin. On the other, there are cultural industries that are highly-placed specifi ed in materials and production, use labor-intensive techniques originating in the past, and produce products subject to the infl uence of peculiar imageries and sensibilities rooted in a place, usually a rural place.

Table 3.2 Local Brand Registration (2008) 823 products registered Kyoto Prefecture: 138 products registered (17% of 823) Hyogo Prefecture: 46 products registered 5 of 47 prefectures (11%): Gifu Prefecture, Hokkaido 37 products 293 products registered (36%) registered each Okinawa: 35 products registered (out of 823 total) Th e next six (6) prefectures: 159 products registered (19%) Th ese 11 prefectures (23% of 47) hold 452 registered (55%) products

Note: Data from the Brand Sōgō Kenkyujo website; reported in Rausch 2008. culture in revitalization 41

Local Industries as Cultural Industries A straightforward and fairly universal examination of any industry can be accomplished with the characteristics outlined in Figure 3.1, a question of ‘who makes how much of what, where, when, how and why?’ In the case of cultural industries, these characteristics must be refi ned in a manner that allows for analysis over the broad extent of cultural industries outlined above—the innovative and technological, those that function irrespective of place, as well as the intensive industries subject to the peculiarities of place. While Lash and Urry (1994) characterized the cultural industries as creative, innovative and fl exible, situated at the intersection of the local and global by virtue of global distribution networks, and at the front of the post-industrial, information and knowledge-based economy, Kong (2000) concluded on this basis that such industries would extend from “the arts, the media, the craft s, fashion and design to sports, recreation, architecture and townscape, heritage, tourism, eating and entertainment, local history, and the characteristics of the city’s public realm and social life, its identity and external image” (3).

What: Th e character of the commodity and historical changes and contemporary variations Who: Th e character of participants, from management to labor and other interested participants Where: Th e social context of the area and places specifi cally related to the production process When: Th e process-related and social context of time related to production Why: Th e motivations of involved participants, at levels individual, enterprise and industry How: Th e technical / social character of the production and management of industry How Th e quantity of production measured in ways relevant to the much: commodity

Figure 3.1 Characterizing Industrial Production 42 chapter three

Scott’s (1997, 1999) description of the cultural industries also refers to ever-widening range of economic activities concerned with producing and marketing goods and services infused with aesthetic or semiotic attributes—those sectors that cater to consumer demands for amusement, ornamentation, self-affi rmation and social display, where outputs have high symbolic value relative to utilitarian purpose. Th is yields a list which includes broadcast media, fi lm, publishing, recorded music, as well as design, architecture, and new media forms on the one hand, as well as traditional arts, such as visual arts, craft s, theatre, music theatre, concerts and performance, literature, museums and galleries on the other. Scott (1997) admits to the heterogeneity in substance, appearance and sectoral origins: in some cases, traditional manufacturing sectors engage in the transformation of physical inputs into fi nal outputs (e.g. clothing, furniture or jewelry); in other cases, a service industry undertakes the production and transmission of information or entertainment or some personalized transaction (e.g. advertising or tourist services); and in yet other cases, hybrid forms such as music recording, book publishing or fi lm production. Finally, Hirsch (2000) asserts that the characteristics of cultural industries can best be captured looking at a commodity chain, the total production-consumption network, which in Hirsch’s study progressed from the true-producers, the artists, musicians, actors, and writers, to the cultural product’s professional producers (the brokers, publishers and studios), distributors (the wholesalers, theaters and media outlets), and presumably, although not specifi cally mentioned, on to consumers. Th e implications of such a broad range of conceptualizations becomes clear in examinations of such narrowly defi ned sub-categories as traditional craft s and traditional music, representative of the two Tsugaru cultural commodities to be examined in this research.

Traditional Craft s While the dominant perspectives brought to academic examination of traditional craft s have focused on the technical, creative and aesthetic aspects of the craft item, incorporation of social scientifi c approaches have yielded understanding of the tensions characterizing the industries that produce the craft s (Ioannou 1992; Dormer 1997) on the one hand, with globalization altering the conceptual basis of artisanal occupations (Allen Dickie and Frank, 1996) on the other. Koniordos (2001) identifi ed motivation (income versus creativity) and character culture in revitalization 43 of production and management (single commodity versus multiple commodity and family business versus wage labor) as the principal means of distinguishing diff erent types of craft artisans. He also asserted that, while artistic communities, support networks, cooperative markets and entrepreneurship have contributed to development of artisanal districts, the reality of limited education usually makes it diffi cult for artisans to adapt to changing technological and market circumstances. Conversely, Yanagisako’s (2002) focus on the dynamics of capital accumulation, fi rm expansion and diversifi cation, and management succession within family-run fi rms of northern Italy’s silk industry led her to assert that there can be a mutuality of both cultural commodity production and corporate management, and pro- vincial and global orientations and strategies. Technology, intellectual property rights, commodity image in the tourist marketplace, and the prospect of the craft increasingly coming to be seen as hobby are themes that contextualize tensions in craft production according to editors Hitchcock and Nuryanti (2000), who summarized conclusions related to Indonesian Batik which are, in the end, inconclusive. Technology in production was seen as a result of the necessity of increasing commodifi cation, but is ultimately rendered counter-productive because of the cultural signifi cance of the characteristic simplicity of the Batik production process. Broad exposure raises the craft ’s profi le and prestige, but ambiguities in ownership and proprietary rights are leading to appropriation by non-Indone- sian producers. Tourism brings income potential but is countered by a clear need to protect the dignity and sacred nature of the traditional culture as a result. Kneafsey et al. (Kneafsey, Ilbery and Jenkins, 2001) likewise reported several confl icting themes evident in the artisanal craft s sector in West Wales. While production patterns refl ected resourcefulness, adaptabil- ity, independence, individualism and an orientation toward family and community, regional imagery and association was aff orded a limited role and there was confl ict between an unwillingness to debase the purity of craft work which was countered by production of goods that were, in some cases, low quality and cheap. Sales patterns were highly complex, including direct sales at the site of production, through local retail and tourist outlets, as well as at trade-shows, distant fairs and the Internet. Th ey concluded that the craft s sector in West Wales shows a level of local integration through use of local inputs, which was countered by an ambiguous attitude toward the idea of culture-territory as 44 chapter three an element in the character of craft . Th e harsh reality that ultimately infl uences all of the varying perspectives is the general decline in demand for the products of such traditional industries, which Hareven (2002) poignantly portrays in her work on the declining fortunes of the silk weavers of Kyoto.

Traditional Music As with craft goods, traditional music has been extensively studied from musical and ethno-musicological points of view, with other more social viewpoints lacking. Historically, music as business fi rst came with the publishing of music in a printed form, which stabilized repertoires while increasing their accessibility and availability, with technological recording and duplication defi ning the current market characteristics of the music industry. However, the business paradigm of corporate- based recording, duplicating, packaging, marketing, distributing and retailing of music is presently being undercut by the access provided in computing and communication technology, altering the creator-producer-consumer relationship by putting copyright privileges back into the realm of the musician (Zhang, 2002). Such dynamics take on increased importance when considered in light of the more specifi c and relevant question of traditional music in domestic and international marketplace scenarios. Rutten (undated) sees traditional music as constrained by its dominant image as a static and culturally-bound musical form rooted in a specifi c and highly indigenous local context. Th is compromises traditional music along the extended chain of production, specifi cally live performances, recording in permanent forms, and gaining the exposure in mass- media venues, which are needed to generate consumption on a retail level. With market forces the dominant infl uence on music production, Rutten focuses on three important criteria that infl uence the fate of a traditional music: the size of the home music market, the share of the home market that is occupied by the music and the importance of the music on the international level. Th ese criteria yield four combinations of market and share for traditional musics:

Small Market—Small Share—Unimportant Internationally A small domestic music market and a small share for local music within that market and no international presence for the local music. culture in revitalization 45

Small Market—Large Share—Unimportant Internationally A small domestic music market but a large share for local music within the domestic market but no international presence for the local music. Large Market—Small Share—Unimportant Internationally A large domestic music market and a small share for local music within the domestic music market but no presence for the local music in the international marketplace. Large Market—Large Share—Important Internationally A large music market and a large share for local music within the domestic music market plus a notable presence for the local music in the international music market. (Rutten undated) Th is analysis dictates that a traditional music in a large domestic market-large domestic share scenario can fi nd reasonable success on the international level. However, given the economies of scale of the music industry, the traditional music of a large market-small share scenario or a small market-large share scenario, while potentially successful in their country of origin, have limited potential in the global market, with the former further compromised by a competitive domestic music market fl ooded with large market-large share music. The traditional music of small market-small share scenarios, unable to survive in a context in which the economic scale necessary for its success has been expanded beyond its own capabilities, is ultimately doomed to extinction. However, with music consumption now increasingly based on diversifi ed buyers in highly segmented markets that are supported by information technology, the potential of de-bundling and a direct creator-to-buyer link is bringing the possibility of diminishing corporate control and a new potential for local music. Th e characteristics of cultural industries and cultural commodities production can thus be seen in a range of characterizations: from the traditional ideal of a single-commodity, livelihood-oriented family- based form to a more modern reality in a management-driven, capital accumulation and market responsive type. Other telling variables include the tension between an artisan acting as producer versus acting as trader and the importance of networks on the one hand, as well as a number of issues related specifi cally to globalization, such as intellectual property rights and accommodation of the post-industrial, information and knowledge-based economy countered by a 46 chapter three place-rootedness, the infl uence of particular and highly specifi c imageries, and traditional labor intensive production practices on the other.

Policy in the Production of Japanese Cultural Commodities Historically, goods and services have emerged as people mastered locally available resources to meet the needs and desires of their communities. Such geographic endowment, together with highly protected production technologies, resulted in commodities coming to be closely associated with certain places, rendering them in Japan as jiba sangyō, an industry concentrated in a given geographic locale producing specifi c products which are associated with that geographic area. As outlined by Ide and Takeuchi (1980), the name of a particular city or region is oft en associated with a particular jiba sangyō commodity, with these commodities over time coming to be culturally and socially embedded in both the self-understanding and projected image of their host locations. Sorlin (1999) referred to this phenomenon as the articulation of territory, in which elements of the material world—natural landscapes, man-made buildings, and the historical and contemporary artifacts of a place such as local products—become symbolically representative and synonymous with the place. With such articulation, a jiba sangyō cultural commodity, together with the local and highly specifi c characteristics of the processes that accompany its production as described by Molotch (2002), come to constitute both tangible and intangible factors in the economic and cultural revitalization of the place. Th e rationale of traditional craft s promotion policy at the national and fully legislated level was in response to increased competition to jiba sangyō commodities by foreign imports during Japan’s period of high economic growth. Th e 1974 Traditional Craft s Production Pro- motion Law established the Traditional Craft s Production Promo- tion Association (dentōteki kōgeihin sangyō shinkō kyōkai) to oversee support for traditional craft s through fi nancing and taxation provi- sions, such that the craft artisans, by establishing associations, could ensure successors, undertake training activities, and expand demand (Takeshina and Takazawa 2001). Under this law, traditional craft s were defi ned on the basis of five principles:

1. Th e article must be used mainly in everyday life. 2. Th e article must be primarily manufactured by hand. culture in revitalization 47

3. Th e article must be manufactured using traditional techniques. 4. Th e materials should be mainly those which have been traditionally employed. 5. Th e industry must be of a regional nature. (Association for the Promotion of Traditional Craft Industries)

Continued diminishing demand as well as a decrease in number of craft ers and a decline in the visibility of the craft s prompted a revision of the 1974 law in 1992 to provide further support for the traditional craft s industries. Th e revisions introduced three concrete objectives: (1) a cooperative approach to increasing sales of traditional craft s; (2) the development of new traditional craft s goods; and (3) the training of successors and cultivation of consumers. Th e 1992 revision also introduced a system of craft er recognition under a Traditional Craft Master designation, thereby including the craft ers in the recognition scheme of traditional craft s. Despite these eff orts, the Japanese Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) determined in 2001 that traditional craft s remained in a state of crisis (Mukaihira 2001), prompting further revisions identifying fi ve specifi c development points:

1. development of new goods refl ecting origins in particular craft s; 2. strengthening a traditional craft consciousness through public relations and advertising; 3. advocation of a more informed response to consumers needs; 4. strengthening of name value, in some cases as connected with a region, through information technology; 5. systemization of existing national and regional public and private networks to enhance the regional character of traditional craft goods. (Takashina and Takazawa 2001: 124–125; translated by author)

Two other important changes emerged in the 2001 revisions. Th e fi rst allowed for broader interpretation of the criteria for defi ning traditional craft products. Elaboration of the fi rst principle above allowed for ‘occasional use within the Japanese lifestyle’ on the one hand, and ‘use which may contribute to a feeling of ease’ on the other. Th e second, third and fourth principles were elaborated to allow for ‘production processes that don’t infl uence the hand-made character of the product,’ ‘adaptations that fall within the overall continuity of the tradition of the technique’ and ‘use of alternative materials when securing traditional 48 chapter three materials proves diffi cult.’ Th e regionality of the craft industry referred to in the fi ft h principle was elaborated on the basis of a necessity of suffi cient scale, at least 10 enterprises and 30 individuals involved, to justify as a traditional craft (Takashina and Takazawa 2001; 20–22). Th e second important change allowed groups outside the Tradi- tional Craft s Production Cooperative Associations to be included in craft s industry-related activities, in order to stimulate demand for products, revitalize production and realize regional cooperation:

1. Cooperative Promotion Plan Offi cial Statement: ‘To allow for individual sales operators (department stores, specialty shops, and trading companies) to join with local associations in developing cooperative promotion plans and obtaining subsidies in order to stimulate demand.’ 2. Revitalization Plan Offi cial Statement: ‘To support the intentions of individual enterprises as well as informal groups of enterprises to revitalize the traditional craft s production.’ 3. Cooperative Revitalization Plan Offi cial Statement: ‘To support the intentions of production regions as a whole to engage in cooperative revitalization with other traditional craft production regions to revitalize production.’ (Kinki Economics and Industry Bureau 2001 8–10; translated by author)

Th e 2001 revisions signaled a clear attempt at the national level policy to broaden objectives away from association establishment and stimu- lation of demand to such activities as public relations campaigns, fostering use of information technology and expanding participation. In a review of these legal revisions, Maruoka (2001) focused on what he viewed as being ignored in traditional craft s-related policy, which he identifi ed in the four following areas: 1.`making contributions to the fullness of a national lifestyle; 2. creating identifi able and pleasing products that add to a national culture; 3. contributing to regional revitalization; and 4. operating in a manner that is environmentally sound (6). Rather than attempting to entice Japanese to return to lifestyles of the past that supported traditional craft use, Maruoka’s focus, echoed by culture in revitalization 49

Ogino (2001), is on products that make meaningful additions to continually evolving Japanese lifestyles and culture on the one hand and a redirection away from a producer-consumer connection predicated solely on purchase and toward a combined cultural, educational and economic paradigm in which an increasing number of social agents participate and aim for a wide range of craft -related objectives. How- ever, as early as two years aft er these revisions, it was clear that policy adjustments would continue to be needed (Yoshimoto 2003).

Japanese Case Studies: Development, Preservation, Exploitation

Cultural Commodity Development In an examination of the industry development and promotion of Kawatsura Shikki, an Akita Prefecture-based lacquerware with an 800–year history which was designated a Traditional Craft at the national level in 1976 and prefectural level in 1996, Sugawara and Yamamoto (2001) outlined how the Prefectural government, working with the Kawatsura Lacquerware Production Association, established a working group in 1998 to identify and outline a growth strategy for the small and medium-sized lacquer enterprises. Th e Development Concept focused on identifying and reconstructing the lacquerware’s originality, shift ing production to a fl exible specialization system and creating a comprehensive aft er-sale repair system. Product development focused on consolidating sales by strengthening the dedicated user base while also capturing the casual user and newcomer through a fi ve-product series, tailored to lifestyle, age, and product taste. Sugawara and Yamamoto concluded by noting that the ‘mass production—mass consumption’ approaches that had emerged in the economic boom period of the 1970s needed to be adjusted to enable the industry to create lacquerware that suited contemporary lifestyles. Th is entailed craft er training and cultivation of originality in product and techniques, creating competitive effi ciency and ensuring product quality, and improving customer relations through advertising, information access, event planning and aft er-sales service.

Cultural Commodity Preservation and Exploitation According to Hashimoto (1998, 2003), the Cultural Properties Pro- tection Law and the so-called Festival Law have, in combination and somewhat unintentionally, contributed to the contemporary stability 50 chapter three of folk performance at the local level. Th e Cultural Properties Law, enacted in 1950 but subject to many revisions since, was originated to preserve cultural performances by granting them designation as intangible folk cultural property status, whereas the Festival Law, enacted in 1992, was intended to revitalize local economies and communities through the exploitation of such folk performing arts as touristic resources. Hashimoto identifi ed the local preservation societies (hozon- kai) as the primary agents seeking to have their respective performing art designated as cultural properties at various administrative levels, national and local, on the one hand, while working at the same time to ensure the transmission and generational succession of the performing art by promoting performances on the other. It is in the combinative nature of these eff orts that the preservation societies have identifi ed the value of cultural properties designations in relation to tourism, which then contributes to the viability of the performance in social practice. Hashimoto concluded that the social contexts of preservation and exploitation are not in confl ict, but rather, can be manipulated in order to maximize the potential, both cultural and economic, of both, ultimately leading to the sustainability of folk performing arts. Th is review has identifi ed the universal attributes of industry assessment along with a general range of characteristics appropriate to describing specifi c cultural industries as the criteria on which to examine the production of cultural commodities. However, in this regard, two caveats are important. Th e fi rst is based on the inevitable distinctiveness that cultural commodities portray, either by virtue of a specifi c historical trajectory or a contemporary innovative adaptation. Th is lack of universality means that the characteristics by which a cultural industry are to be assessed, both in terms of its own future as well as its contribution to local revitalization, must ultimately be identifi ed for each cultural industry in its own setting and circumstance. Th e second caveat is the reality of cultural industry promotion, which as in the case of Japanese jiba sangyō, brings with it characteristics not directly related to production of a cultural commodity, but rather to its place in society, and thus its contribution to local revitalization. As shall be explained hereaft er, these qualities, however, have more to do with consumption than with production. culture in revitalization 51

Consumption: Representation and a Consumption Ethos

In the strictest sense, a cultural commodity has either tangible or intangible form—as something to be purchased, taken home, owned and used, or as a performance, an experience, a view, even an image, an expectation or a promise. Tangible or intangible, the cultural commodity is ultimately realized in consumption, and while a majority of consumption, particularly in tangible forms, is highly instrumental and purposive in terms of day-to-day needs, characterized less by meaning than by taken-for-granted ordinariness, consumption that is aesthetic or cultural, located in the realm of status and semiotic display, brings a diff erent set of criteria by which to be considered (Grownow and Warde 2001; Warde 2002). In the case of cultural commodities, the sometimes contradictory, sometimes complementary processes of traditionalization, the endowing of an item with generalized meanings derived from an obscured past, and commodifi cation, creating signifi ers which will prove valuable in the modern marketplace, can be seen as observable elements of its representation. Meaning, however, is ultimately manifested in purchase and use, acts presumably confi rming the meaning produced and represented through motivations that can be identifi ed on the basis of a consumption ethos.

Creation of Meaning through Social Representation Meaning in cultural goods was viewed initially on the basis of the manner of production. Yanagi (1989) emphasized that the true meaning of craft was to be found in guild craft s, those produced without a specifi c intention, cheaply and by hand, in large quantity and left unsigned, those made to be used by ordinary people in daily life. Tradition fi g- ures largely in guild craft s, which Yanagi saw as diff ering from artistic craft s, those made with specifi c intentions and in limited numbers, signed upon completion and sold at high prices, oft en under conditions of patronage. Th e importance of traditions in cultural commodities such as craft cannot be overstated, if for no other reason than the near-universality in its invocation coupled with the impact of that invocation. Th e term ‘invented tradition,’ coined by Hobsbawm and Ranger (1983), is taken to mean a set of practices, highly ritualistic or symbolic in nature, invented, constructed and to some degree instituted through overtly or tacitly accepted rules, which seek to inculcate certain val- 52 chapter three ues and norms of behavior by virtue of repetition, which then implies continuity with the past. Handler and Linnekin (1984) followed on this by asserting that tradition itself is a largely symbolic construction, a process of interpretation and attribution of meaning in the present though making reference to the past. In practice, tradition pursues concrete objectives through an expression of modern society’s relationship with its own cultural past. Sekimoto (2000) pointed out that while modernity is a necessary pre- condition on which the consciousness of tradition is formed, in practical reality, tradition and modernity are mutually incompatible. A paradox of the ideology of tradition is that attempts at cultural preservation of tradition inevitably alter, reconstruct, or (re)invent the tradition that they are intended to preserve, thereby compromising the integrity of the tradition itself. As Supangkat (1997) wrote regarding Indonesian batik, “the actual traditional culture has been marginalized, not only by high art, or Western art, modern art and international art, but also by the (locally formed) concept of traditional culture itself ” (84). Renne’s (1997) notion of ‘traditional modernity’ off ers a way out of this paradox. In her study of the economics of handwoven cloth production in Southwestern Nigeria, she noted that local women maintain the tradition of historical handweaving while also using modern patterned materials and imported metallic-like thread on new looms that have been introduced through a Textile Development Scheme. As a cultural commodity that is both traditional and modern, narrow- strip cloth is valued precisely because it possesses these two qualities simultaneously, hence the phrase ‘traditional modernity.’ . . . By simultaneously casting handwoven narrow-strip textiles as traditional and modern—in demand, in part, because of their association with a Nigerian past and, in part, because of their incorporation of new materials, equipment and lifestyles—handwoven textile production is now viewed as an economically viable and appropriately modern occupation . . . (Renne 1997, 774–775) However, meaning in cultural commodities must extend beyond the characteristics of their production or invention through their traditionalization, with the notions that then emerged conveyed to the potential consumer (Hickey 1994, 1997), a process which takes up questions of their social representation. Bauer and Gaskell (1999) describe social representation as a relation between (1) an object that is represented, either an abstract idea or a concrete entity, (2) the subject, in the form as a thematic association, for example, as the carrier of the representa- culture in revitalization 53 tion, and (3) a context within which the representation makes sense. Th ey outline the following components of social representations:

1. the contents of the social representation—the anchors in representation and classifi cation in images, metaphors, and representative behavioral patterns; 2. the process of the social representation—the process of diff usion, propagation, and propaganda of the contents of social representation; 3. the consequences of social representation—rendered as opinions, attitudes and actions that arise as a result of the social representation; and 4. the eventual segmentation of social groups into milieus—the functional referencing that results from the social representations.

Sorlin’s (1999) ‘articulation of territory,’ introduced in association with jiba sangyō, is an example of such social representation, as it describes how elements of the material world are reproduced socially through text genres, art forms, museums and schools as well as through social and scientifi c descriptions in such discourses as history and geography and the media. In the case of cultural commodities, the cultural commodity itself constitutes the object (Goodman 2001), the subject is the representation that carries the cultural commodity, as an ‘invented tradition’ or a ‘traditional modern’ as outlined in the previous section, and the context is consumption—consumption within the context of the present research as cast in the context of a culture economy in local revitalization. Such representation, conceptualized in Bauer and Gaskell’s social representation, reifi ed in Pietikainen and Jujanen’s (2003) journalistic representation, and commonly seen in the purely commercial representations of marketing and advertising, all combine to constitute local identity formation and confi rmation while also serving as a necessary precursor to the actual consumption of cultural commodities. Th e importance of media in the process of social representation cannot be ignored, particularly in a social constructivist understanding of how places, people, things and events come into being, a process for which Penman (1992) highlights two important assumptions: knowledge as a social product and knowledge as contextual. Th e fi rst holds that knowledge is something that is ‘achieved’ through interaction with others (both directly, as in person-to-person interaction, and indirectly, as through the media), and the second, that the meanings of 54 chapter three things and events and our understandings of them are derived through particular and highly contextual social milieu. Social representations in this sense not only portray cultural resources, contributing to our knowledge, understanding and in some cases consumption, the representations recursively bring changes in the character and substance of the cultural resources themselves. Th rough an analysis of the social representations of the cultural resources and cultural commodities of a place, the meanings that are invested in cultural commodities, along with the recursive infl uences on the commodities themselves, can be identifi ed.

Realization of Meaning through a Consumption Ethos Consumption has many and varied explanations. Classical economic theory assumes that individuals seek to maximize satisfaction, are fully informed, and act rationally and in their own self-interest. Materialistic consumption refl ects a precedence for monetary values over other values, such as freedom, civil power, aesthetics, and friendship (Inglehart 1981); as the ceaseless pursuit of the ‘good life’ through consumption (Fox and Lears 1983); and as an importance attached to worldly pos- sessions and the desirability of acquiring and possessing things (Belk 1985; Richins and Dawson 1992). A more social approach asserted that through consumption and display of specifi c commodities, elites signaled which were invested with specifi c meanings (Barthes 1973), a form of consumption operationalized in the past through patronage. Emphasizing the individual, Bourdieu (1984 [1979]) suggested that people seek to distinguish themselves from others by adopting a lifestyle and consuming goods which function as markers of that lifestyle, with objects chosen in order to construct identities and to communicate that to others (Trigilia, 2002). However, as Kretschmer, Klimis and Choi (1999) point out, market circumstances for cultural goods are fi ckle, where quality uncertainty, product oversupply, rapid formation of preference networks along with rapid demand reversal can exert signifi cant infl uence on consumption patterns. Th ese features yield a highly competitive selection function, which in a mass consumption market can bring sudden and dramatic popularity swings for a product. Ger and Belk (1999) found personal materialism justifi ed by individual consumers on the basis of passionate connoisseurship, instrumental consumption, and altruistic consumption, and excused on the culture in revitalization 55 basis of compelling external forces, the reality of modern living, and a condition of deservingness. Attempting to develop a comprehensive understanding of materialistic consumption, they off ered a consumption ethos consisting of fi ve ideal types: (1) romanticism, in which an aesthetically informed connoisseur consumes based on passion for what is being consumed; (2) utilitarianism, in which utility, rationality and functionality directs consumption; (3) altruism, in which consumption is justifi ed as spend- ing for the benefi t of others; (4) sociality, in which consumption is part and parcel of contemporary human behavior; and (5) entitlementism, in which one’s achievements are interpreted as leading to fair, just and equitable consumption. An example of a combined romanticism- utilitarianism-entitlementism ethos can be seen in Woodward’s (2001) identifi cation of what he called the ‘epiphany object,’ objects seen as fulfi lling an important role to “allow abstract ideas about style, taste and aesthetic preference to be concretized, aff ording respondents opportunity to elaborate their narrative using the epiphany object as an anchor” (133). Consumption undertaken in the informal economy— domestic, non-profi t, collectives and community enterprises—presents an example of generalized, if not altruistic sociality in consumption, where consumers are oft en willing to pay more for a product or service on the understanding that the purchase contributes to bettering the conditions of the community (McGregor 1998), a potentially important dynamic in the context of local economies in peripheral regions. Likewise, Knight (1999) found that the consumers prefer domestically manufactured goods and are willing to pay higher prices for them, unless imported goods are of signifi cantly superior quality, in which case consumers will not only select them, but may pay more. Con- trarily, this consciousness of domestic manufacture appears not to extend to a macro-economic consciousness, as the product’s perceived importance to the home country’s manufacturing base appeared not to be of importance in this consumer sentiment. Utilitarianism and generalized sociality can be seen in consumption based on rituals of exchange (McCracken 1990) and person-to-person trajectories of embedded meanings (Komter 2001), in which social meaning is transferred through the consumer good. Gift -giving is the original paradigm of the exchange model, abstractly conceptualized as representing attempts to establish stable and lasting relationships. Gift exchange plays an important social role in Japan (Befu 1968) and its ubiquity renders it a major form of consumption (Clammer 56 chapter three

1997; Daniels 1999). As objects derive signifi cance from the meanings that are attached to them, gift -giving in Japan involves a continually adjusted awareness of the shift ing meanings that objects can take as gift s. Clammer summarizes his theorization of consumption in Japan by noting that, “the act of consumption then is not just one thing. It can be an expression of the self or an attempt to create an identity; it can be a gesture of nostalgia or evidence of ‘competence’—the ability, socially very valued in Japan, to produce a ‘correct performance’ in a given setting; it can be a way of dealing with the internal tension of contemporary Japanese society, a way of accumulating cultural capital and of achieving status in a society that denies the validity of class” (167). What is true for consumption in general is certainly true for cultural commodities consumption as well, with the act of consuming a particular cultural commodity a complex combination of romanticism, utilitarianism, altruism, sociality, and entitlementism.

Japanese Case Studies: Consumption Development and Consumer Creation

Cultural Commodity Touristic Consumption An examination of how traditional craft s are presented for consumption in tourist settings by Toda, Watanabe and Murata (1997) brought focus to elements that contribute to the tourists’ perception of craft , such as the character of the tourist site, the character of the tourist experience and the means of motivating the tourist. One of the most extensive eff orts to date, the study examined 173 craft objects representing 14 categories from 192 locations throughout Japan identifi ed on the basis of the Traditional Craft Promotion Law. eTh research led to the conceptualization of four ‘phases’ of tourist interaction with traditional craft s, as follows: Phase 1: Gaining Knowledge Th is phase focuses on creating an awareness of the existence of the craft , with the tourist gaining knowledge of the craft and creating an association with the craft . Th is can be accomplished through exhibitions, showing the raw materials and the designs of the craft , and holding events, campaigns and incorporating the help of the media. Phase 2: Gaining Appreciation Th is phase focuses on creating appreciation of the creative nature of the craft , facilitated through observing and participating in the production of craft along with in-depth explanation of the socio-cultural history of the craft . culture in revitalization 57

Phase 3: Gaining Purchases Th is phase focuses on the purchases of craft items, achieved by highlighting or increasing attractiveness through some specifi c selling technique, such as a festival or some individualized approach. Phase 4: Expanding and Creating Fans Th is phase focuses on creating nostalgia associated with the craft item and maintaining post-purchase contact between creator and consumer. In some cases, this also entails the establishment of the ‘tomo-no-kai,’ the ‘friends of’ groups. Th e researchers concluded that while a setting that connotes a feeling of history, along with observation of craft production, is increasingly common for traditional craft s in tourism, there is little progression through the four phases in any one setting, with the gaining knowledge and gaining appreciation the most common phases. Th e researchers stressed that even for well-known craft s, while experiential activities, undertaken in a setting which allows for leisurely interaction are most eff ective in progressing through the fi rst three stages, creating fans in the contemporary market reality is still problematic. Nakaizumi (2001) found four years later that little had changed: eff orts to bring craft s and tourism together in an more eff ective combination of meaningful- ness and economic profi t remained limited.

Cultural Commodity Consumption Ethos Construction of a consumption ethos can be seen in an Aomori Pre- fectural governmental product development project aimed at better utilizing the Jōmon history of Aomori Prefecture. In its “Jōmon Lacquerware Utilization Research Project: Production and Tech- niques Manual,” the Aomori Prefectural Hirosaki Regional Techni- cal Research Facility (Aomori-ken kōgyō shikenjo, 2001) identifi ed six contemporary lifestyle trends as the basis for product development. Th e fi rst refl ects the reality of women in the workforce, signaling a need for items that combinatively accommodate the workplace setting, homemaking and a hobby mentality. Th e second trend was characterized as a ‘return to origins,’ highlighting goods produced with natural materials such as wood, clay and lacquer, goods based on traditional skills and that refl ect Japanese roots. Th e third trend refl ected the contemporary ecology movement, calling for goods that encourage long use and minimize waste and impact when discarded. Th e fourth trend focused on safety, prioritizing goods that present no health risk to the user individually or to the broader local community. Fift h was a trend oriented broadly towards a natural lifestyle, including such elements as 58 chapter three

outdoor activities like gardening and eff orts to bring nature into one’s everyday life, for example in aroma-therapy and using natural products. Th e sixth and fi nal trend highlighted form, for which elements of fashion and trendiness were important. Table 3.3 shows the four age groupings combined with the six lifestyle themes and descriptions of the goods appropriate to each demographic.

A Research Framework

Th is chapter opened by noting that policy, production and consumption provide for a set of research anchors that constitute the basis for assessing cultural commodities in local revitalization. Th e specifi c elements of these anchors include local identity and the culture economy- cultural districts, the universal characteristics of an industry assessment along with the specifi c characteristics relevant to production in a cultural industry, and the creation of meaning in cultural commodities as identifi ed through social representation and the realization of meaning through identifi cation of a consumption ethos. Th ese are shown col- lectively and comprehensively in Figure 3.2.

Table 3.3 Jōmon Products Age and Th eme Consumer Targets Age-group/ Young: Young adult: Middle-aged: Aged: Th eme 7–19 years old 20–39 years old 40–59 years old over 60 years old Hand-made goods that have meaning for working women; goods that support women’s hobbies Return to goods that lead to mental relaxation goods refl ecting origin human spirit Ecology ecological goods: long-use and low impact human goods: free from allergy, Safety goods confi rmed safe goods which are user-friendly: light, to use everyday easy to handle, require little upkeep Nature goods that support a lifestyle incorporating nature, gardening, outdoor life, etc. Form high quality goods functional goods made with attractive design with quality materials

Note: From “Jōmon Lacquerware Utilization Research Project: Production and Techniques Manual” (Aomori Prefectural Experimental Station (Aomori ken kōgyō shikenjo) 2001). Note: from “Jōmon Lacquerware Utilization Research Project: Production and Techniques Manual” (Aomori Prefectural Experimental Station (Aomori ken kōgyō shikenjo) 2001). culture in revitalization 59

Characteristics of Locale / Local Revitalization Policy (1) Local Identity/Factors of (2) Culture Economy realized in Development: Industrial / Institutional Cultural – socio-cultural factors Districts: – socio-economic factors – commodifi cation of local cultural – techno-economic factors resources – identity construction/promotion externally – identity construction/promotion internally – restructuring of the local economy Characteristics of Cultural Commodities Production (1) Universal Industry Assessment: (2) Assessment as a Cultural Industry: – who: management and labor – Characteristics Generalizable to: – what: characteristics of the – historical trajectory commodity – place-based or geographically – where: geographic and mobile production site – skills-based or knowledge-based – when: commodity origin and – direct sales or mediated sales history – single product form or multiple – why: the motivations of dimension / form participants – livelihood or capital accumulation – how: materials/techniques; directed alternatives – low adaptation or highly adaptive – how much: quantitative – distortion within industry process measures chain – subject to regulation or relatively unregulated – status as a jiba sangyo etc. Characteristics of Cultural Commodities Consumption (1) Social Representation (2) Consumption Patterns and – through the contents of the Consumption Ethos representation – the circumstances of consumption: – through the process of – the fi ve Consumption Ethos: representation romanticism, entitlementism, – through consequences of utilitarianism, generalized representation sociality, altruistic sociality

Figure 3.2 Research Frames for Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization 60 chapter three

Th e value of these anchors is that they accommodate the uniqueness of place and commodity, while also allowing for generalizable assessment of the characteristics of policy, production or consumption on the basis of relevance internally, assessing the importance of a factor within its own category on the one hand, while also lending to an assessment of a specifi c characteristic in terms of the nature of its contribution to revitalization as economic or cultural on the other. A policy that organizes the commodifi cation of a cultural resources assumes a relevance to the place, based on the presence of that cultural resource in the place. However, policy may misread the cultural resources of place, assigning potential to resources that are not commodifi able or missing potentially commodifi able resources altogether. It is also important to identify how policy emphasizes cultural resource-related objectives as cultural or economic, noting, for example, how policy can direct an internal projection of identity with cultural objective, as in the importance of preservation of a cultural artifact, while projecting the same portrayal externally with economic objectives, as in the potential in promotion of a cultural artifact as a touristic resource. A similar analysis can be made with regard to the production of a cultural commodity. Assessing the characteristics of the commodity itself is revealing, indicative of the essential characteristic of a cultural commodity as well as the complex circumstances that control the production of the cultural commodity. Th e durability of a craft product, for example, when recognized as an essential characteristic, creates a positive cultural confi rmation for the place as a source of high-quality goods. However, this same durability may hamper the potential economic contribution that could be gained with an accept- able degree of product obsolescence. Th e form of the product, craft or music, can refl ect producers’ loyalty to product, accumulated expertise or economy of scale on the one hand, or refl ect a choice to produce what consumer want and the market responds to on another, or even a choice to produce a product based on their individual sense of creativity, experimenting to fi nd their own form within the constraints of the commodity. Th e social characteristics of production detail who is involved in the chain of production—from a management community that supports production indirectly to the labor, be it family or wage- based, skilled and highly competent or unskilled and disposable—and its importance to the processes of production. Assessment of a traditional performance such as music will provide for a similar analysis, albeit one that is more complex by virtue of the culture in revitalization 61 nature of the commodity. Educational policy directing inclusion of traditional culture into the national curriculum has a signifi cant impact on how a traditional cultural resource is produced and consumed: requiring school children to observe a particular cultural performance can be interpreted as both production and consumption, generating a cultural consciousness that may infl uence consumption in an economic sense even slightly. In the case of musical performance, the characteristics of production and consumption can be tightly linked, such that diff erent circumstances yield widely varying interpretations. An instrument made locally and played locally by a local player performing a traditional piece known to local consumers in a paid venue will make a combined cultural and economic contribution to local revitalization. Th e same instrument used by the same performer to perform the same music piece in a similarly paid venue in a foreign setting where knowledge of the music and the song is limited will lead to much less cultural signifi cance, and beyond economic gain of the individual player, will have very little direct economic infl uence on the area under question. It is these complex equations of relevance to place and commodity and relevance to policy, production or consumption, along with consideration of the characteristic of the contribution, economic or cultural, to the revitalization of the area, that this research is designed to address in the chapters that follow.

CHAPTER FOUR

TSUGARU REVITALIZATION POLICY AND CULTURAL COMMODITIES

Local identity has been identifi ed as vital to the revitalization of peripheral areas. Th is chapter opens by examining Tsugaru identity and the potential factors of development for the area and then turns to the Aomori Prefecture and Hirosaki City revitalization policy. Th e chapter closes by looking at the case for Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen in national and local government policy. Th e scheme for assessing local revitalization through examination of the characteristics of local identity and local factors of development along with the characteristics of a culture economy developed in Chapter Th ree and shown in Figure 4.1, will guide the fi rst section of this chapter.

Toward a Culture Economy: Local Identity and Cultural Commodities

Tsugaru Identity and Local Factors of Development Chapter Two introduced the Tsugaru District by highlighting a Jōmon-period heritage together with an Edo-period history of national importance and the forging of a strong local cultural and educational

(1) Local Identity/ Local Factors of Development: – socio-cultural factors – socio-economic factors – techno-economic factors

(2) Culture Economy / Industrial / Institutional Cultural Districts: – commodifi cation of local cultural resources – identity construction/promotion externally – identity construction/promotion internally – restructuring of the local economy (aft er Figure 3.2) Figure 4.1 Characteristics for Assessing a Culture Economy in Local Revitalization 64 chapter four base on the one hand, countered by geographic peripherality, persis- tent poverty and a sense of inferiority as Japan modernized up to the present on the other. Th is section focuses on the character of a contemporary Tsugaru identity organized as factors of development, and the relevance of these to local revitalization in economic and cultural dimensions. Responses to the 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer/Producer Survey (see Appendix 2.3) show that local residents and local cultural commodities producers prioritized natural resources, followed by the present agricultural and fi sheries economic base as important components of Tsugaru identity (see Table 4.1). A specifi c Tsugaru character, followed by Tsugaru history, culture and commodities constituted a second, socio-cultural component of identity. However, neither a sense of local solidarity and participation nor various levels of enterprise and industry were prioritized by either consumer or producer. Given the lack of urban infrastructure and industry in Aomori, the expanses of forested mountainous tracks, and a predominance of agricultural livelihoods, an identity that stresses natural resources and agriculture should not be surprising. Encouraging in terms of cultural commodities in local revitalization is the recognition of a specifi c local character, presumably through the local history, culture and cultural commodities which can be brought to local revitalization. Operationalizing local identity into factors for development was proposed as an important part of local revitalization. Present agriculture

Table 4.1 Tsugaru District Identity Resident Producer rank mean rank mean Natural resources 1 1.34 1 1.18 Present agriculture and fi sheries 2 1.39 2 1.46 Specifi c local character 3 1.91 4 2.00 Local history, culture and 4 1.97 3 1.89 commodities Local solidarity and participation 5 2.84 5 2.57 Various levels of enterprise and 6 2.92 6 2.66 industry Source: 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer / Producer Survey. Note: means based on Likert scale response with 1 = strong agreement with the prompt statement, 2 = agreement, 3 = disagreement and 4 = disagreement (see Appendix for survey); resident N = 190, producer N = 62. tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 65 and fi sheries clearly constitute the most important factors of Tsugaru revitalization as perceived both by consumers and cultural commodities producers (see Table 4.2). Th e consumer responses follow this primary-industry base with a focus on an innovative and entrepreneurial spirit, cultural-based commodities and events, new industry and enterprise and local administrative leadership and policy. Cultural commodities producers, on the other hand, viewed local consumer support of local enterprise as the second most important aspect of Tsugaru District revitalization, followed by an innovative and entrepreneurial spirit, expanding external markets, citizen education and participation in policy making, fi nancial support for local enterprise and, only then, cultural-based commodities and events. While a mutual focus by both consumer and producer on innovation and entrepreneurship was apparent, with consumers then focusing on new industry and enterprise and local administrative leadership, producers focused on consumers, prioritizing consumer support and citizen participation in policy. What was also clear was the rejection of private-public third sector projects, most likely a result of extensive news coverage of the failure of such ventures nationally and locally, together with lack of confi dence in national administrative leadership and policy and present local small and medium enterprise and industry. Considering these responses, it appears that there is an awareness and a recognition, on the part of both consumers and producers, of the combinative nature of tangible and intangible factors of development. Th ere was recognition of the local natural resource base of the area together with the historical and cultural base of local history, culture and commodities in local revitalization on the part of consumers. Both groups identifi ed an awareness of the need for a human resource base in an innovative and entrepreneurial spirit. Consumers noted an infrastructural need in new industry and enterprise and an aspect of institutional performance in highlighting the importance of local administrative leadership, while producers prioritized community and consumer support. In these responses, there seems to be a fairly well understood reality of the multi-dimensional nature of local revitalization on the part of these two groups, albeit with several notable diff erences in prioritization. 66 chapter four

Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization

As indicated above, residents viewed cultural-based commodities and events as important factors in Tsugaru revitalization. Th e 2004 Con- sumer/Producer Survey indicates that residents prioritize major local festivals and local natural resources as important Tsugaru cultural commodities in local revitalization, followed by the character of local towns and villages and local traditional commodities and performances (see Table 4.3). Cultural commodities producers, while agreeing with residents regarding the importance of local festivals and local natural resources, however, saw local famous persons as more important.

Table 4.2 Factors of Tsugaru District Development: Comprehensive View Resident Producer rank mean rank mean Present agriculture and fi sheries 1 1.53 1 1.53 Innovative and entrepreneurial 2 1.83 3 1.88 spirit Cultural-based commodities and 3 1.94 7 1.97 events New industry and enterprise 4 1.96 9 2.06 Local administrative leadership 5 1.96 8 2.06 and policy Citizen education / participation 6 2.04 5 1.97 in policy Expanding external markets 7 2.06 4 1.91 Local consumer support of local 8 2.17 2 1.86 enterprise Financial support to local 9 2.18 6 1.97 enterprise Present small / medium enterprise / 10 2.18 10 2.23 industry Nat’l administrative leadership 11 2.18 11 2.32 and policy Private-public third sector projects 12 2.43 12 2.44

Source: 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer / Producer Survey. Note: means based on Likert scale response with 1 = strongly affi rmative to the item as a factor of Tsugaru development, 2 and 3 = affi rmative and negative and 4 = strongly negative (see Appendix for survey); resident N = 190, producer N = 62. tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 67

Looking at the overall conception of Tsugaru cultural commodities, the reality of cultural commodities in a culture economy for local residents is clear, as consciousness of the tourist appeal of cultural commodities is notable, followed by images prioritizing the necessity of both local residents’ support and government support (see Table 4.4). Th is conception of Tsugaru cultural commodities also highlighted a focus on the place aspect of Tsugaru cultural commodities, in recognition of the specifi c history and tradition of the cultural commodities, and on the characteristics of the commodities themselves, in the appeal of creativity and the appeal of a specifi c technique.

Table 4.3 Tsugaru Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization Resident Producer Resident Producer rank mean rank mean Major local festivals 1 1.26 1 1.47 Local natural resources 2 1.39 3 1.64 Character of local towns and villages 3 1.70 5 1.94 Local traditional commodities and 4 1.81 4 1.86 performance Local historical, heritage and cultural 5 1.99 6 2.06 characteristics Local famous persons 6 2.03 2 1.61 ‘Special’ tourism and events 7 2.05 7 2.24

Table 4.4 Conception of Tsugaru Cultural Commodities (Residents) Cultural commodities seen as: rank mean Place related Based on a unique history and tradition 3 1.80 Based on local character of the area 7 1.99 Refl ecting resident identity 8 2.03 Based on appraisal as a cultural treasure 11 2.04

Commodity related Based on creativity and innovation 5 1.94 Based on a specifi c technique 6 1.96 Based on uniqueness and originality 8 2.03 Based on a secretive history and techniques 12 2.33 Based on a useful product 13 2.83 68 chapter four

Table 4.4 (cont.) Cultural commodities seen as: rank mean Culture economy related Based on tourism infl uence and potential 1 1.66 Based on resident support 2 1.76 Based on government support 4 1.90 Infl uential on local economy 8 2.03

Source: 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer / Producer Survey. Note: means based on Likert scale response with 1 = positive response to the prompt and 4 = negative response; N = 190.

Considering cultural commodities in revitalization from a creation and management perspective, residents focused on an innovative- entrepreneurial spirit based on historical and cultural resources fi rst, followed by tourism promotion outside the prefecture and local consciousness regarding cultural commodities, whereas producers prioritized local consciousness regarding cultural commodities and tourism promotion outside the prefecture whereas (see Table 4.5). Considering the fi ndings further, both groups saw local administrative leadership and policy as more important than cultural commodity-based organizational leadership and policy on the one hand, with consciousness and knowledge on the part of local cultural workers and cultural commodities-related small retailers and enterprises not seen as important factors in creating and managing local cultural commodities in regards to local revitalization on the other. Based on these fi ndings, it appears that Tsugaru District identity, and the local factors of development that this identity supports, while generally oriented toward tangible factors that can be brought to directly support the local economic base, also refl ect intangible factors that support such eff orts, the culture economy component of revitalization policy. Th e present economic base and local administrative leadership are prioritized, however, along with a ‘new economy’ business ethic of innovation and entrepreneurship and a local cultural commodities consciousness.

Social Representation of Cultural Resources and Local Revitalization Sentiment regarding local resources and cultural commodities in revitalization identifi es the natural resources base and local agriculture, tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 69

Table 4.5 Creation and Management of Tsugaru Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization Resident Producer rank mean rank mean Innovative/entrepreneurial spirit 1 1.81 3 1.92 Tourism promotion outside the 2 1.82 2 1.80 prefecture Local consciousness regarding 3 1.83 1 1.79 cultural commodities Local administrative leadership and 4 2.06 4 1.97 policy Consciousness/knowledge on behalf 5 2.07 5 2.03 of local cultural workers Tourism promotion within the 6 2.11 6 2.09 prefecture Tourism promotion internationally 7 2.21 7 2.09 Cultural commodity-based — 8 2.12 organizational leadership / policy Cultural commodities-related small 8 2.31 9 2.30 retailers and enterprises

Source: 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer / Producer Survey Note: means based on Likert scale response with 1 = positive response to the prompt and 4 = negative response; resident N = 190, producer N = 46. along with festivals, the character of cities, towns and villages, and local traditional commodities and performances as important cultural resources. Th e mechanisms pertaining to cultural commodities in local revitalization are seen in an innovative/entrepreneurial spirit based on historical and cultural resources, tourism promotion outside the prefecture, and a local cultural commodities consciousness and local administrative leadership regarding cultural commodities. A means for assessing the concurrence of these sentiments with the reality of a place is social representation, a consideration of the messages that the local media present about a particular topic on a day-to-day basis over a long period of time. To this end, a ‘local resources keyword search’ was undertaken using the prefecture-wide Tōōnippō newspaper homepage article database search function (see Appendix 4.1). Th e results reveal several dominant themes in the cultural commodities landscape of Aomori: (1) Tsugaru is the most represented district of the three areas; (2) two cultural fi gures are well-represented; (3) a ‘history-nature-agriculture’ triad of resources based on the Jōmon-period Sannai Maruyama Ruins, the 70 chapter four combination of Lake Towada, Mount Iwaki, and the UNESCO World Heritage-designated Shirakami Mountain area and the importance of prefectural agriculture, predominantly rice and apples; and (4) Aomori City’s Nebuta Festival as the most represented festival and Tsugaru shamisen as the most represented cultural commodity performance (see Table 4.6; also Rausch 2004a).

Table 4.6 Cultural Resources of Aomori Prefecture: Tōōnippō Newspaper Search for reference: Liberal Democratic (political) Party 995; Hirosaki National University 529

Tsugaru 1547/Nanbu 580/ Cultural Persons Shimokita 834 Tsugaru dialect 30; Nambu Munakata Shiko 91 (woodblock artist; dialect 11 1903–1975) Shimokita culture 10; Tsugaru Dazai Osamu 57 (author; 1909–1948) culture 5; Nambu culture 2 Tsugaru agriculture 29; History 790 / Nature 873 / Nambu 4 Shimokita 5 Agriculture 1051 Jōmon (historical period) 323; Aomori history 32 Sannai Maruyama (Jōmon archaeological site) 274 Festivals Lake Towada 456; Mount Iwaki 310 Nebuta (Aomori City fall festival) Shirakami Sanchi Mt Range 354 (Aomori-Akita border) 206 Neputa (Hirosaki City fall Hakkoda Mountains 97 festival) 147 Sakura-matsuri (Hirosaki yuki-kuni (snow country; reference to cherry-blossom) 89 Kawabata) 68 Enburi Festival (Hachinohe fall ji-fubuki (ground blizzard; Tsugaru festival) 53 Peninsula) 30 Yuki-matsuri (Snow Festival) 10 nōka (farm family) 678; kome (rice) 673 ringo (apple) 324; nosanbutsu (agricultural products) 214 Tradition 326 and Craft s 30 Tsugaru shamisen (music) 128; traditional—56; Tsugaru nuri (lacquerware) 28; traditional culture 42; food culture 52; pottery (toki) 24 (Tsugaru toki 1) kokeshi (wood lathed dolls) 12; kogin-zashi (stitched cloth) 16

Note: number of articles; accessed October 9, 2003; articles included in database from November 1999. Source: Aomori / Tsugaru Media Cultural Commodities Representation Survey; see Rausch (2004a). tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 71

Th e Local Media and the Creation of Cultural Commodities As important as are the images of potential cultural commodities presented in the media, more important are the consequences of such representation, such as the question of whether these images are infl uential in creating a local cultural commodities consciousness. Responses from the 2004 Consumer / Producer Survey show that media representation and advertising are important sources of information on cultural commodities, with television programmes, news and commercials agreed upon as the most important cultural commodities information sources by both cultural commodities producers and local residents, followed by the regional newspaper and tourism magazines and pamphlets (see Table 4.7). While Internet homepages were cited as important by producers, this was not seen in the resident response. Th is producer response may, on the one hand, be explained by ongoing eff orts by both Aomori Prefectural and Hirosaki Munici- pal to establish an Internet presence for local products, meaning that producers are being made aware of the potential of information technology. Also interesting to note was the importance of information circulation based on friend or colleague in the minds of residents, an appraisal not seen by producers in this survey, but cited in interviews of lacquerware craft smen.

Table 4.7 Cultural Commodities Information Source Resident Producer rank mean rank mean Television programme, news or 1 1.40 1 1.22 commercial Regional newspaper 2 1.56 4 1.77 Tourism magazines, pamphlets 3 1.69 3 1.54 Friend or colleague 4 1.81 7 2.06 Commodity-related advertising or 5 1.87 5 1.94 catalogue Regional magazine or book 6 2.06 6 2.00 Internet homepage 7 2.06 2 1.50 Retail stores 8 2.26 9 2.29 Exhibition or lecture attendance 9 2.28 8 2.11

Source: 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer / Producer Survey. Note: means based on a Likert scale response with 1 = positive and 3 = negative; resident N = 190, producer N = 46. 72 chapter four

Th e social representation of the cultural commodities of Aomori can be more descriptively outlined and contextualized on the basis of an in-depth content analysis of the local newspaper. As part of the Aomori/Tsugaru Media Cultural Commodities Representation Sur- vey (see Appendix 4.2) undertaken for this research, the contents of articles deemed related to or indicative of cultural commodities were categorized on the basis of Ray’s (1998) range of cultural markers. It is clear that there are local examples of a particular cultural commodity resource base that are unique to the Tsugaru District (see Table 4.8; also Rausch 2004a):

1. Local agricultural products based on notions of food safety and producer trust (newspaper headline example: ‘increasing the trust in local agricultural products—Tsugaru Ishikawa AgriCoop triple- up system: reliable, safe and stable,’ see Appendix 4.2 for citations); 2. A local traditional arts, craft s and performance component that highlights mechanisms for appreciation and preservation of local culture as well as recognition of the local artisan (‘prefectural traditional craft s master recognized—kokeshi maker,’ ‘deepening the connections for revitalizing cultural activity—craft s network established’); and 3. Landscape system-based cultural commodities which are represented in the context of health on the one hand and based on climate on the other (‘strengthen Aomori as Hot Spring Prefecture to lure tourists for health,’ and ‘fun in the extreme cold of Tsugaru— Kanagi Town Blizzard Tour’).

In addition to the social representation which leads to the recognition of potential cultural commodities themselves as shown above are references to the creation and management of cultural commodities through product branding and promotion, involvement by local social actors in the activity of cultural representation, and the infrastructure related specifi cally to culture in local revitalization. Explicit examples of this representation include references to: 4. Th e infrastructure related to cultural commodities and revitalization: ‘Hayate shinkansen eff ect expected—backup with tourism promotion’ ‘selling apples on the Internet—Hachinohe University students and local farmers’ ‘feeling Hachinohe City’s history—local group publishes guide map’ tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 73

5. Local cultural representation: ‘energizing the region: Aomori’s branding challenge’ (a Tōōnippō weekly column) ‘toward creation of a Jōmon Corridor—World Cultural Inheritance perspectiveˆˆ) 6. Th e involvement of local actors: ‘Tsugaru as an area—tourism campaign: citizens in the process, tie-ups with local businesses, local leaders must lead’ ‘using the city to revive the city—reviving furusato: residents’ participation is key’

Table 4.8 Social Representation of Cultural Resources As organized by Ray As in local newspaper # comments Local agriculture . . . as local/ traditional 9 product development and sales food as agricultural 18 establishing product safety- products producer trust Regional languages . . . as local dialect . . . 4 local dialect festival/dialect performances Arts, craft s, as craft products 17 predominantly Tsugaru lacquerware performance as performance . . . 13 noting performer and audience reaction as festival . . . 10 focus on the economics aspects as local culture . . . 10 preservation and appreciation as local artist . . . 21 Munakata Shiko 1903–’75, artisan; Tsugaru shamisen players at local/ nat’l level Literary reference . . . as literary reference. 4 Dazai Osamu and Osabe Hideo History . . . as historical sites 7 tourism levels at Sannai Maruyama site as history in general 12 Jomon plus lacquerware /shamisen research Landscape systems as landscape systems 14 tourism levels: Shirakami Range-Lk Towada as health . . . 9 health tourism based on hot springs as climate and 5 winter tourism weather . . . n = 153

Note: fi gure indicates number of articles; number of articles viewed = 123; multiple coding allowed. Source: Aomori / Tsugaru Media Cultural Commodities Representation Survey; see Rausch (2004a). 74 chapter four

A more focused representation of the potential mechanisms of local revitalization can be seen in two weekly Tōōnippō newspaper colums: Aomori Economy—Listening to Th is Person, which presents opinions by local leaders on the state and future of the Aomori economy, and Economics A la Carte, written by personnel of the Aomori Regional Social Research Offi ce. Analysis of the contents of these columns over a period from 2004 to 2005 highlights a range of local revitalization themes, primarily cast in economic terms but with notable references to cultural elements. Th ese included the need for both eff ective information technology-based PR along with local pride in tourism, ‘branding’ of local products together with a focus on a producers’ role in ensuring the safety and quality of agricultural and fi sheries products, recognition of the importance of local fi nancing, cooperative eff orts between industry, government and research mechanisms and the potential for new forms of management (through NPOs), and fi nally, the importance of local consumption of local products (see Appendix 4.3). Th e Economics A la Carte column held that consumers needed to ‘invest’ in their local economy while leaders in the festival and lacquerware communities must recognize a dual responsibility to hold to tradition while also providing an appealing performance and an attractive commodity. Th e column noted that prefectural apple producers must work to maintain a quality product while also seeking market share in the rapidly expanding Asian market. Finally, weighing in on the highly controversial merger issue, the column sought to highlight mergers as a means of the broader economy benefi ting from the tax transfers that accompany mergers, rather than viewing mergers solely as a means of addressing the changing demographics and national budget issues, stressing that mergers redistribute municipal assets within the region in a manner amenable to specifi c policies of region-making (see Appendix 4.4). Th e multi-dimensional elements identifi ed in the survey responses regarding the factors of local development from local consumers and cultural commodities producers, together with a similarly multi- dimensional portrayal including such themes as branding and tourism, safety and trust in agriculture, local fi nancing and consumer support in the local economy, locally cooperative eff orts and the Shinkansen eff ect in the local media point not only to what can be viewed as a relatively high level of awareness and recognition of the importance of local revitalization among local residents, but also an understanding of the combination of economic and cultural elements by which local tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 75 revitalization may be achieved—the necessary precursors to a culture economy.

Local Government and Local Revitalization: Planning, Policy and Budgets To the degree that a culture economy can be managed, such management would be found in local administration leadership and policy, which residents confi rmed as viewing as an important factor in Tsugaru revitalization. Policy can initiate the commodifi cation of specifi c local resources, organize the construction and projection of local identity and coordinate the restructuring of a local economy to accommodate such eff orts. Th is section looks at these processes for the Tsugaru Dis- trict, identifying the tensions inherent in planning, policy and budget as they are organized to incorporate local cultural resources into local revitalization.

Plan, Policy and Budget: Aomori Prefecture and Hirosaki City Th e 2005 Aomori Prefectural Comprehensive Plan outlines a basic policy striking a balance between revitalization based on such universal notions of development as enterprise creation and attracting business, and revitalization refl ecting a specifi cally Aomori base, including the promotion of local consumption of local products, various tourism schemes and development of Aomori-original products. Also notewor- thy are emerging social themes that have potential at the local Aomori level, particularly environmental awareness and food safety. Th e idealism of planning is realized in fi scal reality. eTh 2005 Prefectural Discretionary Budget highlights priorities in education, accounting for approximately half the budget allocation with 60 percent allocated for an ‘Aomori Child’ curriculum, designed to foster understanding of and aff ection for the prefecture among school children. Th is was followed by discretionary budgeting for health, the local environment and public safety at approximately 30 percent and then allocations related to the economy and development in the Lively Work—Rich Society section of the budget, at approximately 16 percent. Th e Lively Work—Rich Society section details fi nancial support for general business activities accounting for just over half of the budget, with support for local agricultural products accounting for just under one-quarter, local tourism just under 10 percent and local craft s less than two percent (see Appendix 4.5). As above, of particular 76 chapter four interest are those activities related to food safety, local product development along with development of winter and Jōmon heritage as tourism themes, and Tsugaru lacquerware. Taken together, these are indicative of commodifi cation of the local agricultural, climatic and historical-cultural base, together with solidifi cation of an existing local product, Tsugaru lacquerware.

Th e Hirosaki City Plan, Policy and Budget Th e plans and budget reality that dictate approaches to local revitalization for Hirosaki can be examined in a similar manner, beginning with the Hirosaki City Comprehensive Plan, followed by examination of the Commerce, Industry and Tourism Division Outline and the associated budgets. Th e keywords of the 10-year Hirosaki City Comprehensive Plan (2000–2010) are ‘People,’ ‘Industry’ and ‘Environment’ (16), with Strategy Projects developed for each. Th e People component stresses a regional resident connectiveness in which citizens join with community and non-profi t organizations in welfare, tourism and environmental protection-related activities. Th e Industry component stresses promotion of local industry, expansion of local employment and the appeal of Hirosaki’s urban character in rural western Aomori. Agri- culture and forestry are identifi ed as providing a base on which the commerce potential of Hirosaki City is being expanded. An ‘Industry Cooperation’ Strategy Project calls for:

1. Promotion of apples and establishment of a ‘local resources agricultural cycle’ stressing product safety and organic farming; 2. Promotion of business development and the area as a convention site; 3. Appropriate use of local cultural resources, focusing on Tsugaru lacquerware and other traditional craft goods along with Hirosaki Castle Park and the four festivals; 4. Strengthening links both within specifi c industries and between industries and other commerce sectors; and 5. Encouraging entrepreneurship and venture capitalism—all while adapting to changing demographics, the informationalization of society and the increasing demand for environmentally sound practices and products. tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 77

Th e Environment component stresses the local potential to develop resource recycling and energy effi ciency systems that harmonize with the natural environment while also contributing to a positive image for the area. Th e two plan areas most relevant to the policy considerations of the culture economy in local revitalization are Lifelong Learning and Culture Promotion and Active Industry Promotion. Th e Lifelong Learn- ing and Culture Promotion section stresses the academic and cultural character of Hirosaki City, which claims 133 Designated Cultural Properties, including 25 nationally-designated properties, 39 prefectural properties and 69 municipal properties, the majority of this latter category being craft s works, sculptures and engravings, historical documents and folk performances. Among these are an Edo-period Sei- gaiha Lacquerware and the Tsugaru-family te-ita hand boards. Local cultural promotion can be seen in municipal support of 255 arts and cultural groups spanning a wide range of activities. Th e Active Industry Promotion section includes fi ve subsections, with details as follows: Agricultural-related policy directives are dominated by a focus on apples. Th e industry promotion section focuses on activation of local industries, citing a small industry subsidy system along with support for local food products and Tsugaru lacquerware. Th e objectives of the Tsugaru lacquerware activation scheme include insuring successors and industry knowledge through a ‘lacquer goods manufacture course’, sponsorship of technique and sales strategy seminars, support of both the development of new products and various venues for display and sales. Th e commerce and service industry promotion section focuses on strengthening local management, activating local sales districts within the city and promoting local service industries, particularly in the areas of information services and health, welfare and medical services for the aged. Tourism and local products promotion policy focuses on development themes in three areas: local tourist infrastructure, connections between tourism and local industries, and tourism on scales from local and prefectural to regional and national. Tourist infrastructure focuses on development of local historical and cultural sites, continued tourist attendance at the four municipal festivals, a network of public spaces encouraging walking tours of the city, and advertising the city and attracting conventions. Th e tourism and local industries connection focused on increasing the visibility and sales of Tsugaru lacquerware and other local commodities, advertising 78 chapter four to encourage shopping in the city center, and promotion of Hirosaki as an Apple Town. Tourism promotion focuses on improving information exchange between the Tsugaru Regional Tourist Area Coun- cil (tsugaru koiki kankōen kyōgikai), the Tsugaru Regional Alliance (tsugaru kōiki rengōkai) and local cities, towns, and villages, together with information exchanges between the municipal tourism facilities and the private sector transportation providers. Lastly, the new industry promotion section call for combined eff orts by educational and municipal facilities to work with local industry in areas related to information and education as well as encouraging a venture capitalist orientation to developing new business opportunity on the other. As alluded to in reference to the prefectural budget, the idealism of planning is constrained by the reality of budgets; the same is true for Hirosaki City. Th e 2005 Hirosaki City discretionary budget saw a decrease of 1.2 percent, the fourth year of decrease in a row, to slightly less than 60-billion yen. Budget allocations revealed a clear focus on City Foundation section of the Comprehensive Plan (Figure 4.2), accounting for over 85 percent of the budget. Allocations within the Active Industry area were dominated with a single tourist site, a Meiji-period Foreign Instructor’s Residence, followed by concentra- tion on local sales commerce and the Cherry Blossoms of the Castle Park (see Appendix 4.6).

Hirosaki City Commerce, Industry and Tourism Th e Hirosaki City Commerce, Industry and Tourism Department Outline, which includes the Commerce and Industry Promotion Sec- tion and the Tourism and Local Products Section, provides information related directly to long-term revitalization policy and the place of cultural resources in that policy. Th e activities of the Commerce and Industry Promotion section include planning and coordinating commerce and industry promotion activities, promotion and modernization of city retail areas and local industry, attracting new industry and promotion of area industrial parks, providing leadership, assistance and evaluation in commerce and industrial activities and organizing activities related to production and promotion of local traditional craft s. Credit fi nancing accounts for an overwhelming majority of the Commerce Promotion section budget, with just a fraction of the overall budget left for commerce promotion, business recruitment and industry promotion (see Appendix 4.7). tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 79

Examination of the credit fi nancing budget for 2005 in particular reveals a focus on promotion of cooperative associations and factory maintenance loans, together with special fi nance loans and medium- small enterprise stabilization loans, with a Tsugaru lacquerware cooperation promotion fund accounting for approximately fi ve percent of the section budget (see Appendix 4.8). Although accounting for less than one percent of the Commerce Promotion budget, the industry promotion sub-section includes funding for Tsugaru lacquerware in a Prefectural Lacquerware Cooperative Association Homepage subsidy and an industry promotion subsidy, a national craft sman assembly subsidy and a traditional craft s association support fund. eTh Commerce, Industry and Labor Section also provides fi nancing for capital/operating funds or facilities improvement funds under a Medium-Small Business Financing Activities scheme which includes a Local Products Production Training Cooperation Fund directed toward miso and tofu production, apple processing, sake brewing, blade making, furniture, lacquerware, clothing, metals, tourist goods, and wood products. Financing is available directly to Tsugaru lacquerware under a Tsugaru Lacquerware Area Wholesalers Fund, which provides capital/operating funds related to cooperative sales of Tsugaru lacquerware. Th e fund has been utilized 77 times over the period 1997 to 2004, an average of 12 times per year with an average disbursement value of 6.65 million yen per case. Th e Commerce, Industry and Labor Section provides for Commerce-Industries Promotion Activities, the most notable being the Superior Craft smen Recognition System, with awards dominated by food-related activities and carpentry, metal work and tailoring, but also including lacquer craft s, blacksmithing and stone work (see Appendix 4.9). Lastly, the Commerce, Industry and Labor Section provides funding for a Tsugaru Lacquerware Labor Welfare Facility, defi ned as a joint welfare facility aiming to improve the health and welfare of lacquer industry workers, completed in 1984 and entrusted to the Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Complex Cooperative Association. Tourism was identifi ed as an important element of Tsugaru revitalization by resident respondents of the 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer/Producer Survey. Th e Tourism and Local Products section is charged with tourism-related promotion, planning, and facilities upkeep, and activities related to the four Hirosaki City festivals and local products promotion and sales. Th e principal tourist attractions 80 chapter four are identifi ed as Hirosaki Castle Park and the Neputa Village tourist area, together with two of the four seasonal festivals, with Tsugaru lacquerware, Tsugaru sword-smithing and Tsugaru kogin fabric as important local traditional craft s, and Hirosaki Apple Park as showcasing the local agricultural products base of the area. Th e Tourism and Local Products Budget is minimal, approximately 10 percent of the Commerce Promotion Budget in 2005. Th e funding is focused on Hirosaki’s four festivals, which has accounted for approximately 60 percent of the tourism budget over the period from 2001 to 2005. Following this is a focus on tourism promotion, averaging 20 percent, and both tourism advertising and local products promotion, each less than 10 percent. Th at the Hirosaki festivals should take up such a large proportion of the Tourism and Local Products budget is borne out by the attendance fi gures. Th e Hirosaki Cherry Blossom Festival is clearly the most important of the four main Hirosaki festivals. First organized in 1918 and held each year from late April to early May, the Cherry Blos- som Festival averages approximately two million visitors (although bad weather and bad timing can cut the tourist number dramatically). Hirosaki Neputa Festival, originating in the early 1700s and designated a National Intangible Folk Cultural Property, is also of signifi cant local importance. Held nightly over the fi rst week of August, the festival attracts approximately 1.5 million viewers over its one-week run. Th e festival also enjoys a high level of local participation, with resident and corporate associations building and parading about 50 large fl oats each year for the festival. Th e Chrysanthemum Festival and the Snow Lantern Festival, on the other hand, are viewed as local, and fairly minor festivals, each accounting for less than half-a-million visitors per year. Th e Cherry Blossom and Neputa Festivals point to several interesting dynamics in contemporary Japanese festivals: the tension between historical importance and current popularity on the one hand and the form and relative importance of local resident participation on the other. While the Neputa Festival can claim historical signifi cance in local practices, it is the Cherry Blossom Festival that draws more tourists—and more revenue. In a similar manner, the Neputa Festival demands massive preparation of fl oats in the weeks leading up to the festivals along with participation of local residents for the week of the festival to pull the fl oats through Hirosaki City streets. The Cherry tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 81

Blossom Festival, on the other hand, demands little or nothing of local residents to make the festival a success. Th e principal tourist facility in Hirosaki, the Tsugaru Clan Neputa Village (tsugaru han neputa mura), is a major site located on one corner of Hirosaki Castle Park. Th e facility, by far the most-visited of the Hirosaki tourist sites, includes a Neputa fl oat used in the fall Neputa Festival Parade, a Tsugaru shamisen corner which includes live performances, extensive displays of local traditional craft products being made by craft ers, a hands-on activity center and a local products sales area. Th e other main tourist facilities are the Otemon Square and Tour- ist Information Center and the Hirosaki Castle Historical Center. Th e Otemon Center functions as a tourist information corner, and includes a Neputa fl oat display, a local products sales area, a multi-use hall, a local cuisine restaurant, a Tsugaru lacquerware display together with displays of other traditional craft s, a Tsugaru dialect corner, a study center and the Tourism Council and Local Products Council offi ces. Th e Hirosaki Castle Historical Center is located in a castle tower in the main area of Hirosaki Castle Park. Th e tower now serves as a museum for artifacts from the Tsugaru clan’s rule of the area over the Edo period. Finally, and refl ecting the importance of apples to the area, Hirosaki City has also developed Hirosaki City Apple Park. Rebuilt in 2002, the park now holds approximately 1,000 apples trees of 60 diff erent varieties and has averaged approximately 120,000 visitors per year over the past fi ve years, of about 80 percent were from Aomori Prefecture. Th e primary means of promoting local products are through sales at a Local Products Pavilion in Hirosaki Castle Park, a number of local products exhibitions and ‘Tsugaru Foods and Products Festivals,’ one held annually in Tokyo and the other annually in Hirosaki. Four local products exhibitions and sales venues are held outside the prefecture each year, sponsored by Hirosaki City and the Hirosaki City Prod- ucts Council and in conjunction with the Tourism Campaigns held in sites in the Kanto area. In addition, four prefecturally-sponsored exhibitions and sales venues are held, in sites as near as Sapporo and as far as Okinawa. While the sales fi gures for local products sold at each of the seasonal festivals in Hirosaki Castle Park have dropped over the past decade, sales fi gures for the local products exhibitions and sales venues held outside the prefecture show a fairly steady pattern of sales and the local ‘Tsugaru Foods and Products Festival’ has 82 chapter four shown a steady increase. Notable is the success of the ‘Tsugaru Foods and Products Festival’ to draw visitors, averaging 40,000 visitors over the three-day event.

Revitalization Planning and Policy: Informed Voices Interviews with several informed locals on the theme of local revitalization and municipal revitalization policy reveal support and consen- sus in some regards to local revitalization policy as related to cultural resources and cultural commodities, countered by disagreement and disappointment in others. Mr. T. Onaka, a local business leader who serves on the Hirosaki City Tourism Association, the Hirosaki City Tourism and Convention Association and is retired from the Hirosaki City Products Association, holds that it is in the economic realm that meaningful contributions of culture to revitalization are recognized. Onaka feels that the exploitation of local culture for economic revitalization can accommodate the preservation of local culture, but that this will ultimately fall to the respective private sector actors to carry out, motivated by their own survival and success. Administrative leadership in this regard can be infl uential, but he sees limited motivation throughout the rank and fi le of local civil service in this regard. Mr. K. Kon, also a local business leader who has served on various ad hoc prefectural and municipal committees and is active in the local non-profi t sector, disagrees with this assessment, seeing expectations for revitalization in the economic realm alone as unrealistic for Tsugaru. Given Hirosaki City’s historical importance as a cultural center locally and its name-value nationally, he sees wisdom in concentrating eff orts to stimulate cultural revitalization fi rst and foremost, with the expectation that economic revitalization will emerge out of this. Kon holds that eff orts to stimulate cultural preservation, through education and consciousness-raising, will yield informed, eff ective and sustainable exploitation of cultural resources, something not considered in economic thinking. It is interesting to note that, despite their diff erences in opinions regarding the approach, neither of these highly-informed locals policy participants see an appropriate or eff ective connection between policy and local identity, with Onaka saying that many are ashamed of Tsugaru’s place in Japan, and Kon bemoan- ing many missed opportunities. Mr. I. Itō and Ms. M. Saitō, two local policy administrators presently working in the cultural promotion of Tsugaru shamisen and writer Dazai Osamu in Kanagi Town, all stressed development of a local cul- tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 83 tural consciousness as a primary task, which with time will lead to an economic benefi t. Th ey emphasized that in the setting in which they work, a complex consisting of Dazai’s birthplace and childhood home and a Tsugaru shamisen museum and a local products sales facility, the local consciousness of the people of the community is vitally important as it contributes toward making a visit to the complex, in this case located in the heart of the town of Kanagi, an emotionally valuable experience for the visitor, one which will lead to either a return visit or a positive recommendation to other potential visitors. As such, they see their task less as managing a facility or attracting tourists (although that is an obvious part of their job duties), but more as ensuring that the local community is prepared to accommodate this potential. Mr. J. Ebina, a farmer active in local activities, in reference to Itō and Saitō’s comments, held that the local consciousness for the most exists, contending that local residents do participate in events promoting local products, an area of interest for him. “A lot of people join together for events—the Iwaki River Local Foods event, the Apple Pie event, the Culture Road event held downtown—based on what they are interested in and some group they are associated with. And there are always many residents coming out and supporting the events.” Ebina, however, does not see the necessary coordination and follow- up on the part of city to realize progress for these local products on a larger scale. “We have the events and they are very successful; we use a lot of local products, the farmers go home happy, the people who come go home happy, and that is it. Th en nothing until next year. eTh city doesn’t pick up on it and make anything out of our interest and our eff orts.” Mr. Y. Yoshioka concurs that there are many events and participation is high, but counters Ebina by asserting that simply having the events is the point. “Th ere used to be only a couple of big festivals (Cherry Blossom in the spring, Neputa in the fall); but now there is some event every weekend,” naming a handful of festivals and events; “ I don’t think these off er much in the way of either economic or cultural impact, but they provide an opportunity for the people to do something.” Yoshioka divides participation between those who organize and those who just come out for the event. He stresses that it is people who have a lot of time or money (yoyu ga aru) who do the work. “Th ere is always someone from the city administration around on the day of the event, but it is people with time for planning and set-up who do the work. It is almost like they need something to do 84 chapter four and this gives them something. And other people enjoy it, so that is enough.” Yoshioka sees revitalization as something neither economic nor cultural. “Th e revitalization that people want is sort of nostalgic—the quality of life issues: time, opportunity for their kids to play freely, things like that. I am afraid that sort of revitalization may be impossible, but these events at least give people some opportunity for that feeling.”

Summary and Assessment: Tsugaru Identity and Revitalization Policy Th is examination of revitalization policy for Aomori Prefecture as a whole and Hirosaki City in particular reveals evidence of local consciousness of local resources in local revitalization and an awareness of the mechanisms to activate these. Th e 2005 Prefectural development- related budget focuses on local business as well as commodifying local agricultural products and the Tsugaru climate, along with confi rming the importance of Tsugaru lacquerware as a local cultural commodity. Th e 2005 Hirosaki City Comprehensive Plan, with a focus on quality of life measures, attempts to address local revitalization through a culture economy approach based on agricultural products and medium and small industry, together with tourism and cultural commodities. Th e budget mechanisms prioritized in the Hirosaki City Commerce, Industry and Tourism Division budget are weighed toward commerce promotion through a variety of credit fi nance programs directed toward small and medium enterprises, overall modernization, information technology-related venture incubation and the local lacquerware industry. Th e tourism and local products budget, although dwarfed by the commerce budget, refl ects an orientation that prioritizes the four festivals. Th ere is evidence of eff orts to create cultural districts which serve both industrial and institutional functions in continued support of the Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Complex and several large-scale tourism facilities centered on local themes and local products. Funding that establishes or strengthens cultural commodities-based networks can be found in the promotion of Tsugaru lacquerware enterprise cooperation, the industry-academia-government cooperation, a National Craft sman Assembly in held in Hirosaki and support of a Tokyo-based public relations facility. Tourism promotion is conducted in major metropolitan areas throughout Japan and local products sales venues are conducted at selected sites nationwide. Th ese fi ndings show that Tsugaru revitalization consciousness and revitalization policy refl ect a reality relevant to the area, through clear tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 85

Characteristics of location and Relevance to reality of place local revitalization policy: – local identity: factors of development accurately refl ects the reality – socio-cultural characteristics of the place – socio-economic characteristics – techno-economic characteristics – culture economy – past commodifi cation sustained; – commodifi cation of cultural emerging commodifi cation of resources agriculture, climate; restructuring – construction of identity: external mechanisms present; – construction of identity: internal – relevant overall, restructures on – restructuring of local economy an economic basis but misses important cultural resources (aft er Figure 4.1) Figure 4.2 Summary of Hirosaki City Revitalization Policy and Cultural Commodities recognition of natural resources, an agricultural base and local cultural commodities, along with a recognition of a consciousness, both entrepreneurial and in terms of consumer solidarity with the producers of the area that must be activated for local revitalization. Although varying in nature and stage of advancement, the modes of a culture economy can be seen in Tsugaru revitalization. Commodifi cation of the major traditional cultural resources of Tsugaru has taken place; what is now taking place is commodifi cation of resources based on criteria not related to the commodity itself, seen in the casting of local foods in a new light on the basis of safety and trust, and in seeking collaboration between existing cultural resources. Th is new form commodifi cation is based on a top-down restructuring of the local economy, evidenced in the credit fi nancing components of the Commerce Promotion budget. Identity construction for external projection as a tourism-oriented consumption-directed policy endeavor is clear in local policy, along with evidence of identity construction for internal projection through social representation of local cultural commodities. Moreover, the social representation of the necessity of and mechanisms for local revitalization support the normative element of a restructuring of the local economy. While the summary outlined above is positive and optimistic, it must be noted that Tsugaru shamisen, a musical genre recognized nationally and in global venues, appears nowhere in 86 chapter four the materials reviewed above—an omission that must be accounted for in the above assertions of relevance to the reality of the Tsugaru economic and cultural circumstance.

Tsugaru Lacquerware: National, Prefectural and Local Policy

Th e preceding section noted the degree to which Tsugaru lacquerware, as an established cultural commodity of the Tsugaru District, is included in the broad expanse of local revitalization policy, appearing in general municipal outlines, commerce budgets and fi nancing activities, and making up a part of local products sales both within Tsugaru and in sales venues in other sites in Japan. Conversely, Tsugaru shamisen was notably absent in the local revitalization policy of prefecture and city. Th is section details the extensive policies of preservation and promotion undertaken at levels national, prefectural and local explicit to Tsugaru lacquerware on the one hand, while noting what little evidence there is in regards to policy for Tsugaru shamisen on the other.

National Leadership: the Promotion of Tsugaru Lacquerware Tsugaru lacquerware provides detailed examples of cultural commodities policy as both preservation and promotion at levels which are national, prefectural and municipal. Th e lacquerware was designated a Japanese Traditional Craft Product under the 1975 Traditional Craft s Production Promotion Law, which brought national funding for its promotion under the Traditional Craft s Products Promotion Plan. Th e First Stage of the national Promotion Plan was undertaken over the period from 1976 to 1984, the Second Stage from 1996 to 2001, and the third stage to 2006. Th e activities of the promotion plan are grouped into nine areas of activities as shown in Table 4.9. With the lacquerware’s designation, the Edo-period Seigaiha Lacquerware piece was designated a Prefectural/Municipal Cultural Property, with the Tsugaru-family te-ita hand boards designated Municipal Proper- ties in 2002. Th e budget plans and actual expenditures for the Promotion Plan from the First and Second Stages to the Th ird Stage reveal a shift of focus from internal reforms within the industry in the First Stage to strictly economic aims of the industry in the Second and Th ird Stages (see Table 4.10). Th e budget and expenditure in the First Stage focused tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 87

Table 4.9 Activity Areas in Tsugaru Lacquerware Promotion 1. Securement and training of successors 2. Maintenance and reform of techniques 3. Activities for securement of raw materials 4. Activities related to development of demand 5. Improvement of working conditions 6. Cooperative-based activities 7. Provision of product information 8. Activities related to lacquerware community 9. Promotional activities for Traditional Craft s

Source: 2nd Stage Promotion Plan Activity; translation by author. on fostering cooperation within the industry, constituting over half of the budget plan and 75 percent of total expenditures, and improvement of working conditions, accounting for an additional 18 percent of total expenditures; these two areas thus accounted for 94 percent of the total budget expenditures. In the Second Stage, the scope of the plan was much broader, prioritizing development of demand, followed by activities for promotion of Traditional Industrial-Arts Craft s, activities to improve working conditions, provision of raw materials and maintenance of technique. However, expenditures subsequently focused extensively on development of demand, which comprised over half of expenditures, and industry promotion, which comprised another quarter, together accounting for 77 percent of total budget expenditures. In the budget plan for the Th ird Stage, the focus is further concentrated, focusing almost exclusively on development of demand, set to comprise 84 percent of the budget (see Rausch 2004b, 2005b, 2006d). Th e principal activity of the working conditions activity area in the First Stage was establishment of a Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Complex Cooperative Association, culminating in construction of facilities including an exhibition hall, an offi ce, meeting rooms, and specialized storage facilities, which accounted for ninety-seven percent of expenditures in the activity area. Th e principal activities in the promotion of cooperative activities were the coordination of raw materials procurement and the coordination of product sales. In stark contrast, the activities in the Second Stage were directed toward promotion and sales, primarily through the funding of local exhibitions and Tsugaru lacquerware PR campaigns in major cities throughout Japan. Th e second largest portion of the overall expenditures in the 88 chapter four

Table 4.10 Tsugaru Lacquerware: Promotion Plan Budgets and Expenditures (%) First Second Th ird Stage Stage Stage Activity Area Plan Expenditure Plan Expenditure Budget Successor Training 2.9 1.4 2.9 3.7 6.5 Technique Maintenance / 0.1 0.01 9.8 2.6 1.7 Reform Procurement of Raw 3.9 2.7 10 2.8 3 Materials Development of Demand 1.3 1.9 25.4 52.8 84.2 Working Conditions 35.4 17.8 18 0 0 Cooperative Activities 55.3 75.5 3.5 3.5 1.1 Product Information 0,6 0.4 1.5 3.2 1.3 Aged Society Activities 0.2 0,1 4.4 7.4 0 Industry Promotion 0.3 0.2 23.7 24 2.2 100 100 100 100 100 Total Budget (in ,000 yen) 1,191,184 1,584,763 61,160 38,710 29,079 Source: 1st / 2nd Stage Promotion Plan Activity and Status Reports, 3rd Stage Promotion Plan Pro- posal (see Rausch 2004b, 2005b, 2006d). Note: Plan is budget plan and Expend. is budget expenditures; budget fi gures in ,000 yen.

Second Stage was in promotional activities, of which sponsorship of the yearly Japan Urushi Summit (1996), a gathering of representatives of the 22 regional lacquerwares of Japan, accounted for 97 percent of expenditures. In the Th ird Stage, activities for increasing sales and design development accounted for, according to the budget plan, 73 and 23 percent of the section budget.

Local Response: Aomori and Tsugaru Lacquerware As outlined, funding for the promotion of Tsugaru lacquerware has shift ed from reforms and improvements within the industry to strictly economic objectives of promotion and sales. Accordingly, local policy related to Tsugaru lacquerware now also strikes a balance between these two orientations. An outline detailing prefectural administrative subsidy support for Tsugaru lacquerware provided by the Aomori Prefecture Lacquerware Cooperative Association Federation describes three principal activities. Th e fi rst is Sales Route Expansion, consisting of travel subsidies for local lacquerware associations to participate in exhibitions nationally and locally, with specifi c reference to a National Lacquerware Exhibi- tion and national Tableware Festival, as well as a Tsugaru Lacquer- tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 89 ware Fair and a Tsugaru Food and Products Festival held in Tokyo. Th e second activity area is a subsidy for the operation (personnel and offi ce expenses) of the Prefectural Cooperative Federation. Th e third area is a subsidy funding a voluntary group of Tsugaru lacquerware successors in organizing a Tsugaru Traditional Craft ers Group and a Friends of Lacquer Group. Th e prefecture also supports Tsugaru lacquerware through the Aomori (Prefectural) Industrial Research Center (AIRC). Charged with supporting businesses in Aomori Prefecture with applied research refl ecting the realities of the area, the AIRC oversees the Hirosaki Regional Technical Research Facility (Hirosaki chiiki gijutsu kenkyū- jo), which undertakes research related to Tsugaru lacquerware within its Design and Craft s Division. Th ese research efforts have focused on product development (in part in cooperation with HOYA Crystal Co.), research on lacquerware pattern development and organization of a Tsugaru lacquerware patterns data-base for use in other prefectural products, promotion of collaboration in order to improve regional craft s design overall, and participation in the Tsugaru lacquerware promotion strategy ‘Japan TSUGARU’ new product development (full description below; information from the AIRC homepage, 2005). Materials provided by the Commerce, Industry and Labor Section of Hirosaki City (2004) specifi ed major municipal policy and activities related to Tsugaru lacquerware over a period beginning in 2000. Th e fi rst activity reported on is the use of Tsugaru lacquerware on the medals awarded at the Fift h Asian Winter Games 2003, held in Aomori Prefecture. Th e design and creation of the medals was undertaken cooperatively between the Finance Ministry and both the Aomori Prefectural Lacquerware Association Federation and the Hiro- saki Regional Technical Research Facility, with 507 medals produced using traditional Tsugaru lacquerware styles. Th e second activity reported on detailed participation by Tsugaru Lacquerware Association representatives in the national Tableware Festival 2000, an event held annually in Tokyo. Representatives followed this with participation in the 2001 HOYA Crystal Festival and subsequently have, in cooperation with HOYA Crystal Company, created the Tsugaru Lacquerware Royal Collection. Th e Royal Collection is described as a new Tsugaru lacquerware pattern and color, which include tableware, offi ce and living space items. Th e Prefectural Eco- nomic and Industry Ministry has since adopted the Royal Collection pieces as a prefectural gift item. 90 chapter four

Th e third activity reported is the ongoing development of an Urban- Style Butsudan (Buddhist-style alter) done in Tsugaru lacquerware patterns. In collaboration with the development of new wood ceramic materials by the Hirosaki Regional Technical Research Facility, the Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Complex Cooperative Association developed a ‘new pattern-lacquerware’ which is resistant to the degrad- ing eff ects of sunlight on lacquerware. This eff ort refl ects attempts to develop Tsugaru lacquerware products that are both outside the area of food-related utensils and appropriate for a changing Japanese lifestyle. Th e fourth activity reported on by Hirosaki City is a Design Devel- opment Plan, a part of the Aomori Prefectural Traditional Craft s Industry Area Promotion Plan. With the Th ird Stage of the Tsugaru Lacquerware Promotion Plan beginning in 2000, a three-year ‘Design Development Plan’ was undertaken in 2001, in which the advice of both consumers and design specialists is incorporated into the development of new products, with an opportunity for consumer feedback provided by participation in the Tableware Festival held annually in Tokyo. Two additional projects related to Tsugaru lacquerware were referred to in the materials provided by the Hirosaki City government: a Homepage Maintenance Activity Subsidy and Tsugaru Lac- querware Technique Preservation Activities. Th e Homepage activity involves making information on local products designated as traditional craft s available on an Internet portal site, for which the Hiro- saki City municipal government subsidized half the expenses, with the Aomori Prefecture Lacquerware Cooperative Association Federation overseeing inclusion for Tsugaru lacquerware. Th e second project, the Technique Preservation Activity, was undertaken by the Municipal Board of Education: Lifelong Learning Division in order to provide fi nancial support for the establishment of Tsugaru lacquerware as a cultural treasure with technique preservation groups passing down the techniques to succeeding generations of Tsugaru lacquerware craft ers. Th e main activities include describing and cataloguing the patterns and techniques of the Tsugaru-family Edo-period te-ita (handboards) in order to disseminate these techniques to lacquerware producers and craft ers. Th e Hirosaki City Chamber of Commerce initiated in 2005 a ‘Japan TSUGARU Brand Project.’ Made possible by the revisions to the 1974 Traditional Craft s Production Promotion Law undertaken in 2001 tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 91

(outlined in Chapter Th ree), along with a national eff ort to establish Japanese brands at national and international levels, the overall project focuses on establishing Tsugaru lacquerware as a global brand contributing to the revitalization of the Tsugaru economy by overcoming the restricted local extent of Tsugaru commerce. Th e project holds that the Tsugaru lacquerware industry must:

1. Re-recognize the multiple design patterns of its origins. 2. Re-design the lacquerware to match contemporary lifestyles. 3. Collaborate with artisans in other mediums (leather, glass, pottery, metal). 4. Approach potential markets on an international scale. 5. Construct a multi-level global sales network.

Th e project’s ‘Approach to Brand Confi rmation’ outlines how Tsugaru lacquerware can bring together Western and Eastern sensibilities by adopting Austrian, Italian and French design styles to yield international uniqueness and functional utility in fashion, interior and tableware products that target consumption based on design and quality. Th e project elements for the year 2005 consist of fi ve specifi c activity sections: 1. Japan Brand Confi rmation Project Reconfi rm the traditional value of Tsugaru lacquerware in the inherent variability of design patterns, develop design patterns based on this variability that match contemporary lifestyles, and foster collaboration with other mediums (leather, glass, pottery and metal). 2. Tsugaru Lacquerware Successor Training Project Ensure competent successors while improving the technical expertise of young artisans through training programs. 3. New Product Development ‘Reverse TSUGARU’ Project Realize new product development by bringing interested consumers to collaborate with lacquerware craft smen in new product development. 4. Hirosaki City ‘Local Favorites’ Promotion Offi ce Work toward increasing the local consumption of high quality local products. 5. Tsugaru Lacquerware Japan ‘TSUGARU’ Brand Project Expand the range of products for global markets and create global sales networks, initially targeting Italian, Austrian and French affl u- ence markets. While an outcome of the 2001 revisions in the Traditional Craft s Production Promotion Law allowing for broader participation in 92 chapter four the promotion of traditional craft s, the Tsugaru Lacquerware Japan ‘TSUGARU’ Brand Project is not without both supporters and detrac- tors, as will be clear in the following section.

Local Controversy over Tsugaru Lacquerware Promotion Policy A 2004 Traditional Craft Products Production Area Investigation Report, undertaken by the Traditional Craft Products Industry Pro- motion Association, closed with a Tsugaru Lacquerware Local Indus- try Problem and Promotion Plan, which outlined several specifi c industry-level and enterprise-level policy proposals. Th ese proposals are highly representative of the policy orientation within the industry as well as industry responses to policies promoted by the national, prefectural and municipal governments. In this sense, the contrasting character of these proposals refl ect the diff ering views on the future of the Tsugaru lacquerware industry. Th ree industry-level proposals focused on information dissemination, subsidy disbursement and local demand expansion. Most controversial among these was the question of subsidies, as one proposal called for a quality-reward system, in which subsidized fi nancial support would be awarded based on sales success at events supported with subsidy money. Th is orientation was contrasted by proposed revisions in the subsidy application procedure which would expand the number of subsidy recipients while decreasing the per-case amount. Increas- ing community demand for Tsugaru lacquerware brought contrasting proposals as well, as one focused on increasing prefectural and municipal PR campaigns directed within the region to stimulate consumption by residents, while another focused on government working to redirect local institutional purchases toward Tsugaru lacquerware, for example, for school food service items such as trays, bowls, an so on. Five proposals were identifi ed at the enterprise level, the most controversial of which called for encouraging variation in the base materials as a means of controlling costs, thereby reducing the price of lacquerware. Th e counter argument cited the need to control the characteristic quality of Tsugaru lacquerware fi rst and foremost, with price a secondary concern. Brand image proved controversial as well, as a proposal to strengthen the Tsugaru lacquerware place-product designation was countered by those who favored an independent approach, in which a particular craft sman’s lacquerware could be fully distin- guished from that of his rivals. Th e other proposals, less controversial, concerned setting up seminars to aid in bringing traditional lacquering tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 93 techniques to the process of new product development, attracting and training successors, and educating consumers both appreciating and recognizing quality lacquerware. Th e report concluded with a two-step promotion proposal, with the fi rst step focusing on reforming and strengthening the regional association by identifying a unifi ed purpose, and the second step then promoting individual activities by association members. Reforming and strengthening the association was outlined as vital to consolidating the multiple lacquerware-associated associations and groups into a new comprehensive industry management federation. Th is group would be centered on a management council, which would coordinate four separate groups: a management group, a development group, a production group and a sales group. In addition, the management council would coordinate the formation of a local consumer group, a public relations group and a non-regional enterprise group, each of which would serve to strengthen the links outside the local lacquerware community. Th e second step, promotion of individual activities, is envisioned as focusing on four areas: reformation of marketing strategies, formation of linkages between industry, academia and local governance, establishment of the intellectual property concept of Tsugaru lacquerware as a brand, and cultivation of the next generation of lacquer craft sman. Th ese proposals refl ect the major alignment of opinion within the lacquerware community, fractured along the lines of the nature of subsidy provision, appropriate eff orts to stimulate demand, and consolidation versus diff usion of the lacquerware producing community. Professor Emeritus T. Satō, the principal Tsugaru lacquerware researcher, criticizes money supporting exhibition activities which provide no incentive to innovate in the product, either in function or design. In a similar manner, while Satō sees merit in training activities, his concern is that such activities tend to merely establish technical knowledge of lacquerware production as a skill-set in this, and the next generation of lacquer craft smen, as few as they are. In the cultivation of skilled lacquer craft smen, he seeks creative skills as well as technical skills providing a future for the industry. In the collaborative ties between Tsugaru lacquerware and other products or companies, he cites a concern that it is Tsugaru lacquerware that makes conces- sions to accommodate the core characteristics of the other product. Th e mindset seems to be “how can Tsugaru lacquerware be included in this product,” rather than “what does Tsugaru lacquerware have to off er this product to make it better?” Satō’s evaluation of the Japan 94 chapter four

TSUGARU Brand Project is similar. While seeing merit the reconfi rmation of the value of variability of design in traditional Tsugaru lacquerware and the promise of a closer producer-consumer link in the Reverse TSUGARU Promotion, he is highly critical of the Japan TSUGARU Brand Promotion to Europe. Th is is based on rejection of the notion of ‘making new things for a global market,’ contending that the unique characteristics of lacquerware appears to have been lost as an essential element in such an equation. “Th e notion of simply making things is what has gotten us to this throw-away society that we must contend with at present.” Instead he calls for discovering the full realization of the characteristics of lacquerware in making goods; “It is the character of the lacquer sap that makes characteristic lacquerware products possible and it is in the characteristics of lacquer that products get better with age. Rather than trying to fi nd things that people will buy, lacquer craft smen should be making the things that should be lacquer.” Aomori Prefecture Lacquerware Cooperative Association Federa- tion President S. Murata sees the policy of lacquerware and Tsugaru lacquerware diff erently. Murata contends that the very existence of a traditional craft such as lacquerware calls for those involved in its production and dissemination with encouraging a shift of our contemporary lifestyle back to one that uses traditional craft s such as Tsugaru lacquerware. “It is not that we need to change the good—lacquerware has stood the test of time—we need to bring users back to an appreciation of the good at a lifestyle level.” Murata contends that Tsugaru lacquerware introduced in Europe can initiate European consumers to a Japanese lifestyle, thereby creating a market for Tsugaru lacquerware.

Th e Limited Policy Approach for Tsugaru Shamisen To the degree that national policy infl uences the fate of Tsugaru lacquerware, it clearly does not do so in the case of Tsugaru shamisen. Th e only major national level policy directive related to the music is a 2002 Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technol- ogy directive calling for instruction in at least one traditional Japanese musical instrument during the three years of middle school (Anony- mous 2001; Motogei 2003). At a local level as well, the case of Tsugaru shamisen contrasts dramatically with that of Tsugaru lacquerware. Simply put, Tsugaru shamisen, the music of the Tsugaru District, appears nowhere in any prefectural plan, policy or budget of Aomori Prefecture or Hirosaki tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 95

City. References can be found to Hirosaki City supporting municipal activities in which Tsugaru shamisen has been included, but such support is seen within the Tsugaru shamisen community as support for something the local government wants, not something that works for the benefi t or advantage of the shamisen community. S. Koyama, Hirosaki City municipal administrator, admitted that shamisen does not receive aid in the manner that lacquerware does, adding, however, the Tsugaru shamisen is included in some municipal events, as in the Ado Festival held each fall, which provides performance venues for local players. “Tsugaru shamisen is just not a part of the city profi le. Th ere are a few live-houses and they play it at the tourist facility, but it just does not appear in policy.” Th is lack of municipal support has been confi rmed in interviews with K. Daijō, a leader in the Tsugaru shamisen community, author of multiple books on Tsugaru shamisen, the driving force in both the creation of the All Japan Tsugaru Shamisen Competition held in Kanagi Town each year and the establishment of the Tsugaru Shamisen Museum located in Kanagi Town and the president of the Tsugaru Shamisen Friendship Society, as well as T. Sasamori, ex-professor of Hirosaki University, leading scholar of itako studies and active leader in the Tsugaru shamisen community in Tsugaru, including serving as the head of the Tsugaru Shamisen National Competition held in Hirosaki City for many years. Both alluded to the hesitation for national, prefectural and local governments to become involved with a musical genre that is seen by many as being outside the scope of traditional Japanese performing arts. Both noted that the city is very pleased to host the national Tsugaru shamisen championship competition each year, but in truth, it was the shamisen community that organized these competitions in the beginning. Daijō asserted that Hirosaki City “piggybacks on the eff orts of local shamisen players who organize national competitions.” He recounts how when the festivals were fi rst organized, they were held when it was convenient for the organizers and the players. Th en, municipal leaders requested that the scheduling be adjusted to coin- cide with the spring cherry blossom festival, thereby attracting more tourists during the festival period and keeping them here for overnight stays. Sasamori allowed that the local shamisen community would welcome government support of some kind, but that such support would likely bring problematic diff erences over how things should be done—a common problem, but exacerbated by the allegiances between 96 chapter four diff erent groups within the shamisen community itself. It is also clear that the Tsugaru shamisen community has only recently established a clearly identifi able association presence, making it diffi cult for the city to organize subsidy aid without it appearing as if they were simply supporting an individual shamisen restaurant or player and his or her students.

Tsugaru Revitalization Policy and Cultural Commodities: Modern Patronage versus Missed Opportunity

Th is chapter has shown a Tsugaru identity based primarily on its natural resources and agricultural and fi sheries base, but which also recognizes a specifi c local character, local history, and local culture and cultural commodities. Th is identity sees these characteristics, activated by an innovative and entrepreneurial spirit and local administrative leadership, as constituting the local factors of development. Local cultural commodities producers stressed the importance of local consumer support of local enterprise on the one hand and the importance of expanding into external markets on the other, with consumers prioritizing new industry and enterprise and local administrative leadership and policy. Th e specifi c cultural commodities that were seen as potentially important in local revitalization included festivals and natural resources, with residents prioritizing the character of local towns and villages together with local traditional commodities and performance and an innovative and entrepreneurial spirit emerging on the basis of local cultural resources, whereas cultural commodities producers emphasized local famous persons and a local consciousness regarding cultural commodities, followed by tourism promotion outside the prefecture. Prefectural and municipal plans and policy priorities outlined universal approaches to local revitalization that encompass the total spectrum of development-related activity, with support of local enterprise organized through conventional measures such as infrastructural improvements and fi nance support on the one hand, while prioritizing the development of a uniquely local basis for enterprise entrepreneurship on the other. Hirosaki City planning presently focuses on town development, with budget allocations weighing dramatically toward City Foundation over any other policy area in the 10-year Compre- hensive Plan. Th e specifi cs of Hirosaki’s orientation toward develop- tsugaru revitalization policy and cultural commodities 97 ment and revitalization are clearer in the Commerce, Industry and Tourism budgets, where credit fi nancing dominates the Commerce Promotion budget and festival and tourism-related activities dominate the Tourism and Local Products budget, with local products promotion minimal and much of what is allocated directed to one local food and industry event. Turning to the Tsugaru cultural commodities that are the focus of this research, Tsugaru lacquerware is aff orded a specifi c place in the Commerce Promotion budget, in the form of an enterprise-cooperation-association cultivation fund. Tsugaru lacquerware also fi gures prominently in the Industry Promotion section, with recent funding for a homepage, industry promotion and the hosting of a national craft -related event. Focusing on the activities that followed Tsugaru lacquerware being designated a traditional craft product and thereby gaining inclusion in a national Traditional Craft Products Promotion Plan, it is clear that there was a distinct transition between the priorities early in the promotion plan period, where funding was oriented toward improving working conditions and supporting cooperative activities, and those later on, where the focus was on demand development in a variety of promotional activities at the lacquerware industry level. Locally, government policy has provided infrastructural support, various training venues, support for participation in national exhibitions, and leadership in new product development. Th e most recent policy initiative, the Japan BRAND project, focuses on reconfi rming the tradition of the lacquerware, new product development, a global promotion plan, a training program and a local promotion plan. What is striking is the contrast of this broad scale support for the local lacquerware by the virtually non-existent support for Tsugaru shamisen. Interview informants confi rm and debate this policy orientation, with both Onaka and Kon, the business leaders, asserting that while the local government can provide funding and administrative or planning support for cultural commodities industries, government practices oft en limit the long-term eff ect that may be possible with regard to either cultural commodities themselves or their potential role in local revitalization. Kon did allow that the local municipality could improve its approach by introducing more competition, essentially rewarding innovation and entrepreneurship with opportunities to improve their businesses. But the overall theme that these two informed local leaders stressed was that ultimately it was the industries that must save themselves, with the government merely providing resources and guidance. 98 chapter four

Itō and Saitō, the two policy informants, also asserted that the cultural commodities industries must direct their own futures, but it is ultimately the government that is charged with ensuring that the history be documented and the techniques be saved, whether protected by cultural preservation or invigorated through economic exploitation. While awareness, recognition and policy and budget support for a Tsugaru cultural economy are apparent, with eff orts to create and strengthen cultural commodities cultural districts and network trajectories clearly in place, the focus of policy presented in this chapter and the contrast between recognition of Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen in that policy, sets the stage for consideration of the production and consumption of these two local cultural commodities. CHAPTER FIVE

THE PRODUCTION OF TSUGARU CULTURAL COMMODITIES

Cultural commodities are produced when tangible and intangible resources are brought together through distinct production processes specifi c to a particular cultural industry. While an examination of cultural commodity production must account for the general characteristics of the industry, it must also address characteristics specifi c to the cultural industry itself. Such an examination must consider a range of qualitative factors that characterizes a specifi c cultural industry— the specifi c characteristics of the commodity itself, the history of the industry, the nature of the skill-base specifi c to the industry and the motivations of those involved—to name just a few. Indeed, in the case of many cultural commodities, it is diffi cult to predict what characteristics will emerge as relevant until a descriptive consideration of the industry is undertaken. Th is chapter will identify and examine the characteristics specifi c to the production for Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen music using a scheme that allows for combinative assessment of both universal characteristics as well as those unique to any particular cultural commodity (see Figure 5.1).

Th e Characteristics of Tsugaru Lacquerware Production

Based on the assessment outline shown in Figure 5.2, this section describes the production of Tsugaru lacquerware, from the technical

(1) Universal Industry Assessment – who, what, where, when, why, how, how much (2) Cultural Industry-Specifi c Assessment – assessments that relate directly to the specifi c characteristics of the cultural industry (aft er Figure 3.2) Figure 5.1 Scheme for Assessing Cultural Commodities Production 100 chapter five

Industry History—Status Materials and Techniques – origin—transition to craft — – base, lacquer sap, other; tools transition to Traditional Craft – traditional techniques – designation as a Cultural – specifi c product/process Property techniques – inclusion in policy + subsidy – creative and design skill promotion

Commodity Characteristics Craft smen – functional (bowl, vase) vs. – training: craft techniques expressive (jewelry, art) related – pattern/color scheme – training: technical and (Edo era kawari patterns— management offi cial 1970s designated patterns— recognition/awards contemporary return to creativity) – quality and price range

Enterprise Management Motivation – incorporated versus – personal economic—profi t unincorporated making – multi-member versus – regional economic—local sole-proprietor contribution – association membership – regional cultural—craft – subsidy assistance preservation – area cultural-contribution to Tsugaru culture – cultural pride—pride in character of craft – personal pride—pride in own work – personal history—family infl uence

(aft er Figure 5.1) Figure 5.2 Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Assessment Outline the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 101 characteristics of its creation to a profi le of the industry and the craft - ers themselves, eventually identifying four representative production profi les, an understanding of which has important implications for the future of Tsugaru lacquerware, both as a cultural commodity and in terms of its place in Tsugaru revitalization.

Japanese Lacquerware and Tsugaru Lacquerware Lacquerware as craft refers to a product consisting of a base material covered by lacquer coatings, in which these coatings serve to protect the base material while also providing for the creation of surface designs. While common throughout Asia (Onishi 1996), Japanese lacquerware, represented in the general terms nurimono or shikki, or nuri preceded by a place-name (Tsugaru nuri, Aizu nuri), refers to the varieties of lacquered goods produced in Japan but diff erentiated by region, technique or pattern. While use of lacquer in Japan can be found in the Jōmon period and early Japanese lacquerware pieces have been dated to the Heian period (794–1185) (von Rague 1976), the lacquerware designated as traditional in the promotion plan outlined in Chapter Four is based on techniques and patterns which emerged in the Edo period. Th e place-designated Tsugaru nuri thus refers to the lacquered goods produced in the Tsugaru area using traditional Tsugaru lacquering techniques which originated in the Edo period and yield specifi c ‘Tsugaru lacquerware’ patterns. Th e lacquer used in all high quality Japanese lacquerware is the sap of the urushi tree (Rhus vernicifl ua), with the sap referred to as urushi.

Th e chemical component of urushi is urushiol (C21H32O2), which provides for the characteristic properties of lacquer as well as the common allergic reaction to it, the severity of which is a signifi cant obstacle for many to enter the lacquerware industry. When applied thinly as a surface coating, lacquer does not dry as much as harden, occurring best under conditions of high temperature and humidity—a necessity met by the urushi-buro, a lacquer hardening box in which conditions are maintained at 20–25 degree Centigrade and 80–85 percent humidity. Hardening periods can be as short as overnight and as long as a week, depending on the technique. Th e character of raw lacquer sap changes depending on temperature, humidity and length of exposure, demanding an understanding of how to handle the sap that takes years to master. A hardened lacquer surface is highly protective, repelling 102 chapter five water and preventing rot, as well as rendering it impervious to acid, alkalis, salt and alcohol. In addition, hardened lacquer is an insulator to heat and electro-magnetic waves, making possible important functions in high technology applications. Lacquer must be applied to something—wood is most common and constitutes the highest quality lacquerware, but ceramics, metal, bas- ketry, leather, paper and plastic are also used. Th e actual lacquering is a multi-step process with techniques highly specifi c to the varied patterns produced. Lacquering begins with under-coatings that protect and strengthen the base, followed by middle coatings that build up a layer of lacquer for the creation of designs and patterns, and fi nal coatings that provide a surface layer on which lacquer’s shine can be created, with variations in the number of coatings, the drying periods within these coatings and in how the decorative pattern is achieved. Th ere are regional lacquerwares throughout Japan, with 22 designated by the Association for the Promotion of Traditional Craft s as Tra- ditional Craft Products. Most of these result from highly specialized use of local techniques and, in some cases local materials; indeed, the forms and functions of the regional lacquerwares of Japan vary less than the techniques used to produce the diff ering patterns that result. At present there is a clear distinction between such regional craft s (see Yonemura 1979; Rausch 1996; Fehmers 2001; Rausch 2004c for examples) and more modern and modernistic styles (see Faulkner 1995; Shiraishi 1996 for examples).

Tsugaru Nuri Lacquerware Summarizing Satō (1977), Tsugaru lacquerware is the multi-step application, sanding and polishing of lacquer sap over base forms using specialized techniques resulting in a highly durable lacquerware with unique and characteristic surface patterns. Th e introduction to Tsugaru lacquerware in Chapter Two detailed the innovative creativity that characterized the production of the lacquerware in the Edo period. Th is is contrasted by contemporary lacquerware as defi ned from the standpoint of craft tradition outlined in Chapter Th ree, which holds that Tsugaru lacquerware is based on being one of the four designated Tsugaru lacquerware patterns made in the Tsugaru District with the Tsugaru lacquering techniques in traditional Tsugaru coloring. Th e production process and artistic character of the three representative the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 103

Figure 5.3 Designated Tsugaru Nuri Lacquerware Patterns

Figure 5.4 Shikake-bera used in Tsugaru Lacquerware

Tsugaru lacquerware patterns, shown and described below, are quite varied (see Rausch 2004c for a full description of these).

Kara-nuri Considered the representative Tsugaru lacquerware pattern, kara-nuri has a random, multi-colored speckled pattern across the entire surface of the piece. Th e kara-nuri process is simple, yet it can be varied widely in both pattern and color scheme. Following the under-coatings, the craft sman applies a shikake-urushi (usually black) layer with a tool called a shikake-bera, which modifi ed by size and shape according to the pattern desired by the craft sman, spreads the lacquer in a speckled pattern which provides the core of the kara-nuri pattern (Figure 5.4). Aft er a fi ve-day drying period, colored layers are applied over the shikake-urushi, each also requiring a fi ve-day hardening period. In the traditional kara-nuri color scheme, the second layer, nuri-kake, is applied in yellow, providing a vivid contrast to the colors around it. Th e third layer, sai-shiki, is most commonly red or green, with a dark brown or black layer, age-nuri, applied last and covering all that lies beneath. Sanding through these uneven layers of colored lacquer reveals a speckled pattern of colors with the shikake-urushi at the core 104 chapter five

Figure 5.5 Cross-section of Kara-nuri

(see Figure 5.5). Th e sanding and polishing requires special materials, a local stone and burned rice husks, and a delicate touch, as the lacquer layers are micro-thin and the highest quality lacquerware is that with the fi nest lines on the pattern. While the traditional color schemes use black, green and red, these have been giving way to a range of colors used in various combinations, yielding whole new appearances and prompting new names, with the appraisal of these varied kara-nuri determined as much in the color combinations as in the lacquer application and sanding described above.

Nanako-nuri A vast expanse of uniformly minute circles covering the entire piece, nanako-nuri is a visually striking lacquerware. Like kara-nuri, the mys- tery of the pattern is the result of a relatively simple process. While a base coating, called tane-urushi, is still wet, the seeds (tane) of the rape fl ower are dropped onto the surface, aft er which they slowly settle into the wet lacquer, creating cup-like impressions in the lacquer surface. Aft er several days of hardening, the seeds are scrapped off , leaving a uniformly cratered surface. Nanako-nuri is traditionally created in combinations of red and black, one as the tane-urushi, the other as the age-urushi overcoat layer. As shown in Figure 5.6, sanding through these layers reveals the multiple circular rings of the tane-urushi surrounded both inside and out by the age-urushi. Th e age-urushi in nanako-nuri must be applied several times to create an even surface high enough to ensure that the rings created with sanding will be both suffi ciently fi ne while still uniform, the characteristics that determine the quality and the price of the piece. the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 105

Figure 5.6 Cross-section of Nanako-nuri

Artwork is sometimes included in the nanako-nuri pattern, with the craft sman integrating the art work and the nanako pattern in complex and original patterns. Moyo-iri nanako-nuri requires the craft sman to envision the piece, organize the layering and fi nally sand in a very time-consuming but highly skilled process to the point where the art work and the surrounding nanako pattern complement each other in their respective integrity, clarity and brilliance—a skill level few craft s- men possess.

Monsha-nuri Characterized by subtle design and soft shading, monsha nuri is the quietest and most dignifi ed of the Tsugaru lacquerware patterns, with the fi nish taking on the appearance of lace over a black base. eTh process of creating monsha-nuri begins with a pattern, the shita-e-gaki, being etched in the mon-urushi lacquer layer. In the next step, sumi- ko, a very fi ne and hard black powder made of burned rice husks, is spread on an overlying layer of wet lacquer and dried for several days. Th is step is repeated a number of times, each with a drying period, aft er which the piece is hardened for seven days. Th ree separate sanding and polishing steps follow, each done with pure water and charcoal, with lacquer re-applications between each. Following this is a suri-urushi step, in which a thin coating of lacquer is applied and then wiped with washi, Japanese paper, leaving a slightly cratered surface, which is again polished through using a charcoal made from deer ant- lers and the oil from the rape seed. Th e essence of the nestfi monsha- nuri lies in the quality of this fi nal surface, a highly glossed deep black surface in which is set a delicately etched pattern. It is in the multiple applications of lacquer, as many as 40 for a single piece, each followed by drying, sanding and polishing, that the 106 chapter five deep tones, complex patterns and lustrous fi nish of Tsugaru lacquerware emerge. Th e process can take weeks, even months of hard work, applying lacquer, moving pieces in and out of the drying box, and patiently sanding away the layers of lacquer. Some have called Tsugaru nuri the fool’s lacquerware, as only a fool would work so hard, remov- ing lacquer so carefully laid down, for one piece. Others claim that this designation, rather, refl ects a purity—a foolish purity of honesty of traditional technique and diligence of hard work—of the Tsugaru lacquerware craft sman.

A Profi le of the Tsugaru Lacquerware Industry Capturing the Tsugaru lacquerware industry by objective measures is diffi cult. While the 2004 Traditional Craft Products Production Area Investigation Report undertaken by the national-level Traditional Craft s Products Industry Promotion Association (hereaft er the 2004 Association Report) provides detailed information regarding the circumstances of the lacquerware industry overall as well as the Tsugaru lacquerware industry specifi cally, the 2004 Cultural Commodities Con- sumer/Producer Survey (in reference to the section directly related to producers to be reported on in this section, hereaft er the 2004 Producer Survey) confi rmed and expanded on this data. Ultimately, however, a fully contextualized picture of the Tsugaru lacquerware industry, and the unreliability of the above attempts to measure it, can only be provided through interviews of producers, sellers and industry experts.

Th e Industry

Production Levels Post Meiji-period lacquerware production levels enjoyed a gradual increase punctuated by decreases coinciding with the First World War, the global depression of the late 1920s and the Second World War. Industry fi gures in 1928 identifi ed 98 craft sman working in 55 enterprises; by 1936, these fi gures has risen to 233 craft sman working in 79 enterprises (Mochizuki 2000). Production trends from 1949, when Tsugaru lacquerware was designated a Prefectural Small Busi- ness Promotion Product, show a steady increase through to the 1970s, which saw the establishment of the Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Complex in 1973 and the lacquerware designated a national Tradi- the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 107

Table 5.1 Tsugaru Lacquerware Production and Major Events 1949–present Year Production (yen) Major events/number of enterprises and workers 1949 13,950,144 Tsugaru Nuri designated as Prefectural Small Business Promotion Product1 1951 26,082,930 Tsugaru Nuri Exhibition opened in Tokyo 1958 203,100,000 suspension of imports of Chinese lacquerwares 1967 380,000,000 1973 1,535,000,000 establishment of Tsugaru Nuri Complex; 185 enterprises, 724 workers 1975 1,930,800,000 designation of Tsugaru Nuri as Traditional Craft Object2 1980 2,189,000,000 170 enterprises, 752 workers 1985 2,090,000,000 180 enterprises, 680 workers 1990 2,112,000,000 174 enterprises, 647 workers 1995 1,830,000,000 171 enterprises, 590 workers 2000 1,121,000,000 125 enterprises, 310 workers 2001 1,009,000,000 2005 863,000,0003 610,000,0004 129 enterprises, 254 workers; 91 enterprises; 50 enterprises, 150–180 workers

Note: (1) aomoriken chushō kigyō shinkō taisaku; (2) dentō kōgeihin; (3) materials provided by Hirosaki City Commerce, Industry and Tourism Division; (4) 2004 Asso- ciation Report; see text. Sources: Mochizuki (2000); Traditional Craft s Products Promotion Plan 1st, 2nd and 3rd Stages; Hirosaki City Commerce, Industry and Tourism Division; 2004 Associa- tion Report. tional Craft Object in 1975, with the peak of production in the early 1980s, aft er which came a gradual decrease in production values coinciding a decrease in the number of enterprises and workers employed (see Table 5.1). Th e 2004 Association Report cites 129 Tsugaru lacquerware-related facilities as of March 2005, with 250 workers engaged in lacquerware- related activities. Several informants, however, alluded to the diffi culty in determining the number of enterprises and workers associated with the Tsugaru lacquerware industry. According to M. Tanaka, Hirosaki City lacquerware shop owner and lacquer craft er, the Association fi gures oft en double-count a production facility that has a shop on the same premises on the one hand, and includes many part-time or side-business basis on the other. Tanaka’s estimate is around 50 lacquerware production enterprises and somewhere between 120 and 150 individuals, among which he includes occasional producers. 108 chapter five

Contextualizing the recent decline in production, the 2004 Associa- tion Report found that from a self-assessed peak production value of 100, 40 percent of lacquer craft ers assessed present production at less than 50 percent of the peak, with 20 percent putting present production value as being from 50 to 80 percent of peak, 10 percent seeing present production as being from 80 to 100 percent of peak and fi ve percent reporting an increase (16). Th e 2004 Association Report data also showed that for distributors and sellers, from a peak sales assessment of 100, about one in fi ve saw current sales as less than 50 percent of peak, with a quarter holding current sales as from 50 to 80 percent and another quarter of respondents putting sales at from 80 to 100 percent (24). While such trends would be devastating for most businesses, in the case of Tsugaru lacquerware, such a downturn can be accommodated by an inherent (perhaps unavoidable) fl exibility that characterizes the industry. Y. Ishikawa, researcher at the Aomori Prefectural Hirosaki Regional Technical Research Facility, elaborated on this, explaining that the local lacquerware production community functions on a loose work and profi t dynamic, in which producers respond to a range of circumstances, some market-related, others not, sometimes producing lacquerware at a loss and at other times, temporarily abandoning production only to take it up at some later point. In some cases, a non-profi table lacquerware business is supported by a family enterprise in another business, such as furniture manufacture, farming or real estate; in others, the lacquer craft sman has the option of engaging in temporary work elsewhere, in agriculture or construction for example. Th is reality allows individual lacquer craft smen and the industry overall the luxury of, in Ishikawa’s words, “muddling along, doing what they have always been doing, without having to revitalize the industry. A sub-contract batch of lacquerware might be arranged for some common pieces, but if need be, they can also always do some agricultural work temporarily or do dekasegi for a season. Th is is a work pattern not uncommon in Tsugaru—many of these individuals do not know any other lifestyle.” Th is description was confi rmed in an interview with H. Oyu, a local wood craft er, who noted that many lacquer craft smen couldn’t live on lacquerware alone, but have additional sources of income. He cited the case of a leading craft sman, winner of lacquerware prizes locally and nationally for innovative designs who is the son of a property-owning the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 109 family and famous elder craft sman, which provides him nancesfi to live on and name-value to trade on, locally and in Tokyo.

Enterprise Form Indeed, a key to understanding the Tsugaru lacquerware industry is to recognize the variation in enterprise form and orientation to production. While Tsugaru lacquerware originated on a patronage-based ‘one man-one piece’ system in the early Edo period, production gradually evolved to enterprises operating on apprenticeship hierarchies, with a lacquer master having authority over and overseeing all aspects of the design, production and sales. Th e demise of the apprenticeship system was primarily a function of market pressure, as thin profi t margins in early Meiji period spawned a contract approach in which a wholesaler subcontracted lacquerware production to smaller enterprises and individual lacquer craft smen. Th e post-Second World War years, followed by the period of high economic growth, ushered in an era of mass-production and mass-consumption in Japan, providing a fairly secure market for increasingly low quality lacquerware produced by relatively unskilled craft smen. Th is brought a decline of technical skills on the one hand together with mass-production systems that minimized quality control but standardized the product on the other. Th e contemporary production and sales patterns outlined below emerged out of these historical orientations (Matsuda 2002).

Subcontract Production and Wholesale Sales Lacquerware is produced on a contract basis, with the actual production undertaken by individual craft smen, either in an enterprise-managed or in a fully independent facility of an independent subcontractor. Such a system allows the individual craft sman to avoid infrastructural overheads while the enterprise avoids institutional labor costs; the disadvantage is lack of quality control. Th is sub-contract business model resembles that of the many intermediary lacquer houses of the Meiji and Taishō periods, where lacquer enterprises produced batches of sub-contracted pieces wholesale.

Product-Specifi c Production and Fixed Sales Th is is a production system which emphasizes product specialization and product-specifi c mass-production lines geared to, for example, bowls, platters or chopsticks. Production is viewed as a specialized skill 110 chapter five of specialized craft smen, where the advantages are production effi ciency and product homogeneity, with task specialization allowing for tight control of both raw materials and infrastructure use. However, such a system creates assembly-line workers lacking broad and adaptable skills and enterprises lacking capability to respond to changing market demands. While product specifi c production eff ectively provided for mass consumption of an established line of lacquerware products during the 1960s and 1970s, this approach now prevents the industry from responding to changing demands in product characteristics.

Process-Based Production and Adaptable Sales Based on the Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Complex Cooperative Association, this model is an example of a process-specifi c production system. Th e Cooperative Association was founded in 1973, in part to improve working conditions, in part to stabilize the industry and stan- dardize the product, and in part to respond to the increase in demand for a range of lacquerware products that was taking place at the time. Th is production system brings the specifi c skills of the various lacquerware producers of the area together in a comprehensive and fl exible production system, where lacquer craft smen work in exiblefl teams based on product design as well as product order. Th e establishment of the Tsugaru Nuri Sales Division within the Association in 1986 brought specialization in sales through special events and nation-wide networking. Th is approach has provided the setting for emergence of numerous new lacquerware forms and patterns.

Sole-Proprietors and Independent Sales For the Tsugaru nuri craft smen who operate as sole-proprietors, the reality is varied—a combination of periodic subcontract work making common lacquerware forms and patterns through wholesale orders, participation in orders demanding specifi c techniques through the Lacquerware Association, and total control of independent production accompanied by sales independent from large-scale mass-market venues. Working under contract conditions making established pieces secures a limited salary; working independently, skilled craft smen produce high quality standard lacquerware, and in some cases highly innovative work in distinct patterns or original forms. Th ese craft s- men connect with consumers through sales areas at their work site, specialty shops or through exhibitions, either individually or as part of the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 111 a group, in ad-hoc sales associations of sorts, coordinating eff orts with other lacquerware producers or working with other mediums. Th e 2004 Association Report indicates that approximately one in fi ve lacquer-related enterprises is organized as a legal corporation, the remaining eighty-percent are non-incorporated. Th e average size of a lacquer-related enterprise is four workers, with enterprises engaged solely in sales activities averaging six workers and those engaged in both production and sales activities, four workers (13). One in fi ve enterprises is headed by an individual over 70 years of age, with another 30 percent headed by someone in their sixties and another quarter by someone in their fi ft ies; just ten 10 percent of enterprises had identifi ed a successor. Th e 2004 Producer Survey confi rmed this profi le, also identifying forty percent of lacquerware-producing enterprises as sole-proprietorships. A majority of these sole-proprietorships undertook independent lacquerware production between 10 and 25 years aft er starting in the lacquerware trade, usually having been trained in a larger production enterprise. One in fi ve of the respondents in the 2004 Producer Survey indicated a college-level educational background, with just under half citing a high school level education and one-third a junior high school level education, obviously in an age- related gradient. Approximately one-quarter of respondents indicated undertaking some sort of training or education, with business management training provided through a lacquerware-associated association more common than lacquer-related technical training.

Industry Associations Th ere are four lacquerware-related industry associations in Tsugaru, as shown in Table 5.2. Th e largest is the Aomori Prefectural Lacquer- ware Cooperative Association Federation, which is comprised of the Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Complex Cooperative Association, established in 1973 and which includes the Tsugaru Lacquerware Sales Association, and the Traditional Technical Arts Tsugaru Lac- quer Cooperative Association, established in 1991. In addition, there are three major Tsugaru lacquerware-related groups: the Tsugaru Lacquerware Traditional Artisans Group, the Aomori Prefectural Lac- querwork Technique Research Group, and the Tsugaru Lacquerware Technique Preservation Group. Th e Tsugaru Lacquerware Traditional Artisans Group was established in 1975 as a part of the designation of Tsugaru lacquerware as a Traditional Craft in order to ensure the 112 chapter five succession of skilled lacquer craft ers. Based on the eff orts of the group, a number of local Tsugaru lacquerware craft ers have passed a national qualifi cation examination leading to designation as a ‘traditional craft scholar’ (Murata 2005). Th e Tsugaru Lacquerware Technique Preser- vation Group was established in 2001 as a research group to facili- tate examination of the 514 Edo-period te-ita, the hand-sized lacquer sample boards discovered in a Tsugaru family storage facility in 1995. Finally, the Aomori Prefecture Lacquerwork Technique Research Group was established in 2004 in an industry-academic-government eff ort to further lacquer product development based on the concept of ‘industrial craft goods with a focus on universal design.’ Just over 40 percent of respondents in the 2004 Association Report indicated association membership of some form; the fi gure in the 2004 Producer Survey was just over half. Six in 10 producer respondents in the Producer Survey indicated that membership was useful, but in a social sense rather than any concrete business or creative outcome: membership was deemed important in terms of a feeling of community, but contributed little in terms of product creativity and or business expansion. Communication with government and industry-associated associations was deemed less important and less common, than contact with other enterprises or sales outlets, with the majority of communication at the local, rather than prefectural or national level. Lacquer craft sman K. Sutō indicated that association membership had been important when he was younger, but now that he had established himself, both within the Tsugaru craft and lacquerware community and in Tokyo as a highly skilled lacquer craft sman, membership was no longer useful and he had, in fact, discontinued many of the association memberships he had once maintained. Lacquer craft sman T. Suzuki recounted that the only advantage to membership was going out for drinks and discussion about once a month, but allowed that he belonged to the oldest association, which now had only older members. K. Fujinō, president of the Tsugaru Lacquerware Technique Preserva- tion Association, however, pointed to the creative input that can be gained by membership in forward-looking associations. He cites the eff orts of the Preservation Association to catalogue the 500-plus Edo- period te-ita designs into usable design styles. Y. Mochizuki, former chairman of the Hirosaki Craft Association and past director of the Prefectural Experimental Station, however, held that the lacquerware- related associations are not capitalizing on the potential membership the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 113

Table 5.2 Tsugaru Lacquerware-related Associations Incorporated Established Members 20021 20042 Aomori Prefectural Lacquerware Cooperative Association Federation (Aomori-ken shikki kyōdō kumiai rengō-kai) Tsugaru Lacquerware Production 1973 6 companies 5 Complex Cooperative Association (50 workers) (Tsugaru nuri danchi kyōdō kumiai) Tsugaru Lacquerware Sales Division (Tsugaru nuri hanbai kumiai) Traditional Technical Arts Tsugaru 1991 16 members 11 Lacquer Cooperative Association (dentō-kōgei Tsugaru shikki kyōdō kumiai) Hirosaki Tsugaru Lacquerware 1968 29 members 27 Commerce and Industry Cooperative Association (Hirosaki Tsugaru nuri shokokyo kyōdō kumiai)

Unincorporated Tsugaru Lacquerware Lacquer 1959 18 members 12 Production Association (Tsugaru nuri urushi-kō kumiai) Tsugaru Lacquerware Friends of 1975 (dissolved: 2003) Lacquer Group (Tsugaru nuri urushi tomokai) Tsugaru Lacquerware Traditional 1975 29 members 18 Artisans Group (Tsugaru nuri dentō-kōgei-shi-kai) Tsugaru Lacquerware Technique 2001 n/a 38 Preservation Group (Tsugaru nuri gijutsu hozon-kai) Aomori Prefecture Lacquerwork 2004 n/a 30 Technique Research Group (Aomori-ken urushi-kō gijutsu kenkyū-kai)

Source: 1: Commerce, Industry and Tourism Department materials. 2: Traditional Craft s Industry Promotion Association Report, 2004. 114 chapter five

Table 5.3 Lacquerware Product by Category 2004 (%) Tsugaru lacquerware Regional lacquerware National average Tray 81.3 69.2 Large table 72.9 24.7 Tea saucer 70.8 51.1 Chopsticks 64.6 53.3 Serving bowl 62.5 45.4 Stacked lunchbox 62.5 44.1 Plates 58.3 52.9 Tea service set 54.2 29.3 Tea-related goods 52.1 33.2 Vase 47.9 33.3 Japanese soup bowl 45.8 45.7 Low table 35.4 33.9 Small furniture 27.1 27.0 Other 37.5 29.7

Source: 2004 Association Report, multiple answer permitted. in the local lacquerware community, asserting that the associations are creating neither lacquerware leaders nor a lacquerware production base, but rather are viewed by members as a mechanism for securing subsidies for events and exhibitions.

Product and Design Th e 2004 Association Report revealed that approximately 90 percent of producers produce kara-nuri, with 60 percent also citing nanako-nuri and 40 percent monsha-nuri, together with a product range dominated by food and tea related product. Slightly over 80 percent of producers reported making trays, followed in succession by production of large tables, tea saucers and a variety of food and tea-related goods (see Table 5.3). While what can be defi ned as the contemporary traditional forms of Tsugaru lacquerware—wood bases in the established forms such as trays and bowls lacquered in designated colors and patterns of kara- nuri and nanako-nuri—dominated in the 1970s, there has been a notable shift toward non-traditional forms, lacquerware with non-wood bases in a wider variety of forms, colors and patterns (see Table 5.4). the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 115

Table 5.4 Tsugaru Lacquerware Production: Traditional/Non-Traditional (%)

1974 2000 2005 Comment Table/traditional volume 100 100 100 furniture value 100 100 100 Tea goods/traditional volume 88.2 55.3 55 decrease of 33% cake servers value 83.3 80.1 80 decrease of 3% non-traditional volume 11.8 44.7 45 value 16.7 19.6 20 Trays/boxes traditional volume 91.5 61.2 63 decrease of 29% value 95.1 88.1 90 decrease of 6% non-traditional volume 8.5 38.8 37 value 4.7 11.9 10 Eating traditional volume 100 86.9 87 decrease of 13% utensils value 100 80.7 80 decrease of 19% non-traditional volume — 13.1 13 value — 19.3 20 Other traditional volume 90.0 37.5 35 decrease of 54% value 90.0 73.1 75 decrease of 13% non-traditional volume 10.0 62.5 65 value 10.0 26.9 25 Overall traditional volume 93.0 75.9 75 decrease of 17% value 94.5 83.9 85 decrease of 11% non-traditional volume 6.0 24.1 25 value 5.5 16.1 15

Note: Figures in percent for year on basis of numerical production and value production. Source: 1st & 2nd Stage Promotion Plan Activity and Status Reports, 3rd Stage Promotion Plan Proposal.

Th is has been true for smaller craft objects such as tea goods, cake servers, trays and boxes and chopsticks, where the cost associated with experimentation is less than for larger items, and is seen more in volume of product than in production value. However, the shift is most apparent in the ‘other’ category of goods, a refl ection of a trend away from such items as lacquered money trays for retail settings and personal stamp (hanko) and pen stands and towards a wider range of functional items such as light switch covers, computer mouses, as well as jewelry and accessory items. Furthermore, the 2004 Producer Sur- vey indicated a near unanimous positive response regarding taking on ‘made-to-order’ work, much of which is non-traditional. Contributing to this sense of non-traditional in Tsugaru lacquerware on a larger and certainly more visible scale is the production of the Royal Col- lection lacquerware, a range of traditional and non-traditional forms done in a non-traditional light-blue pattern, which enjoyed a six-fold 116 chapter five increase in production and sales over the period 2001 to 2004, while all other Tsugaru lacquerware products were experiencing a continuing decline. Design in traditional craft s has long taken a back seat to functionality, quality and durability, with appearance a desirable add-on. Despite the mass production-mass consumption mentality and increasing product choice, traditional craft remains, fi rst and foremost, functional, and standardization of form and pattern was an important part of Traditional Craft designation in the 1970s, factors which dissuaded production of more artistic pieces by producers who see themselves as producers of craft . Th e volume of sales of such ‘traditional’ and ‘standardized’ craft in the 1970s and 1980s also contributed to a loss of design skill and design value. However, as questions of design became more important to the industry as a whole, the Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Complex Cooperative Association undertook eff orts toward design-production integration with the establishment of a Haikara-kurabu (New Color Club) in 1990, whose members took up development of new products in cooperation with the Hirosaki Regional Technical Research Facility and a broad group of designers and planners. Th e Industrial Research Center proposed new color schemes and advised on lacquering techniques. Th e designers were charged with advising on suitable products for the transition from traditional forms to more contempo- rarily useful forms on the one hand and from Japanese to Western- style products on the other. Th e planners were included to advise on the successful operation of exhibitions and sales venues. Paramount to the project was that the lacquer craft ers would be involved in all elements of the process, thereby enabling them in the future not only to be able to design their own products, but to be able to organize the design eff orts of others from within the association. As pointed out by member K. Sutō (and alluded in Yair, Tomes and Press (1999)), design innovations should be undertaken with an understanding of both the nature of urushi lacquer sap and the specifi c techniques available to lacquer craft ers. Rather than educating designers about Tsugaru lacquerware, it is better for Tsugaru lacquerware craft smen to learn about design. However, as noted, such eff orts have led to development of the Royal Collection, a successful lacquerware line, but have not generated much momentum beyond this. the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 117

Table 5.5 Tsugaru Lacquerware Industry Management Diffi culties, 2004 (%)

– low number of orders 54.2 – aged facilities 12.5 – low price of orders 39.6 – insuffi cient information for – shift to low number of various consumers 10.4 goods production pattern 29.2 – insuffi cient workers 8.3 – fi nance diffi culties 25.0 – imported goods competition 8.3 – cost of raw materials 22.9 – diffi culty obtaining materials 6.3 – lack of a successor 20.8 – labor costs 4.2 – excessive competition within 16.7 – increase in return of goods 0.0 industry – diffi culty in fi nance circulation 14.6 – competition from non-tradi- 14.6 – other 4.2 tional goods

Source: 2004 Association Report (33); multiple response permitted.

Industry Outlook Th e 2004 Association Report indicated that less than 10 percent of Tsugaru lacquerware producers believe that they will experience an upturn in fortunes, with just under 20 percent believing they will continue as now, just over 40 percent indicating a decline in business in the future, and the remaining respondents uncertain about the future of the industry (16). Th e Association Report identifi es the diffi culties the industry faces as cited by respondents as dominated by low demand for lacquerware fi rst and foremost, followed by low price for the lacquerware that is purchased and the diffi culties of making adjustments, in the form of a fl exible specialization production pattern, to market circumstances (see Table 5.5). Th e 2004 Association Report also identifi ed future polices producers felt the industry should undertake: protecting the techniques while improving the quality of products, followed by new product development based on consumer needs, new product development based on design innovation and maintaining the quality of the product despite the cost considerations (see Table 5.6). Th e 2004 Producer Survey reveals that a third of respondents reported development of a new product in the past two to three years, with one in fi ve citing a new production technique. eTh Producer Sur- vey found fi nances to be most problematic in taking up such development activities, followed by responses indicating insuffi cient labor or facilities/tools together with insuffi cient planning know-how or applied technique, lack of information and industry support. Respondents to 118 chapter five

Table 5.6 Tsugaru Lacquerware Industry Production Policies (%) Protect traditional techniques while improving quality 63.6 Respond to consumer needs with new products 45.5 Focus on new design in producing new products 38.6 Maintaining quality goods despite the high cost 34.1 Enter an era of industry change 18.2 Expand to overseas markets with new products 11.4 Reduce costs through any means 6.8 Reduce costs by using machines where possible 4.5 Other 6.8

Source: 2004 Association Report (23); multiple response permitted. the 2004 Producer Survey indicated that the future of Tsugaru lacquerware will likely be found in home use by consumers, with consumption driven by new designs (see Table 5.7). Interesting to note the somewhat conservative response regarding Tsugaru lacquerware as a gift item, as a high quality luxury item, as an export item and as an item used by local hotels, inns and restaurants. Th e 2004 Association Report revealed a somewhat ambiguous consciousness among producers regarding the notions of lacquerware brand and confi rmation of Tsugaru lacquerware as a designated traditional craft product. Beyond the broad regional designation as Tsugaru Nuri, approximately half of respondents indicated having no particular brand image, with just over 10 percent indicating development of an independent brand name and another three percent indicating using a lacquer association brand (e.g. Hirosaki Tsugaru Lacquerware Commerce and Industry Cooperative Association). In a similar manner, slightly over one in 10 indicated using the Traditional Craft Mark to promote all products, with an additional quarter indicating use of the mark on some products. Just under one-quarter of respondents

Table 5.7 Tsugaru Lacquerware Future Orientation, 2004 (%) Lacquerware for home use by consumer 40.0 Lacquerware based on new design 23.3 Lacquerware for gift purposes 16.7 Lacquerware that is highest quality 10.0 Lacquerware for export 6.7 Lacquerware for local hotel, inn, restaurant use 3.3 Other 6.7

Source: 2004 Producer Survey; multiple response permitted. the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 119 indicated off ering no product guarantee, with forty percent indicating providing a guarantee on all products, and another sixteen percent off ering guarantees on some products.

Tsugaru Lacquerware Production: Representative Producer Types Interviews with lacquerware producers confi rmed the descriptive data outlined above while also illuminating the character of the craft ers, leading to a categorization of producer types on the basis of two general categories and four specifi c types. Th e fi rst category is characterized by a primary focus on mass production of the lacquerware, and includes a Salary Worker type and an Independent Contractor Producer type. Th e second category is characterized by a cultural- artistic orientation and includes a Lacquerware Craft sman type and a Lacquerware Artisan type. While overlap between these ideal types is obvious, each can be identifi ed by a particular set of characteristics and each is indicative of a future direction for the Tsugaru lacquerware industry as well as how Tsugaru lacquerware can contribute to local revitalization (Figure 5.7). Th e Salary Worker, as the heading implies, is employed by one of the large production enterprises to produce contract lacquerware and therefore views Tsugaru lacquerware simply in terms of salary employment. Although oft en technically skilled, the Salary Worker has little interest in elements such as the history or characteristics of the lacquerware or participation in training and association membership. Th e Independent Subcontractor, while engaged in the economics-driven, piece-contract process of production similar to the Salary Worker, oft en displays a broader view of the lacquerware as a whole and is more aware of the history and social signifi cance, the creative potential of the techniques, and is motivated by cultural and regional cultural considerations as well as those personally economic. Some Independent Subcontractors produce lacquerware for exhibitions and some have been recognized for their work at local, regional and national levels. Contrasting these two types, the Lacquerware Craft sman is highly aware of the history and status of the lacquerware, and sees the endeavor of lacquerware production as realizing the potential of materials and traditional technique within what he sees as form and design limitations of Tsugaru lacquerware as a Japanese Traditional Craft . 120 chapter five

Assessment characteristics Descriptive characteristic relevant to producer type

Industry History—Status History of the lacquerware is important to the Lacquerware origin and transition: Craft sman, particularly the designation of the Edo-period to craft , to Traditional Craft te-ita as cultural properties from which to draw cultural designated a Cultural Property artistic inspiration; transition to Traditional Craft has inclusion: policy/subsidy generated subsidy promotion, important for large contract promotion enterprises and Lacquerware Craft smen who sell at subsidized exhibition venues

Materials and Techniques Quality materials are a standard throughout the industry; base, lacquer sap, other; tools the Salary Worker prioritizes specifi c technical product/ traditional techniques process skills; the other three groups referred to skill in specifi c product/process technique traditional techniques along with the importance of creative / creative and design skill design skills

Commodity Characteristics Salary Worker and Independent Subcontractor prioritized Functional versus expressive form functional forms in the three patterns and colors within a Pattern (traditional, current three, limited price range; Lacquerware Craft sman referred to creative) working creatively within the general limits of the traditional Color scheme craft —Lacquerware Artisan sought completely new forms, (traditional vs. creative) both sell in high price range Durability and price range

Craft sman Salary Worker and Independent Subcontractor referred Training: original to apprenticeship training and service in an established Training: ongoing- enterprise; Lacquerware Craft smen and Lacquerware Artisan (technical/mgmt) cite recognition and awards as important Offi cial recognition/awards

Enterprise Management Less than 10 incorporated enterprises; other enterprises based Incorporated or unincorporated on one-two principals (oft en aged, oft en family enterprise); Multi-member or sole-proprietor association membership evident among Independent Association membership Subcontractor, Lacquerware Craft sman and Lacquerware Subsidy assistance Artisan, but diff ered in specifi c association; subsidy assistance not evident in unincorporated enterprises other than in exhibition participation

Motivation All referred to personal economic motivations—little refer- Personal economic—income ence to regional economic considerations; Independent Regional economic.—area focus Subcontractors and Lacquerware Craft smen referred to Regional cultural—preserve craft cultural preservation, regional cultural contribution and Regional culture.—Tsugaru focus cultural pride in craft ; Lacquerware Craft sman and Cultural pride—pride in craft Lacquerware Artisan referred to pride in their own work and Personal pride—self pride the carrying on of a family tradition Personal history—family infl uence

(aft er Figure 5.2) Figure 5.7 Tsugaru Lacquerware Production: Representative Producer Types the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 121

Th e motivations for the Lacquerware Craft sman are cultural—in a desire to preserve the craft and in a pride of craft and region. Finally, the Lacquerware Artisan sees Tsugaru lacquerware production as an opportunity for artistic expression that, while emerging in the history, forms, techniques and patterns of the lacquerware, is not constrained by those characteristics. Th e tension between mass-production of lacquerware in the ‘traditional’ colors and patterns made by process-trained employees that is available at tourist sites, department stores and even lacquerware specialty shops on the one hand, and the creation of the non-traditional, innovative pieces that emerge from an understanding of the lacquer sap, an eye for creative work and an intention of making a meaningful contribution to modern life on the other is apparent in comments by lacquer craft smen as part of a local craft s column published in the Tōōnippō newspaper (citations in Appendix 5.1). Craft s- man Matsuyama, in recognizing the value in patterns that are readily recognizable as Tsugaru lacquerware, said he strives to fi nd a way to protect what he called the stinky old kara-nuri pattern by giving it a pleasant expression. Craft sman Kubō also alluded to working within the traditional patterns, stating that the design task for lacquer craft s- men is to unlock the secret of joining traditional lacquer techniques with today’s sensibility and lifestyle. Craft sman Kon admitted that in working to create a reason for people to spend 10,000 yen for something in this day of 100-yen-goods, he has been making Tsugaru lacquerware products in the form and patterns that he would want to use, rather than what the tradition of Tsugaru lacquerware dictates. Craft sman Kimura looks to a lifestyle contribution when he spoke of his belief that through use of a product that emerged through such so many hands-on steps and that took so long to complete, users may fi nd a way to slow down in today’s face- paced world. Craft sman Sutō admitted that he does not make Tsugaru lacquerware, but rather attempts to “discover the potential of the lacquer sap, where ever it leads,” resulting in one-of-a-kind pieces, oft en based on the wishes of a client base he has cultivated through galleries in Tokyo. One area he has recently been exploring is the creation of pieces that stimulate discussion, oft en based on some distinctly humorous or unexpected element in the lacquer design, a clear step in making the transition from craft sman to Artisan. 122 chapter five

Th e Characteristics of Tsugaru Shamisen Music Production

As with Tsugaru lacquerware, capturing the production of Tsugaru shamisen music is likewise diffi cult. Th e production and dissemination of Tsugaru shamisen is a function of mechanisms as wide-ranging and varied as live-houses and tourist venues in Hirosaki and Aomori City, large-scale concerts held throughout Japan (and increasingly throughout the world), highly-structured and regimented apprenticeship venues as well as highly accessible culture center-style classes, and CD sales, books, magazines and Internet homepages. While the music originated in the Tsugaru District and carries the Tsugaru place-name designation, the best-known Tsugaru shamisen players, although having taken championships at one or the other of the two national-level competitions held annually in Tsugaru, are neither from Tsugaru nor perform in Tsugaru on a regular basis. Estimating the number of shamisen players is diffi cult, if not impossible. Pushed to propose a number, Tsugaru researcher K. Daijō estimated 100,000 players, professional and hobby, nationwide, but qualifi ed this by saying there are neither national nor local associations that attempt to track this. Even the defi nition of Tsugaru shamisen itself confounds: in an interview, player/researcher G. McGoldrick defi ned contemporary Tsugaru shamisen on the basis of three separate elements: (1) the instrument, which is diff erent from a standard Japanese shamisen; (2) the way of playing, a prescribed set of techniques used to produce the specifi c Tsugaru shamisen scale and rhythm; and (3) the repertoire, a prescribed set of musical pieces that emerged over time in the Tsugaru District, setting the basis for the standardized representative performances of Tsugaru shamisen heard today—to which can be added the continually expanding use of the instrument, these techniques and the repertoire in the creative work of an increasing number of professional and profi cient players throughout Japan and throughout the world. Th is section examines the characteristics of Tsugaru shamisen production, focusing on the history, the materials, the techniques, and the characteristics of the performer and the enterprise (Figure 5.8). What adds to the diffi culty of this task, however, is that this examination must account for three production venues operating at three geographic levels: performance in live settings, production and sale of CDs, and educational activities such as teaching shamisen, each considered at levels which are local, in this case exclusive to the Tsugaru the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 123

History Materials – origin in social periphery; tran- – instrument sition to contemporary circum- – performance: setting and appearance stance – inclusion in policy/subsidy promotion

Technique Performer characteristics – skill in Tsugaru repertoire – full professional / semi-professional – innovation in music creation – performance or teaching oriented – group versus solo play – recognition/awards – performance persona – hobby player: ryuha/cultural/ independent – association membership/ participation

Enterprise Orientation Motivation – oriented toward performance – personal economic—profi t making – through live-house – regional economic—local contribution – through tourist venue – genre cultural—genre preservation – through events and concerts – regional cultural—contribution: Tsugaru – local/national/international culture – oriented toward teaching – genre pride—pride in character of genre – personal—pride in personal performance

(aft er Figure 5.1) Figure 5.8 Tsugaru Shamisen Production Assessment Outline

District, national, in the sense of taking place within Japan but not limited to Tsugaru, and international, in the realm of the global music market.

Traditional Japanese Music and Tsugaru Shamisen Traditional music refers to that which has been handed down within a particular culture through oral transmission, written notation, and study with validated teachers. While some traditional music refl ects a complexity of origin and progression, allowing for improvisation within culturally or artistically-defi ned parameters, other examples embrace a simple style associated with past rural societies or lower socioeconomic classes, coming to be romanticized and imbued with 124 chapter five cultural signifi cance by cultural elites over time and becoming standardized in this form. Hōgaku, the term applied to the varieties of traditional music that were performed in pre-modern Japan as well as these forms as performed today, includes instruments such as the biwa (lute), the koto, a 13-stringed zither, the end-blown shakuhachi (bamboo fl ute) and the shamisen, the three-stringed plucked lute. Th e present-day shamisen is a descendent of instruments most likely originating in Central Asia, leading to the Chinese san-hsien and the Okinawan sanshin (McGold- rick 2005). Shamisen vary in overall size, shape, weight, and material, with Japanese shamisen box-like in shape, usually covered with the skin of either cat or dog, and with a long unfretted neck inserted into the body. Pegs at the top of the neck hold the three strings, each a diff erent thickness. Th e bare fi ngers are used to pluck the strings in some shamisen performance, producing a light sound; in others, a large plectrum is used for striking and plucking, resulting in a much harder sound. As the shamisen lacks frets, the performer must develop a good sense of pitch and understand the peculiarities of his or her own instrument in order to play in tune. Moreover, as the strings lose pitch easily, tuning must be constantly adjusted during the performance. Th e Tsugaru shamisen is bigger than other Japanese shamisen, with a thicker neck and tuning section and is played with both upstrokes and downstrokes of the plectrum, with the downstroke providing a forceful tone while also striking the surface of the shamisen, producing a percussive beat. Th e need for continual tuning has been incorporated into the Tsugaru shamisen performance, constituting the beginning of a performance and signaling new pieces throughout the performance. While the focus herein is on contemporary production of Tsugaru shamisen music and performance, it is important to recall the historical trajectory that has led to this present process and product. Chap- ter Two identifi ed the origins of Tsugaru shamisen as in the 1860s, in the innovative play of a man by the name of Nitabō in a period Groemer (1999) describes as one of musical innovation, with the com- position and arrangement of innumerable new songs, instrumental music and innovative dances set to varied instruments which included the shamisen. While shamisen had long been an accompaniment to min’yō folksongs, the early bosama players took up solo shamisen play in what was called kadotsuke, going from gate to gate, performing a riff to entice a potential patron to request a performance. As time went the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 125 on players were incorporated in the utakai singing contests, which led to local Tsugaru shamisen competitions in the early part of the 20th century. Th e reality of improvisation in the early history of Tsugaru shamisen is obvious: the performance originated among the blind, meaning that the transmission of the music from master to apprentice was by a solfege system, a set of mnemonic syllables (kuchi-jamisen). Lack- ing a notation base, the musical pieces were altered ever so slightly each time they were taught and performed. Daijō (1995) asserts that Nitabō encouraged innovation in the music as well, admonishing his apprentices to develop their own style, creating a tradition of innovation carried on by his apprentices when they became masters. Tsugaru proved a fertile ground early on for the mixing of styles and lyrics. As the early players setting the base for what was to become Tsugaru shamisen were expanding their repertoire, they joined performances of naniwa-bushi, short and lively songs performed in a variety of local styles. Th ese performances found a home in the utakai singing contests that were gaining in popularity through the early 20th century, where local performers provided lyrics that expressed a local pride. Tsugaru Jonkara Bushi, probably the best known Tsugaru min’yō in the naniwa bushi style, even invoked itself in its own lyrics. Tsugaru is a wonderful place! Th e mountains are high, Th e waters are clear, Th e girls are pretty, And there’s Jonkara Bushi, Th e song we’re so proud of. (Groemer, 1999: 45) Th ese local utakai increased in popularity through the 1920s and 1930s, just as radio and records were becoming important forces in the min’yō world. From the 1930s, the local Tōōnippō newspaper joined with the Aomori Prefectural government to sponsor large-scale competitions, with the winners oft en awarded recording contracts with record companies. While the Second World War period brought min’yō troupes and utakai into decline, local music became both a source of solace and a basis for re-establishing a sense of regional pride aft er the war, with min’yō competitions again held throughout Tsugaru. In 1948, NHK, the government radio station, began to air a national singing contest. As many of the champions came from the north, Tsugaru songs and singers gained national recognition, with Tsugaru shamisen performers 126 chapter five emerging as soloists. From the 1960s onward, shamisen has continued to provide the instrumental accompaniment for min’yō while also being performed as a solo instrument, with younger Tsugaru shamisen performers experimenting with various musical genres played with the shamisen as well, as in combinations of other instruments. Alterations in the musical makeup of Tsugaru shamisen, conscious and unconscious, intentional or unavoidable, subtle and dramatic, resulted in a music form that was far from simple and static and based in a single traditional form. Tsugaru music was rather a vibrant musical community in which innovation was an essential part of preservation. Groemer writes that, “What is today known as Tsugaru shamisen includes shamisen accompaniment to Tsugaru min’yō, solo shamisen versions of these songs, and improvisation based on motives and styles derived from such shamisen versions” (73). Th e repertoires that comprised Tsugaru shamisen at this point included min’yō, in the form of the Th ree Tsugaru Songs, expanded to the Five Tsugaru Songs, together with instrumental and ensemble components. A contemporary history of the production of Tsugaru shamisen music begins with the establishment of a Tsugaru shamisen school in Tokyo in 1961 and the emergence of Tsugaru-native Takahashi Chikuzan on a national scale through the 1960s (Table 5.8). In 1964, Tsugaru-native Yamada Chisato opened the Tsugaru shamisen live house Yamauta in the station-front area of Hirosaki City. Th e 1970s saw Tsugaru shamisen further established through performances on national television broadcasts, an increasing number of LP records being recorded and books being published. In 1976, Yamada performed Tsugaru shamisen in several European venues, marking the start of overseas performances. Th e 1980s brought the establishment of two national competitions, both in Tsugaru, with the 1990s bringing CDs and televised performances featuring highly profi cient and innovative players from throughout Japan, a Tsugaru Shamisen Museum in the heart of the Tsugaru District and a Tsugaru Shamisen tourist venue in Hirosaki City, and increasing performances overseas.

Tsugaru Shamisen Production International and National: Instruction, Performance and CDs Tsugaru shamisen is a Japanese music that now enjoys an increasing global presence. Th is section will look at this national and international presence through education, live performance and CD production. the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 127

Table 5.8 Notable Events in Contemporary Production of Tsugaru Shamisen Year Activity 1960s Kida Rinshoei opens Tsugaru shamisen school in Tokyo; Takahashi Chikuzan records solo Tsugaru shamisen LP record and begins ongoing appearances in musical events in Tokyo; Yamada Chisato opens Yamauta live house in Hirosaki 1970s Aomori Broadcasting broadcasts ‘Tsugaru Chikuzan Setsu’; Kida performs on NHK’s Kohaku Year-End Music Program; Chikuzan records ‘Tsugaru Shamisen’ LP record; Aomori Broadcasting broadcasts the Chikuzan documentary ‘Fuyu Bachi’ (Winter Plectrum); Osabe Hideo publishes book ‘Tsugaru Yosare-bushi’; Kida opens a Tsugaru Shamisen 50th Anniversary Min’yō Show in Tokyo; Yamada records two LP records; Chikuzan publishes book ‘Autobiography: Takahashi Chikuzan’s Solo Journey’; Yamada performs in Hungary, Vienna and Paris; Movie of ‘Autobiography: Takahashi Chikuzan’s Solo Journey’ is released; Yamada appears on Asahi TVs ‘Tetsuko no Heya’; Yamada publishes book ‘Tsugaru Min’yō no Nagare’; Yamada records LP record ‘Yamada Chisato no Sekai’ 1980s 1st Annual Tsugaru Shamisen National Competition (Hirosaki); Nakanō publishes book ‘Th e Secret of Tsugaru Shamisen Rhythm’; Chikuzan releases 5-record set of complete works; Satō Sadaki publishes book ‘Shamisen: the Sound of Heart’; Daijō Kazuo publishes ‘Genkon Tsugaru Shamisen’ (the Spirit of Tsugaru Shamisen); 1st Annual Tsugaru Shamisen All-Japan Competition (Kanagi) 1990s NHK broadcasts documentary ‘Tsugaru Jonkara-bushi’ with Shib- utani Kazuo; the fi rst electric shamisen debuts; the 1st Tsugaru Shamisen Festival in Iwaki Town; (at least) 29 Tsugaru shamisen CDs are released; (at least) 20 television appearances or documentaries are broadcast; (at least) four books are published, for a total of approximately 15; Yamada leads ‘1,000 player Adohadari’ in Tokyo Dome 2000 Tsugaru Shamisen Museum opens in Kanagi Town 2001 Hirosaki Chamber of Commerce inaugurates Tsugaru Ado Matsuri featuring Tsugaru Shamisen 2002 Hirosaki City Neputa Mura tourist facility opens Tsugaru Shamisen Exhibition with live performances 2004 Min’yō Bunka magazine devotes February issue (#309) to Tsugaru shamisen and Nitabō history; inauguration of monthly Bachi-Bachi magazine on Tsugaru shamisen and Taiko drum

Note: based in part on Maeda (2003) with original content added; English transla- tions by Rausch. 128 chapter five

Th e reality of Tsugaru shamisen instruction at the international level is that serious players take up their study in Japan while learners in other countries are oft en Japanese living overseas or hobby players. In the case of the handful of non-Japanese Tsugaru shamisen players known to the researcher, all have studied extensively in Japan. As for instruction overseas, N. Tadano, a resident of Melbourne, Australia, performs professionally, but also teaches Tsugaru shamisen to fi ve students, four older Japanese ladies and one younger Australian man, non of whom is taking up the study with the seriousness of a professional or academic player. Within Japan, the introduction and instruction of traditional Japa- nese music and musical instruments in middle school as directed by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology from 2002 is signifi cant in terms of its implications for all traditional Japanese music, including Tsugaru shamisen. However, in terms of the production of Tsugaru shamisen as a cultural commodity through education, the most important measure at the national level is that which is organized through the many and highly varied Tsugaru shamisen schools. Based on an originator’s name (and fame), some of longer lineage than others, Tsugaru shamisen schools are scattered throughout Japan. Taking Yahoo-Japan again as a crude measure, a ‘Tsugaru shamisen classroom (kyōshitsu)’ search yields 3,110 sites. While most of the performing styles are more or less the same, unlike other Japanese performing arts such as kabuki, nō or Japanese traditional dance schools, Tsugaru shamisen lacks a unifi ed body exerting pressure on the performance community, thus allowing for innovation within each school. Th e Oyama-kai is one of the largest Tsugaru shamisen schools in Japan (for homepage addresses, see Appendix 5.2). According to the Oyama-kai homepage, the school was founded in 1963 by Oyama Mitsu, who was born in Hirosaki in 1930, trained in the Kida Rinshoei school and claims several early Tsugaru shamisen recordings. Th e fi rst Oyama-kai School Performance event was held in Tokyo in 1966, with 25 members performing, with annual performances since. In 1987, Oyama bequeathed his name to his son and at present, the 58 bearers of the Oyama name constitute a signifi cant presence in Kanto. Similar to the protocol of naming in other Japanese traditional arts, each of the bearers of the Oyama name have taken a fi rst name beginning with the character mitsu(gu). the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 129

Oyama Mitsushin’s (family name Abe) homepage details that he joined the Oyama school in 1985, taking his name in 1989 and granted the right to teach in 2000. His resume boasts a wealth of performances at large venues, some televised, as well as numerous overseas performances. His performance troupe, Genkyō, is promoted as off ering performances from solo up to fi ve, even 10 or more performers, with an all-female group available as well. Genkyō performances have taken place at Tokyo Station for a Shinkansen Commemoration, at Tokyo Central Post Offi ce for the beginning of New Year’s Card sales, and at the German Cultural Center. Th e homepage includes a section listing the activities of the members, which for the two-year period 2004 and 2005, included 85 events, approximately seven per month. Descrip- tions characterize performance as ‘attraction,’ ‘concert,’ ‘educational venue,’ and ‘Oyama School event.’ Th e details of Tsugaru shamisen study through schools such as the Oyama-kai will be taken up further from the perspective of hobby play as consumption in Chapter Six. In addition to study in a setting as described above, McGoldrick (2005) refers to the increasing popularity of self-study of Tsugaru shamisen brought on by the popularity of the music. While there had been little in the way of self-study materials in the past, several of the more popular performers have released books, videos and DVDs which focus on or include self-study material. ‘Hōgaku on the World 2007,’ a sales supplement distributed by Hōgaku Journal, lists seven instructional videos and three instructional texts. McGoldrick details Kinoshita’s (2003) Tsugaru Shamisen Style Book as representative of this genre, describing 16 pages of dynamic and highly inspirational color photos, a 40-page biography of Kinoshita, a 30-page tutorial on technique and instrument maintenance, and 40 pages of musical scores covering the essential Tsugaru shamisen techniques and 12 full, if somewhat simplifi ed Tsugaru shamisen pieces (with an accompanying CD). Th e Internet provides avenues for self-study as well, with websites available that relate to the history and repertoire, off er sug- gestions on equipment and maintenance, and provide a sense of community. Among the more popular is KANKOSITE—Tsugarujamisen communications, which off ers schedules for live performances, television and radio programs, CD information, and contact information for teachers and students as well as an interactive discussion board. Th e website Benben Tsushin off ers access to min’yō music and lyrics, free internet instruction that combines tablature, photos, wave fi les, 130 chapter five and even video clips of hard-to-describe techniques. As McGoldrick (2005) concludes, “while there is no substitute for face-to-face instruction, sites like these are far superior to the limited self-study methods that were available only a few years ago” (57). An additional measure of the production of Tsugaru shamisen at a national level is the publishing of books and media representations about the music. Th e Amazon.com Japan music sales website lists 17 books (in Japanese; October 2005) under Tsugaru shamisen, of which two are instructional books (one the aforementioned by Kinoshita Shinichi), four focus on the music, four detail the life of Tsugaru shamisen-great Takahashi Chikuzan, two are about Agatsuma Hiromitsu and one outlines the history of the music (Daijō Kazuo). Th ere are two works in English on Tsugaru shamisen, Suda, Daijō and Rausch’s (1998) Th e Birth of Tsugaru Shamisen Music: Th e Origin and Development of a Japanese Folk Performing Art, which details Daijō’s notion of the origin of Tsugaru shamisen and Groemer’s (1999) Th e Spirit of Tsugaru: Blind Musicians, Tsugaru-jamisen, and the Folk Music of Northern Japan, with the Autobiography of Takahashi Chiku- zan, which combines history, musicology and autobiography. Tsugaru shamisen is also increasingly the subject of research, as seen in Peluse’s (2002) M.A. thesis Folk Revival or Pop Sensation? Th e Latest Tsugaru Shamisen Boom and McGoldrick’s (2005) M.A. thesis Th e Tsugaru- Jamisen: Its Origins, Construction and Music. Turning to performance and CD production at the international and national levels, as with the number of Tsugaru shamisen players, an estimate of the aggregate of performances regularly taking place is next to impossible as well. Th at noted, sources do exist that provide a glimpse of performance play, both internationally and within Japan. Melbourne, Australia shamisen player Tadano cites a performance schedule split between school demonstrations, party and festival events and live house performances several times a month. Bachi- Bachi, a magazine of Tsugaru shamisen and Japanese drum, includes a Tsugaru shamisen Live and Event Schedule, which for the May 2006 issue (Vol 23) lists 74 shamisen events for 19 performers for May, June and July, along with information on an American Concert tour for the Yoshida Brothers, arguably the most famous performers among the young Tsugaru shamisen players, fi ve competition events (two in Tsugaru, three in Tokyo) and a special section listing four separate Japanese folk music events which include Tsugaru shamisen to be held the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 131 at sites throughout Kanto. Th e June 2006 issue (Vol. 24) lists 76 events for 30 performers over the period June, July and August, including a 10-day American tour for Satō Mitsuhirō, along with news on competition and folk music events schedule for as far ahead as May 2007. In the October issue (Vol. 28), covering year-end (October, November and December), these fi gures include 122 performances by 24 performers, with listings for the 3rd Annual Tsugaru Shamisen Champi- onship in Kobe, the 6th Annual Over-40 National Tsugaru Shamisen Contest and a Tsugaru Shamisen-Aomori Prefecture Min’yō Event in Osaka. Turning to production as viewed through music sales, the KANKOSITE—Tsugarujamisen communications site lists 27 Tsugaru shamisen performers under the CD section, with a total of 109 CDs introduced (October 2005). Th is list includes min’yō albums that include Tsugaru shamisen, as well as collaborations and recordings of contests and competitions and solo albums. Th e top performers as measured by number of recordings are Takahashi Chikuzan (18 CDs listed), Yamada Chisato (11 CDs), Shinichi Kinoshita (10 CDs, one book), Hiromitsu Agatsuma (one DVD, 11 CDs) and the Yoshida Brothers (2 DVDs, 12 CDs). Th e Amazon online Japanese site lists 81 Tsugaru shamisen music titles (see Table 5.9), together with 17 books (in Japanese), and three video/DVDs under Tsugaru shamisen (in Japanese). Th e English-language Amazon site carries fi ve music titles (Mitsugu Oyama, two Tsugaru shamisen jam sessions, a compilation of various artists, and Chikuzan Takahashi), along with four book titles (December 2005).

Table 5.9 Tsugaru Shamisen Records/CDs

Year Label Th eme/Player Availability 1980s 2 Columbia 26 general 24 w/in 3days 40 1990s 35 King 22 Takahashi Chikuzan 11 4–6 wks 13 Record 2000–2004 37 Victor 13 group/’battle’ 9 unavail. 27 not shown 7 Nihon 7 competition recording 9 no indication 1 81 Crown 81 Teichiku 5 Yamada Chisato 3 Other 6 featuring Min’yō 3 Sony 2 Yoshida Brothers 2 81 Other player 20 81

Source: Amazon Japan online (amazon.co.jp) search, December 2005. 132 chapter five

By any measure, Takahashi Chikuzan remains one of the major players. A native of Tsugaru, more CDs have been produced based on Chikuzan’s Tsugaru shamisen than for any other player and Chi- kuzan’s life has been documented on three DVDs, fi ve videos and several books, including an English translation of his autobiography (Groemer, 1991). Yamada Chisato represents a second great player from the 1960s period, whose life story has been recorded in numerous books and in an interview conducted just before his death in 2004 (Johnson and Westerhoven 2006; Sasamori, Westerhoven and Johnson 2005). While Takahashi Chikuzan and Yamada Chisato can both claim a Tsugaru heritage by birth and legacy, the players that are pushing Tsugaru shamisen onto the global stage, Kinoshita Shin- ichi, Agatsuma Hiromitsu and the Yoshida Brothers, to name the top performers, can claim a Tsugaru connection only by virtue of having taken championships at one of the two national competitions held annually in Tsugaru. Examining the production space that these performers are covering, most initial CDs are recordings of their participation in national competitions together with collaborations with other shamisen greats, which are then followed with CDs featuring solo performances of traditional styles of Tsugaru folk songs, followed by works that feature original Tsugaru shamisen compositions or musical fusions that join traditional Tsugaru shamisen with Western instruments such as the violin and the piano. Details of these representations will be considered further in Chapter Six as they relate to both the social creation and consumption of the music.

Tsugaru Shamisen Production in Tsugaru: Instruction and Performance Tsugaru shamisen production at the local level refl ects a reality similar to that at the national level and can thus be viewed on the basis of instructional activities and performance activities. However, discovering these activities can be diffi cult: the 2005/4–2006/3 Tsugaru area Town Page business directory lists only two Tsugaru shamisen- related endeavors, Kudō Manji Tsugaru Shamisen School and Tsugaru Shamisen Tada Atsushi. Th e dearth of directly listings notwithstanding, according to the December 2004 special issue of the local magazine Aomori Kusako (Volume 157), a special issue on Tsugaru shamisen in Aomori Pre- fecture, instruction is available at the NHK Aomori Cultural Center, the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 133 the Radio Aomori Broadcasting Education Center, the NHK Hirosaki Cultural Center, and the Goshogawara City ELM Cultural Center. Professional player K. Sasagawa estimated that there are at least 20 Tsugaru shamisen instructors in the Hirosaki area, of which ten have established for themselves ryuha, or ‘school’ status: Yamada Sangen- kai, Tateyama Sangenkai, Murakami Sangenkai, Manji-kai, Chikuzan- kai, Fukushi Sangenkai, Hasegawa Sangenkai, Yamabuki-kai, Nakanō Music School, and Tada Ryuke. Takahashi Chikuzan apprentice Y. Nishigawa alluded to the openness of the local Tsugaru shamisen community in this regard, stating that many local players have simply established their own Tsugaru shamisen school, and if she would want to abandon her status as Chikuzan apprentice and begin a new ryuha under her own name, no one would object. Th e Manji-kai, the group of Kudō Manji, and Tada Atsushi’s Tada Ryuke, provide information on their instructional activities through homepages, with biographies, information on activities, prices for shamisen building and repair and information for prospective students. A 15 September 2005 Hirosaki City Bulletin includes an announcement of a Tsugaru shamisen class for elementary and junior high school students to be opened at a local community center. Taught by the Kudō Manji School, the class consists of 15 one-hour lessons over a fi ve-month period and is limited to 15 students free of charge. Sasagawa, a lead player at Yamauta, the live-house shamisen-school which Yamada Chisato opened in the 1960s, provided the number of students in the Yamada Sangenkai as around 25, of which three are apprentices, aiming at a professional career and with the skill to play solo before an audience. Sasagawa describes his teaching with these apprentices as “about 20 minutes a day, mostly everyday of the week—but we miss some days due to other things going on—with me introducing new techniques which the player can include in the basic repertoire. But the real key to Tsugaru shamisen is performance and the key to performance is to perform in front of an audience everyday.” Th is notion is confi rmed by the other lead player and Sasagawa’s elder, K. Nagamine, who noted that none of the three apprentices presently at Yamauta were Hirosaki natives, convenient he added, as Hirosaki has only so much space for good shamisen players. “As is oft en the case, they will be here for several years, take a prize at a competition and then move back (to their home-place) or move on to a big city and strike out on their own.” 134 chapter five

A more systematic production of Tsugaru shamisen that is truer to its roots is live performance, which can most prominently be seen in tourist and live house venues performed everyday and every night throughout the Tsugaru area. Th e Tsugaru Shamisen Kaikan (Tsugaru Shamisen Hall), located in Kanagi Town has, in addition to historical information on Tsugaru shamisen and local min’yō, daily performances by members of several of the local performance groups. Th e Tsugaru Shamisen Kankō Kaikan (Tsugaru Shamisen Tourist Hall), located in Lake Towada Town, features performances not only of Tsugaru shamisen, but also Tsugaru and Nambu min’yō and folk-dancing. Th e Tsugaru Han Neputa Mura (Tsugaru Clan Neputa Village) in Hirosaki City, includes a Sangen Dō (Th ree String Hall), which features players from several of the local performing groups. Finally, Tsugaru Kuroi- shi Komise Station, the Tsugaru Densho Kogeikan and the Aomori Prefectural Tourist Products Hall ‘ASPAM’, located in Aomori City, each provide daily shamisen performances. During the tourist seasons coinciding with the Cherry Blossom Festival and the fall festivals of August, other performance venues are organized, taking place at local train stations, shopping areas and other tourist locations. While such controlled venues represent production strictly in the tourist realm, Tsugaru shamisen is also produced in a number of live house performances. Th e special ‘Tsugaru Shamisen’ issue of Aomori Kusako (Vol. 157) introduces four live houses in Hirosaki City and four in Aomori City. Yamada Chisato’s Yamauta was the fi rst permanent Tsugaru shamisen and min’yō live house and diff ering from most other venues, features group and solo Tsugaru shamisen play as well as min’yō. However, as Yamauta player Sasagawa noted, it used to be that all the students performed on stage when they could, but now only the best players perform—a recognition of the tourist element, where top performances are expected by a new tourist crowd every night. Sasagawa also related that while his play at tourist venues consisted of the standard Tsugaru repertoire performed in a highly identifi able, if not controlled playing style, it is in his live-house performance that he pushes his play to the limits of the Tsugaru repertoire—discovering his new technique and sound through performance. Introduced second in the Aomori Kusako magazine is Aiya, opened in 2004 by Yamada apprentice, Shibutani Kazuo. Also introduced is Anzu, a restaurant specializing in local foods and sake for which the Tada School provides live performances. Th e last Hirosaki site is Adohadari, operated the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 135 by a shamisen fan and hobby player who brings in a young ‘professional’ player for performances. Tsugaru shamisen can be heard live at two national level competitions held in the Tsugaru District in May of each year. Th e Tsugaru Shamisen National Competition (Tsugaru Shamisen Zenkoku Tai- kai) was initiated in 1982 by Yamada Chisato. Held in Hirosaki, it is considered the more illustrious of the two competitions, with current sponsorship by the ‘21Tsugaru Shamisen NETWORKJAPAN’ together with support by the Tsugaru Shamisen National Council (Tsugaru shamisen zenkoku kyōgikai), Tsugaru Shamisen Aomori Pre- fecture Council (Tsugaru shamisen Aomori-ken kyōgikai) and Aomori Prefecture and Hirosaki City. Also listed as supporters are Hirosaki Tourism Council, NHK Hirosaki Bureau, RAB Aomori Broadcasting, ATV Aomori Television, ABA Aomori Asahi Broadcasting, Mutsu Shimpō and Tōōnippō Newspapers, Hirosaki Chamber of Commerce, Hirosaki Convention Bureau, and Columbia Music Entertainment Company. Th e Tsugaru Shamisen All-Japan Competition (Tsugaru Shamisen Zen-Nihon Taikai) was started in 1989 by Daijō Kazuo at the request of Kanagi Town in honor of being home to the origin of Tsugaru shamisen. Smaller than the National Competition, the All- Japan Competition is sponsored by the All Japan Friends of Tsugaru Shamisen Society (zen nihon Tsugaru shamisen tomo-no-kai), together with support from the Japan Traditional Culture Promotion Founda- tion, the Japan Min’yō Culture Promotion Association and the Sankei Newspaper. Many past winners of these competitions have gone on to become the top players on the national and international levels, enjoying opportunities for live performances and producing CDs. What is important to note about both of these competitions is the nation-wide distribution of both the participants and the winners. For the 2003 Tsugaru Shamisen National Competition, 28 prefectures were represented among the 155 participants, with Aomori claiming the most (25 participants), followed by Hokkaido (21), Miyagi (19) and Ibaragi (11). Winners for the 2004 competition (over all the possible prize categories and levels, including several at the Junior A, B and Group competitions, several at the Senior A, B, C and Group competitions) numbered 11 from Aomori, nine from Miyagi, seven from Ibaragi and six from Hokkaido. Th e 2005 All-Japan Competi- tion refl ects a similar nation-wide distribution. Three-hundred and fi ft y players participated, with winners coming from 14 prefectures 136 chapter five

(and two countries): six from Aomori, fi ve from Shizuoka, four from Miyagi and three from Iwate, with two from Aichi, Fukuoka, Ishikawa, Tokyo, and Toyama, and one from America. Another major venue for live Tsugaru shamisen performance within the Tsugaru District is the annual Tsugaru Ado no Matsuri, where the term ado is derived from Tsugaru dialect meaning ‘a little more.’ Inau- gurated in 2001 by Hirosaki City Chamber of Commerce, this month- long October event began with wide variety of activities, including a parade, lectures on local history and culture and fi ve separate ‘sound creation’ events as well as live street performances and mini-concerts featuring Tsugaru shamisen. Th e 2003 event included a ‘Tsugaru Shamisen Sound Future Context,’ which came with a 200,000 yen prize, and an ‘ADO Final Stage—Th e Tsugaru Shamisen’ performance which included several national players. While the festival was originally envisioned by the city as a means of stimulating local business in an otherwise slow season, by 2005, the festival had come to focus exclusively on Tsugaru shamisen and Tsugaru shamisen had come to symbolize the festival. Th e activities for the 2005 festival included a series of ‘Live on the Street’ performances, 70 performances in all, taking place at diff erent locations at diff erent times of the day over two weekends. Th e introduction to these live performances refer to their similarity to the kadotsuke, pointing to this as the origin of Tsugaru shamisen. A second part of the festival is an ‘ADO Grand Stage: Th e Shamisen’ performance, consisting of a 400-member Tsugaru shamisen performance. A fi nal Tsugaru shamisen venue, initiated in 2006 by the Iwaki Mountain Tourist Association with support from the Dake Hot-spring Inn Association and the Hyakuzawa Inn Association, is a summer-fall Tsugaru Shamisen Live Performance Route, with free performances held at scenic sites around Mount Iwaki every Sunday and holiday from early May until late October.

Tsugaru Shamisen Players in Tsugaru: Hobby Players and Performers Devaud (2005) developed a demographic profi le of Tsugaru shamisen players that reveals that the divisions between Tsugaru shamisen players lie between the self-described Hobby Player, those learning at a culture center and practicing at home, and the Performer, those who perform (or aspire to perform) before a live audience. Th is notion of division can be extended to reveal two distinct categories of performing players: the Professional Performer, obviously a small minor- the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 137 ity with skills suffi cient to teach and perform solo, and what can be termed the Support Performer, a player with suffi cient desire and skill, and an association with a Professional Performer that allows them to perform in a group headed by the professional player. Herein lies the advantage of the Tsugaru shamisen group performance style: the semi- skilled player supports the performing professional while improving their own playing; the professional player gains the legitimacy of being a teacher while also gaining an impressive duo or group performance on an instrument that can be exhausting to play solo. Most Professional Performers started playing in their teens, motivated more than anything by an affi nity with the music. Few have association by ancestry, but as Tsugaru shamisen researcher Daijō pointed out, this may be a function of the early origins of the music being in the outcast beggar community, resulting in a lost generation avoiding the stigma of the shamisen. Few profess to a high level of knowledge of either the history of Tsugaru shamisen or a broad knowledge of Japanese traditional music; Daijō confessed that this limited understanding of the history of Tsugaru shamisen among Tsugaru shamisen players is what motivated him to take up research into the origins of the music. Th e educational background of players is broadening, both in the younger players, with several local university students taking up serious shamisen play and performance, as well as in the older hobby players, where a broad range of local residents is taking up practice of the Tsugaru shamisen. Most Professional Performers and Support Performers are members of one of the three Tsugaru shamisen-related associations (Tsugaru Shamisen National Council, Tsugaru Shamisen Aomori Prefecture Council, All Japan Friends of Tsugaru Shamisen Society), if for no other reason than to support their instructor or to gain support in one of the national competitions. Virtually all Pro- fessional Performers teach, usually in a variety of settings and with a range of objectives, from serious performance training for their shamisen apprentices to a community education setting for Hobby Players or at a local elementary or junior high school. Most set the number of students as from one or two up to six or eight at a time, with the numbers of students in other settings less a function of the shamisen teacher than the institutional organization, be it school or culture center. Th ese Professional Performers and Support Performers indicate that they practice everyday for up to four and fi ve hours, depending on whether they include live performance as practice, with Hobby Players 138 chapter five citing practice several times a week for one to two hours per time. Most Professional Performers and Support Performers cite live houses as their principal performing venue, followed by rotations at a tourist venue. Concerts are rare for local Tsugaru performers, but increasingly, local Professional Performers are sought to play at receptions, banquets, festivals and so on. International performances were alluded to taking place in the United States of America (Hawaii as well as the mainland), Turkey, Russia, Th ailand, China and Taiwan. Duos and groups performances with up to 10 players are cited as being as common as solo performances, with the 100-plus member special performances organized for Tsugaru shamisen competitions or the Ado Festival. Th e usual live performance lasts from 20 to 30 minutes and comprises three or four principal pieces, usually from among the standardized and representative Tsugaru pieces along with an original piece. As noted, the energy needed to create the expected Tsugaru shamisen performance makes playing an exhausting endeavor. For competition sets, a strict time limitation of three minutes is standard, with the piece chosen from among the Tsugaru pieces. Several informants stressed the importance of a balance in any live performance between technical mastery and innovative expression—a mixing of the traditional with the original. Th is was countered, however, in competition play, where the focus is solely on technical mastery of the techniques needed to perform the set pieces. Most Professional Performers claim preserving the tradition of Tsugaru shamisen music as a major motivation, along with the purely personal feeling of grandeur, nostalgia or pure joy that comes with performing and the artistic appeal of conveying a message through music. Financial reward, while obviously a factor in live-house and event performances, was minimized as an incentive; Yamauta performer Nagamine referred to live performance as a main job which must be supported by some kind of part-time work. Innovation presents an notable tension in the local Tsugaru shamisen world, as Yam- auta’s Sasagawa referred to tourism venue play as highly controlled, a performance of representative Tsugaru pieces, with live-house play an exercise to fi nd your own music within the repertoire of these same Tsugaru shamisen pieces. To this, he noted the importance of a younger player assessing the performance venue when with an older player. “Sometimes I may play down a bit, so that I don’t show up my senior. Other times, it is expected that we all play our best, regardless of who comes out on top that day.” the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 139

Characteristics Descriptive characteristics of the production of music

History Music origin/history not important for Professionals, origin-peripheral; transition to variable among Hobby Players; inclusion in policy modern inclusion in policy and provides Professionals with performance venues subsidy promotion outside of live-houses and tourism venues

Materials Th e instrument is fairly standard across a price range instrument from 100,000 to 400,000 yen; performance setting performance: setting and appearance determined by venue, with appearance increasingly standardized by Professional and Support Professionals in performing groups

Technique Skill in the Tsugaru repertoire is the base of local play skill in Tsugaru repertoire for both Professionals and Hobby Players; innovation innovation in music creation emerges in live house performances by Professionals; group versus solo play performance style is based on the performance venue, performance persona whether tourist, live house, or event, with persona minimized in Tsugaru performance

Performer characteristics Limited local opportunities for Professionals; relative full professional/semi-professional freedom among profi cient players to teach; recognition performance or teaching oriented based on competition championships and recognition/awards national/overseas performances is highly visible in hobby player: Professional player biographies; most hobby players ryuha/cultural/ independent are associated with a ryuha or a center; association association membership/ participation membership is factional among Professionals

Enterprise Orientation Professional performance groups based in a live house oriented toward performance (Yamada Sangenkai) or those that have a live house through live-house venue (Tada Ryuke) focus on live house performance through tourist venue along with other venues; other Professional through events and concerts performance groups focus on tourism and event local/national/international venues; top Professional players undertake national and oriented toward teaching international performance; all groups include teaching

Motivation Professional performers cite a motivation in genre personal economic—income Cultural, genre pride and area cultural, which is to say regional economic—place contribution wanting to preserve the genre while taking pride in the genre cultural—preserve genre genre and representing the Tsugaru area; the personal area cultural—Tsugaru culture economic and regional economic contribution is genre pride—pride in genre minimal personal—personal performance pride

(aft er Figure 5.8) Figure 5.9 Tsugaru Shamisen Production: Representative Player Types

For Hobby Players, Tsugaru shamisen represents the challenge of mas- tering a diffi cult instrument and a music which is both technical and dynamic, with the added incentive of it being a local music, the music 140 chapter five of their Japanese neighborhood, to cite player T. Satō. When asked to consider the cultural role for Tsugaru shamisen, Professional Perform- ers and Support Performers reiterated the preservation of the form of the music, along with contributing to the further development of Tsugaru shamisen as a Japanese traditional music genre, and transmit- ting this genre to fans. Several referred to the role of music in promoting local tourism, with one opinion asserting that in this regard, the Tsugaru shamisen performers were representing Tsugaru as a place more than representing Tsugaru shamisen as a music. In this touristic interpretation, to the degree that tourists seek out Tsugaru shamisen music in the Tsugaru District, Tsugaru shamisen is not a refl ection of the history or the culture of a place, but rather the music of the place itself. While the socio-historical interpretations of the music refl ects the circumstances of its origins—Daijō ’s description of the poor bosama enduring the harsh winters of the peripheral place that is Tsugaru—most Professional Performers view Tsugaru shamisen as a music, which for the tourist is a music of the place, but which in the hands of a profi cient player and adapted to a more contemporary and popular musical genre, also brings to life a Tsugaru shamisen musical genre that is universal and amenable to any social context. For many players, it is here that Tsugaru shamisen is found: as a traditional Japanese folk music capable of fi lling one with a dynamic feeling of place on the one hand also being a vanguard evolving musical style adaptable to any musical expression on the other.

Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Production: Workers and Artisans, Hobby Players and Professionals

Th is chapter opened with a scheme for assessing cultural commodities production which included examination of the universal characteristics of the industry on the one hand, along with the characteristics specifi c to the cultural industry on the other (see Figure 5.1). It is in examination of these specifi c characteristics for Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen that their contributions to local revitalization, cultural and economic, can be assessed, along with the identifi cation of the major production patterns, in the form of representative producer types for Tsugaru lacquerware and player types for Tsugaru shamisen. the production of tsugaru cultural commodities 141

Th e characteristics of Tsugaru lacquerware production that are both highly relevant to the lacquerware as cultural commodity and make contributions to local revitalization refl ect the reality of the industry as split into Salary and Subcontract producers and Cultural and Artistic producers. Th e former production types provide a Tsugaru lacquerware that is mass-produced in standardized forms and in established and representative patterns. In that sense, while making an economic contribution to the area through tourist sales and a cultural contribution through the representative pattern of the lacquerware, this lacquerware is both highly dependent on touristic sales venues and is largely divorced from the true cultural characteristics of the lacquerware. Th e latter production types, the Lacquerware Cultural Craft sman and Lac- querware Artist, make signifi cant contributions to local revitalization, however in ways that are varied and, in some ways, contradictory. Th e historical reality of innovative technique and creative sense that characterized early Tsugaru lacquerware production are brought to the contemporary production by the Lacquerware Cultural Craft s- man working in Tsugaru lacquerware, and in this, make contributions that are both cultural—in the sense of preserving both the physical attributes, the Edo-period kawari-nuri designs in generally functional pieces, as well as the philosophical approaches of Tsugaru lacquerware, the notions of creativity and innovation within the constraints of traditional craft —as well as economic, in generating sales of high quality and innovatively representative Tsugaru lacquerware. Th e Lac- querware Artist, as contradictory as it may seem, is simultaneously concentrating on the Tsugaru lacquerware philosophical basis of pure innovative creativity while at the same time generating a new cultural meaning for Tsugaru lacquerware, and in that sense, is pushing the lacquerware away from product attributes based purely in form toward an uncharted future. Th e danger of this reality is the loss of association between Tsugaru lacquerware and the standardized and representatives forms and patterns that some consumers expect and demand. Th is reality, however, also off ers a means of redefi ning the lacquerware on the basis of its true tradition, as creative techniques that allow for inspired use of lacquer sap yielding pieces that are culturally-informed or artistically expressive. Th e specifi c characteristics of the production of Tsugaru shamisen point to a range of factors that are relevant to the music as a cultural commodity—the skill and innovation of the performance on the part of 142 chapter five

Professional players, along with the increasing popularity of the music among Hobby players and music fans—that signal a balance between economic and cultural contributions of the music to a broad interpretation of Tsugaru District revitalization. Local Professional performers, in skilled performances that combine the traditional repertoire of Tsugaru shamisen music with innovative interpretations of this repertoire, make contributions both economic and cultural, as tourists and locals alike pay to see and hear local performances showing technical mastery of the Tsugaru shamisen as an instrument. Live houses and two national competitions bring Tsugaru shamisen fans to the area, with the roots of the music increasingly seen as a source of pride, rather than shame, as once was the case. Performances by Professional players based outside of the Tsugaru District, in venues throughout Japan and in international settings and in the production of CDs, along with increasing interest in Tsugaru shamisen overall and an increasing number of Hobby players throughout Japan, while clearly lacking in making local economic contributions to the Tsugaru District, do make indirect cultural contributions, in the form of local identity. Instruc- tional activities, both within the Tsugaru District and at the local levels at which they take place throughout Japan, also contribute to cultural or economic revitalization, both for the professionals in the Tsugaru District and for professionals throughout the Tsugaru shamisen music industry. It is, however, also important to recognize that it is from this instructional base, and the tens-of-thousands of Hobby players that it produces, that the Professional player emerges and is supported. In that sense, an important part of the production of Tsugaru shamisen is ultimately a function of the unassuming Hobby player who takes up the shamisen for a number of individual reasons—reasons that will be explored in detail in Chapter Six. CHAPTER SIX

THE CONSUMPTION OF TSUGARU CULTURAL COMMODITIES

Consumption of any good presupposes the social construction of a consciousness surrounding the good that leads to consumption, usually through marketing and advertising. In addition to its physical description, a consumption consciousness for place-designated cultural commodities entails construction of a connection between the commodity and the socio-cultural characteristics of the place that is proposed to support it and that it is proposed to represent. As this consciousness is created, constructed and re-constructed, patterns of consumption emerge that refl ect these characteristics of the commodity and the consciousness of the consumer. Th is chapter will examine this consciousness creation and the resulting consumption for Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen, focusing fi rst on the social representation of Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen, and second on the emergence of a resulting consumption ethos for each (Figure 6.1).

(1) Social Representation – contents of representation – process of representation – consequences of representation (2) Consumption Patterns and Consumption Ethos – circumstances of consumption: participant consciousness, setting/price, service considerations, etc. – Consumption Ethos: romanticism, entitlementism, utilitarianism, generalized sociality, altruistic sociality (aft er Figure 3.2) Figure 6.1 Scheme for Assessing Cultural Commodities Consumption 144 chapter six

Th e Representation of Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen

Whether tangible or intangible, cultural commodities are created and consumed in a social sense on the basis of their meanings in specifi c settings of a place and time. One major part of the process of this meaning creation is social representation—in this case, in the construction of Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen as Tsugaru cultural commodities.

Th e Social Representation of Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Th e social representation of a product is a function both of the preferences of the producers of that product and its representation through the media that mirrors or diverges from these preferences. Chapter Four noted that the media constitutes a local cultural commodity information source for consumers on the one hand while also framing potential cultural resources and the management of cultural commodities by producers on the other. Preferences in media representation of cultural commodities as reported by producers in the 2004 Producer Survey focused on casting cultural commodities as local Tsugaru-designated cultural commodities, which ranked above designation as a Japan traditional craft —the latter refl ecting an external appraisal of the status of a commodity— and a representation highlighting the history and tradition or specialized skill—which would justify cultural commodity status on a basis beyond the obvious place association (see Table 6.1). Th e media representation prioritized by the producers also emphasized the real-time information function of the media, in event information and participation opportunities, for example, while de-emphasizing the human interest aspect, in the form of artisan profi les and industry-related prizes, which could be seen as indicating a tension within the industry as a whole and between individual producers. Preferences in cultural commodities advertising reveal a recognition of tourist appeal fi rst, followed by focus on the specifi c history and tradition and the appeal of a specifi c technique (see Table 6.2). isTh priority on target (tourists) as opposed to commodity-related messages (origins, history, tradition, technique, creativity, uniqueness, originality) refl ects an orientation that prioritizes the potential of the product over the specifi c elements of the product that could achieve that the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 145

Table 6.1 Preferences in Cultural Commodities Media Representation (Producers) Cultural commodities represented as: Rank Mean Place related – on the basis of being a Tsugaru cultural commodity 1 1.38 – on the basis of being a product of history and tradition 3 1.62 Commodity related – on the basis of being a Designated Cultural Product 2 1.59 – with an explanation of the specialized skill 4 1.79 – with artisan profi les 8 1.91 – with information on commodity-related awards/ 13 2.25 recognition Culture economy related – with information on commodity-related events 4 1.79 – with information on commodity-related participation 6 1.80 opportunities – with information on commodity-related government 7 1.88 policy – with information on commodity sales circumstances 9 1.94 – with information on commodity-related educational 10 1.97 opportunities – with information on commodity-related enterprises/ 11 2.06 associations

Source: 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer / Producer Survey. Note: fi gures based on a Likert scale with 1 being positive and 3 being negative; N=46. potential. Supporting this interpretation that the circumstances of the commodity are equal in importance in advertising to the characteristics of the commodity itself was the priority given to an advertising message that highlighted government and resident support for cultural commodities over the appeal of creativity, uniqueness and originality, and the connection with local character and identity. Th us, while Chapter Four pointed to a media representation of local cultural commodities that included elements of quality, trust, and safety, together with recognition of the artisan and the unique and personally meaningful aspects of the potential commodity, the producer preferences in media representation outlined above focused on place-designated status, commodity-designated status and an information function, with advertising preferences on tourism potential and included the importance of government and resident support. 146 chapter six

Table 6.2 Preferences in Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Advertising (Producers) Cultural commodities represented as: Rank Mean Place related – on the basis of being a local history and tradition 2 1.86 – on the basis of representing local character 9 2.18 – on the basis of being a place-Designated Cultural 10 2.20 Treasure – on the basis of representing resident identity 11 2.26 Commodity related – on the basis of having a specialized technique 3 1.91 – on the basis of the creativity of the maker 5 2.00 – on the basis of the products’ unique and original 6 2.03 character – on the basis of the secretive history and technique 12 2.32 – on the basis of the usefulness of the product 13 2.41 – on the basis of the artisan’s technical skill 14 2.43 Culture economy related – as a tourist product 1 1.76 – as worthy of government support 4 1.94 – as worthy of resident support 6 2.03 – as important in the local economy 8 2.15

Source: 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer / Producer Survey. Note: fi gures based on Likert scale: 1 = positive and 4 = negative; N=46.

Th e Social Representation of Tsugaru Lacquerware Interviews with Tsugaru lacquerware producers revealed recognition of the importance of the social representation of the craft . M. Tanaka, lacquerware shop owner and lacquerware craft sman, and A. Kimura, fi ft h-generation lacquerware craft sman and seller, stressed the awareness-raising function of representation for the lacquerware, noting that while tourists come to Hirosaki for a festival, the inclusion of local craft s in tourism information and tourist magazines provides the mechanism through which they seek out the lacquerware. Both also pointed to another level of consciousness raising, that of knowledgeable tourists, local residents and repeat-Tsugaru lacquerware consumers, in which social representation contributes to a knowledge base which creates a sense of informed purchases on the part of consumers, the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 147 a change Tanaka has noticed over the past 10 years. Kimura referred to this knowledge level in cases where consumers referenced patterns, whether kara-nuri, nanako-nuri or monsha-nuri, pointing to this as evidence of information dissemination about the craft . As for the medium of this dissemination, what follows examines information technology, brochures and advertising, and the newspaper media. Numerically, representation of Tsugaru lacquerware through information technology is much less that than of Wajima lacquerware of Ishikawa Prefecture on the one hand, but much more than that of Aizu lacquerware of Fukushima Prefecture on the other, both well- known and highly regarded regional lacquerwares of Japan (see Table 6.3; see Rausch 2009b). While the presence of Tsugaru lacquerware in the realm of information technology is, not surprisingly, dominated by Japanese language representation, it is not, however, highly connected with Hirosaki City. Similar is the lack of representation of ‘Japanese lacquerware’ when searched in Japanese relative both to the same search in English and the search results for regional lacquerwares, indicative of the power of the regional lacquerwares over the notion of a representative Japan lacquerware. Also interesting to note is the numerical balance between homepage, order, history and technique when contrasted with profi le, most likely a function of the power of association-based technology representation over individual representation. Representative examples of Tsugaru lacquerware-related Internet homepages can be seen in prefectural and municipal sites, as well as association sites and a major lacquerware retailer site (see Appendix 6.1). A Tsugaru lacquerware homepage that is part of an Aomori Digi- tal Archives site includes: 1. a description of Tsugaru lacquerware; 2. detailed descriptions of several quality pieces; 3. introduction of two top lacquerware craft smen; 4. information on use and care of Tsugaru lacquerware; 5. information on the Tsugaru Lacquerware Traditional Artisans Asso- ciation; and 6. prefectural contact information. In addition, there are three highly specifi c sections that place Tsugaru lacquerware in a broader social and historical context: 148 chapter six

Table 6.3 Lacquerware and Tsugaru Lacquerware on the Internet Yahoo.co.jp Yahoo.com Google.com all language ᵤシႣ (Tsugaru nuri) 21,400 7 34,500 Tsugaru nuri (English) 162 115 166 Tsugaru lacquerware 26 18 56 Tsugaru nuri lacquerware 18 11 22 ᵤシႣ㧗ᒄ೨Ꮢ (Hirosaki City) 754 0 842 Tsugaru Lacquerware + Hirosaki 8 5 12 ᵤシႣ+ࡎ࡯ࡓࡍ࡯ࠫ 622 847 (homepage) ᵤシႣ+ᵈᢥ (order) 943 (40) 26 ᵤシႣ+ᱧผ (history) 889 73 40 ᵤシႣ㧗ᛛⴚ (technique) 616 32 18 ᵤシႣ+ࡊࡠࡈࠖ࡞ (profi le) 179 (13) ᣣᧄṭེ (Japanese 889 888 811 Lacquerware) Japanese Lacquerware 1,440 1,290 11,000 ベፉႣ (Wajima Nuri; Ishikawa 116,000 6 168,000 Pref.) Wajima Nuri 556 362 612 ળᵤႣ (Aizu Nuri; Fukushima 15,100 3,260 20,100 Pref) Aizu Nuri 75 59 88

Note: Figures for search conducted March 2006; use of kanji followed by italics indicates a Japanese-language search; use of English, an English-language search; see Rausch 2009b.

1. Tsugaru Lacquerware in Local Festivals; 2. Tsugaru lacquerware in Contemporary Table Settings; and 3. Th e Beauty and Originality of Edo-period Tsugaru Lacquerware. Another prefectural homepage which includes Tsugaru lacquerware is the Aomori Te-shigoto Net, which has specifi c pages for 12 local craft categories including lacquerware, the page for which includes profi les of 29 Tsugaru lacquerware craft smen and information on several shops. Th e JAPAN Brand Tsugaru Lacquerware project (referred to in Chapter Four) homepage is a recently-established Hirosaki municipal- based site which includes information on various Tsugaru lacquerware themes: the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 149

1. the nature of lacquer in general and the broad history of lacquer in Japan; 2. a historical-fi ction account of the origins of Tsugaru lacquerware through the activities of an early lacquer craft sman; 3. detailed descriptions of the processes for the four representative Tsugaru lacquerware patterns; 4. introduction of the six participating Tsugaru lacquerware craft smen; and 5. several linking pages introducing 200 lacquer pattern samples based on the Edo-period lacquer patterns Important to note that the account of the historical origins of Tsugaru lacquerware represents the fi rst such account to be produced. Th e Aomori Prefecture Lacquerware Cooperative Association Fed- eration homepage includes sub-pages for topics, information about the lacquerware, an outline of the association and event information. However, it is clear that the potential of information technology is not a priority for the Federation, as the topics includes event information up to 2004 and the event information page is blank. Th e Tsugaru Lacquerware Sales Company is another example of clearly under-utilized information technology. Th e corporate history, beginning with the establishment of the Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Complex Association in 1973, reveals a fairly active profi le up to 1999, aft er which no additional entries are provided. Th e most signifi cant private business-based Tsugaru lacquerware- related Internet homepage is the Tanaka-ya lacquerware store site. Established in Meiji 30 (1897), Tanaka-ya claims to be the oldest lacquerware enterprise in Tsugaru. Th e homepage has information on the in-store Tsugaru Lacquerware Materials Hall, which has information on the history of Tsugaru lacquerware and the Tanaka-ya lacquerware enterprise as well as a viewing area from which customers can safely watch the production of Tsugaru lacquerware without risking allergic reaction. Th e homepage also describes the Tanaka-ya store, built in a style that has brought recognition as one of Hirosaki City’s notable buildings, and the Tanaka-ya line of lacquerware. In addition to the Tanaka-ya, there is a notable number of other individual-producer homepages, with profi les, photos of work and sales/order information. Brochures and print advertising provide lacquerware producers the opportunity to create an image and provide concrete examples of lacquerware works in a form that can be placed at a variety of tourist sites. Th e following points and patterns of representation were identifi ed 150 chapter six on the basis of an examination of seven brochure samples covering the period from 2002 to 2005. Photos were an important component of the brochures, focusing on the four pattern styles (kara, nanako, monsha, nishiki irrespective of product), the traditional product forms such as vases, tables, and bowls, and the process of production, however exclusively, for kara and nanako. Text was less important and more variable, particularly in length, among the samples and used primarily for providing the history of the lacquerware, description of the production process and introduction of a ‘concept’ (Royal Collection, Tsugaru Nuri Wave, Casual Lacquerware). Other areas of note included the introduction of new product forms (bracelets, necklaces, a bustudan production project), the inclusion of the METI symbol mark indicating designation as a traditional craft product, a listing of awards taken by Tsugaru nuri lacquerware craft s- men, a bilingual brochure, the promoting organization (e.g. Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Complex Cooperative Association and Tsugaru Lacquerware Sales Association). Th e representation of Tsugaru lacquerware in newspaper advertising, in most cases associated with a specifi c lacquerware or craft event, is clearly and dominantly oriented on the history and technique on the one hand, together with representation of local identity and the notion of local ownership on the other. Some advertising has referred to the potential of discovering the nature of Tsugaru by discovering the traditional craft of Tsugaru lacquerware (see Appendix 6.2 for citations) as well as the obligation of protecting the traditions of Tsugaru through preserving Tsugaru lacquerware. Another stresses the character of Tsugaru lacquerware as a traditional Tsugaru craft , citing its local history, its character as representative of the Tsugaru kokoro (heart), gi (skill, technique) jimoto no kurashi no chie (local knowledge for living), and casting it as a Tsugaru furusato-hin (a product of one’s homeplace) or as a folkcraft of the people. In a full page announcement declaring the establishment of November 13 as Urushi no Hi (Lacquer Day), the largest block of text stresses the ‘Artist’s Skill,’ with an adjoining text describing the four styles of Tsugaru lacquerware. Accompanying Hirosaki City’s hosting of the annual Japan Lacquer National Summit in 2006, the leading block of text in a full-page announcement made a questionable connection between contemporary lacquerware and Tsugaru’s Jōmon-period history by stating that ‘Lacquer is tied to our Jōmon history and our regional future.’ the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 151

With the development of new forms and styles of Tsugaru lacquerware, there have been advertising discourses highlighting the modern and international nature of the lacquerware. One example featured the Tsugaru Nuri Royal Collection as a lacquerware which, ‘while possessing an Edo-era origin, appeals to 21st century sensibilities and blends with Western fl atware and crystal.’ Another example ties Tsugaru lacquerware with a local pottery, stating that such colorful settings are “the highest form of being a host for important guests.” Th e ad goes on in supporting text to refer to the tradition and dignity of East and West in collaboration, alluding to a idealistic harmony of the skill of lacquer and the dignifi ed character of pottery and makes reference to the fact that this combination has received high praise at the annual Tableware Festival held in Tokyo. Later in the same year, the adver- tisement for the Eighth Annual Tsugaru Nuri Fair includes a heading ‘New Tsugaru Nuri’ and depiction of the Royal Collection. Th e catch- phrase under the photo asks the reader to ‘Love Tsugaru nuri. Eat with Tsugaru nuri.’ In order to examine Tsugaru lacquerware as represented in the local media, references to Tsugaru lacquerware found in both the Tōōnippō and the Mutsu Shimpō newspapers were catalogued as a part of the Aomori/Tsugaru Media Cultural Commodities Representation Survey (see Appendix 4.2 and 6.3 for description), yielding approximately 100 articles with an additional nine News in Education columns and one newspaper supplement which included eight separate articles. Th is journalistic representation of Tsugaru lacquerware was analyzed on the basis of two criteria, one a thematic orientation and the other a traditional versus innovation orientation. Th e thematic focus of the social representation of Tsugaru lacquerware was spread fairly evenly across several specifi c activity groupings, including educational and experiential activity, government policy activity and organizational activity, as well as descriptions related to the lacquerware itself, human interest articles and information on events (see Table 6.4). Examples of the educational-experiential aspect can be found fi rst of all, in the nine Newspaper in Education columns of the Mutsu Shimpō newspaper which focused on Tsugaru lacquerware. Additional examples of an educational-experiential aspect can be seen in the following headlines (see Appendix 6.4 for citations): ‘Aomori traditional craft exhibition—hands-on classroom opened’ ‘Bringing Tsugaru Nuri Closer—50 Housewives Join Study Group’ 152 chapter six

Table 6.4 Media Representation of Tsugaru Lacquerware: Th ematic Focus

Focus on history ...... 15 Focus on the lacquerware ...... 52 Focus on general activity ...... 64 related to new product ...... 25 education/experiential ...... 16 related to technique ...... 12 Newspaper in Education columns . . 9 state of the industry ...... 15 lacquerware piece designation . . . 7 Focus on human interest ...... 47 government policy action ...... 14 personal perspective essay ...... 5 association/society activity ...... 18 craft er profi le ...... 12 Focus on events ...... 24 award report incl. name ...... 30 local ...... 18 national/international ...... 6 Subject of local economy column . . . 5 TOTAL REFERENCES ...... 207 Inclusion of photo with article ...... 91 Photo of a piece of lacquerware . . . . . 24 Photo of a person ...... 32 Photo of a event or scene ...... 35 photos n = 91

Note: period 2002–2005; fi gure is number of articles; N=101; multiple coding allowed, each article cited 2.0 times on average. Source: Aomori / Tsugaru Media Cultural Commodities Representation Survey; see Rausch (2004).

‘Hands-on with Traditional Techniques, Children Challenge Tsugaru Nuri— Hirosaki Fourth Graders, First Time to Work with Tsugaru Nuri’ References to product or technique can be seen in such headlines as: ‘Tsugaru Nuri Pens, Disseminating to the World—Italian Maker Home- page Cooperative Development with Hirosaki Tanaka-ya’ ‘Th e Voice of Consumers for Tsugaru Nuri— Prefectural Products Supporters Club Established Cooperating in New Product Development’ ‘Light-switch and Electrical Outlet Cover-plates Tsugaru Nuri Beautifi es—Local Enterprise to Make and Sell’ Th ere were a number of articles which included some human interest aspect, in some cases reporting on awards in which the craft ers name was included, in others including the name of a craft er in an article focusing on some other theme, and fi nally, in some cases consisting of a profi le of a craft er. Examples of this include such headlines as: ‘Lacquerware Bowls—Revealing the Work of the Hands of Mr. K’ (in a series titled Life and Color: Handmade Aomori ‘Traditional Pattern with Contemporary Sense— Iwaki (Town’s) Mr. I’s Tsugaru Urushi Lacquerware Exhibition’ (2005) the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 153

‘Recognition on Lacquer Day, Two from Hirosaki (City)—Mr. S and Mr. K’ However, this human interest aspect must be contextualized by Yanagi’s (1972) prioritization of the anonymous craft sman: “(T)he virtue of folkcraft s is that one feels no obtruding personality in them. Th e thing shines, not the maker” (200). Th is refl ects Yanagi’s aversion to personal accolades in traditional craft s, presumably including individual craft er profi les and reports of awards gained in contests being announced in the newspaper.

Th e Social Representation of Tsugaru Shamisen Tsugaru shamisen was also examined through its representation in information technology, promotional materials and local media. Internet searches yielded a wide expanse of web-space dedicated to Tsugaru shamisen. Putting Tsugaru shamisen into the Yahoo Japan search engine yielded over 500,000 hits and a Google search more than 700,000 (see Table 6.5). Using ‘Tsugaru shamisen’ in English on a Japanese search engine yielded just over 80,000 sites, but only 30,000 on Google; results far more numerous than for Okinawa shamisen. Diff erent combinations of place association, character association and activity association revealed a multi-dimensional representation that refl ects a numerical dominance of homepages and concert and live performance information, but also includes learning venues, performer profi les and the traditional character of the music, as well as place associations with Tsugaru, Aomori and to a lesser degree, Hirosaki. Examples of this Internet representation include fan and information pages as described in Chapter Five, several of which are interactive, with message boards on which questions are posted and information exchanged, as well as homepages maintained by professional performers for purposes of performance and/or teaching. Descriptions in promotional material, examined in representations accompanying a representative sampling of Tsugaru shamisen CDs (N=31) together with written reviews of those CDs refl ect a number of broad themes. Th e fi rst theme that is clearly highlighted is the format of the music production, with the most distinctive format being the recording of music competitions, either the national competitions or staged competitions between from two to four performers. Th is is clearly a refl ection of the history of the music, emerging in theutakai 154 chapter six

Table 6.5 Tsugaru Shamisen on the Internet yahoo.co.jp yahoo.com google.com all languages all English ᵤシਃ๧✢ (Tsugaru shamisen) 574,000 143 743,000 Tsugaru shamisen (English) 80,200 34,400 31,400 ᵤシ + ᵤシਃ๧✢ 655,000 723,000 㕍᫪ + ᵤシਃ๧✢ (Aomori) 122,000 140,000 Aomori + Tsugaru shamisen 237 701 ᒄ೨ + ᵤシਃ๧✢ (Hirosaki) 56,500 63,500 Hirosaki + Tsugaru shamisen 81 286 વ⛔⊛ + ᵤシਃ๧✢ (tradition) 70,600 145,000 tradition + Tsugaru shamisen 27,300 67,900 ᵤシਃ๧✢ + ࡎ࡯ࡓ࡯ࡍ࡯ࠫ 156,000 144,000 (homepage) ࡜ࠗࡉ㧛ࠦࡦࠨ࡯࠻+ ᵤシਃ 170,000 185,000 ๧✢ (live/concert) live / concert+Tsugaru 64,900 26,400 62,500 shamisen ⻠ᐳ㧛⻠⠌ + ᵤシਃ๧✢ 76,200 / 83,700 / (school/training) 18,600 44,900 Ṷᄼ⠪ࡊࡠࡈࠖ࡞(profi le) 89,100 367 149,000 ᴒ✽ਃ๧✢ (Okinawan 50,900 0 65,000 shamisen) Okinawa shamisen (English) 98 4,400 417

Note: search conducted March 2006; kanji=Japanese-language search; English=English- language search. contests in the early 20th century; however, as Nagamine pointed out, the power of the Tsugaru competitions is waning against the attractiveness of the performances of the young national players. Other themes reveal contrasts between characterizations of the music as primitive, traditional—with the ideal being a purity of technique—and representations that highlight Tsugaru shamisen as a modern music, a surfi ng sound, a funky music, groovy and punk-like, played with a technical skill that allows for innovative creativity in creating new music. Th ere are representations which highlight an Eastern origin, seen in images of kimono-clad performers and Japanese backdrops, and those of a Western form, with depictions of concert-lit performances and players in urban settings (Peluse 2005). Finally, there are representations of the feeling that the music provides: a feeling of tension and excite- ment, a free feeling, a sense of comfort and a sense of musical balance, the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 155

Table 6.6 Media Representation of Tsugaru Shamisen: Th ematic Focus (2002–2005)

Reference to history ...... 12 Reference to education / experience . 17 Reference to events ...... 65 Reference to players ...... 66 performance ...... 28 by individual name . . . . . 31 concert ...... 4 by group affi liation ...... 10 competition (both) . . . 19 young players in general . . 11 ADD Festival ...... 14 Yamada Chisato ...... 6 biographical in nature . . . . 8 Reference to music promotion . . 13 Reference to music and tourism . . 10 Reference to awards ...... 5 Reference to related facilities . . . . 6 Reference to CDs ...... 5 Referencesto character of the music . 13 References to audience response . . . 8 References which are national . . . . 15 References which are international . 9 TOTAL REFERENCES ...... 244

Articles including photo: 86 Photo focus on player(s): 38; Photo focus on event: 48

Note: fi gure is number of articles; articles viewed = 89; multiple coding allowed, 2.7/article. Source: Aomori / Tsugaru Media Cultural Commodities Representation Survey; see Rausch (2004). and a reference to the broad-natured appeal of the instrument and the music. As with the analysis of the social representation of Tsugaru lacquerware, the social representation of Tsugaru shamisen in the local media was analyzed on the basis of newspaper articles containing reference to the music. Contrasting the case for Tsugaru lacquerware, there was a clear focus on representation of players and events (see Table 6.6). Fol- lowing this was representation of education and experiential activities, history, direct references to the promotion of the music, the music in tourism, and the character of the music. Photos again were a prominent component of the representation. Unlike Tsugaru lacquerware, the emergence of key words representing a theme for the article was clear in Tsugaru shamisen, with the categories resulting being the music, the reaction to the music, the performer and the performance, and the broad context of the music. Of the 60 keywords generated, most common were references to the music, including such examples as charming and inviting (most common), powerful and colorful, emotional, riding the sound, and soulful and rock. Next were 23 keywords that referred to the broad context of the music, including roots, local, culture, tradition, and revitalizing 156 chapter six the region. Next were nine terms referring to the performer or the performance, including skillful and technical as well as taking up the challenge. Finally were the four terms that described the reaction to the music, such as to be drunk on or to be fi lled with aff ection or pride.

Consequences of Social Representation: Parameters of Conceptual Space Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen are both represented through information technology, advertising or promotional materials and the local media. Th e dominant representation of Tsugaru lacquerware through information technology was largely a function of prefectural and municipal eff orts to introduce the craft , highlighting descriptions, the character of representative pieces and the craft s- men. Promotional material and advertising focused on the traditional character of the craft and actual products. Th e media representation of Tsugaru lacquerware was the broadest, including representations of general activity, new products, human interest and lacquerware related events. In the case of Tsugaru shamisen, the representation through information technology was interactive information exchange and Professional performer homepages. Specifi c promotional materials focused on the character of the music, ranging from depictions as traditional to modern and innovative. Th e local media representation of Tsugaru shamisen focused on events and local players, along with clear references to music promotion and the music as an element in local tourism. Overall, it appears that the social representation of the lacquerware was largely cultural in its orientation, whereas the representation of Tsugaru shamisen was more balanced, with the representation through information technology and promotional materials largely oriented toward economic objectives, with the local media oriented toward cultural aspects (see Figure 6.2). Looking at the specifi c content of this representation, history as a point of reference in the social representation of both of these cultural commodities was apparent, but less so than the referencing that was clear in relation to the events, the individual producer/performer and the educational and instructional aspects that were represented for each of these cultural commodities. Educational and instructional activities contribute to the creation of the commodity as a cultural commodity, as these are aimed at a relatively wide audience—students on the one hand, but also at the resident or tourist as well. Th is is clearly the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 157

Relevance to the characteristics of the commodity and nature of the orientation and contribution

(1) Social Representation Tsugaru Lacquerware Tsugaru Shamisen process and contents IT: government support-based, IT: independent, interactive – information focus on product and craft smen; information exchange and technology Advertising: association Professional player homepage; – brochures and advertising, focus on commodity Advertising: related to CD sales, advertising and history; player biography and character – local media Media: focus on general activity of music; (education and industry), new Media: focus on Professional products, human interest, events; players and associated events Overall: representation is Overall: representation is a predominantly cultural; few balance of cultural and economic references economic (music sales and teaching)

(aft er Figure 6.1) Figure 6.2 Social Representation of Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen

an emerging and important element in traditional cultural commodities; such experiential participation is important in the creation of the craft product itself as cultural commodity and in fostering consumption. Th e social representation of such activity further contributes to a potentially broader participatory community by representing what has been up to now a relatively closed community of committed apprentices. Information about events also fi gured prominently: given the characteristics of lacquerware as a tangible good versus shamisen as performance, the orientation in the case of lacquerware was clearly on the characteristics of the product itself, whereas in the case of shamisen, the orientation was much broader—covering for example, the performer, the performance, the audience reaction—which lends itself to a more appealing promotion of Tsugaru shamisen in its social representation. Considering the consequences of this, it is apparent that the representation of Tsugaru lacquerware strikes a balance between focus on the lacquerware itself, the craft ers who produce it and activities related to the lacquerware, with an overall balance between representation of these specifi c elements as either traditional or innovative. Th e 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer Survey identifi ed information levels regarding Tsugaru lacquerware among resident respondents, fi nding that nearly three-quarters of respondents indicated 158 chapter six

Table 6.7 Image of Tsugaru Lacquerware (Consumers) mean – as a Tsugaru traditional technique ...... 1.18 – as a unique pattern ...... 1.21 – as a high-quality and strong good ...... 1.39 – as a designated Japanese traditional craft . . . 1.53 – as an important tourism commodity . . . . . 1.53 – as a highly-valued gift item ...... 1.53 – as a unique product ...... 1.59 – as a useful product ...... 1.88 – as Tsugaru identity ...... 1.87 – as an expression of support for the craft ers . . 1.96

Source: 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer Survey. Note: based on Likert scale with 1=positive, 3=negative; N=190. knowing of the four Tsugaru lacquerware styles, with just under 30 percent indicating high knowledge. An understanding of the process of making Tsugaru lacquerware was cited by nearly three-quarters of respondents, with one in fi ve indicating high level of knowledge. Finally, an understanding of the history of Tsugaru lacquerware was cited by nearly half of respondents, with one in 10 overall indicating a high level of understanding. Th e local image of Tsugaru lacquerware as assessed in the 2004 Consumer survey reveals a focus on a Tsugaru traditional technique, the unique pattern of the lacquerware and the lacquerware as a high-quality and durable product (see Table 6.7). Th e 2004 Association Report outlines an image of lacquerware on the basis of four age-based and interest-level groups of women respondents. Overall, Tsugaru lacquerware was seen in a negative light: as expensive, troublesome to care for and not something for everyday use. Conversely, a positive evaluation was apparent on the basis of function. For the respondents with high interest in traditional goods across the age groups, lacquerware was seen as something for use with guest or special occasions—indicative of lacquerware evaluated as an item of high value justifying a high price. Th e 50s and above age group indicated awareness and an appreciation of the high quality of Tsugaru lacquerware, while at the same time relating insuffi cient knowledge to distinguish higher quality pieces from lesser quality pieces fostering uncertainty in making purchases. the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 159

Reframing the range of sentiments that emerge regarding Tsugaru lacquerware in a limited number of broad but conceptually contrasting parameters makes possible identifi cation of a conceptual space for the lacquerware. As part of the Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Con- cept and Conceptual Space Survey (see Appendix 6.5 for description and survey), respondents were asked to respond in terms of following statements:

Tsugaru Lacquerware 1. Lacquerware Form 1.1. It is important that Tsugaru lacquerware be useful and functional. 1.2. It is important that Tsugaru lacquerware be fashionable and artistic. 2. Lacquerware Pattern and Color 2.1. Tsugaru lacquerware should be standardized to a representative and recognizable pattern and color. 2.2. Tsugaru lacquerware patterns and colors should be left to the innovative creativity of the individual lacquer craft er. 3. Lacquerware Quality and Cost 3.1. Tsugaru lacquerware should be the highest quality, regardless of price and even if expensive. 3.2. Tsugaru lacquerware should adopt a price—quality balance to appeal and sell across a broad consumer base. 4. Th e Lacquerware Industry 4.1. Th e Japanese government should support the Tsugaru lacquerware industry to ensure it is viable. 4.2. Th e Tsugaru lacquerware industry should be left to seek its own business strategy. Th e survey included two sections, each consisting of the statements above, but requesting responses in a diff erent manner. The fi rst section requested respondents to indicate agreement with one or the other of the contrasting statements outright or off er comparative agreement (e.g. agree with statement one more than statement two), whereas the second section sought responses of ‘agreement,’ ‘no opinion’ or ‘not necessarily true’ for each of the statements independently. In this manner, respondents could prioritize between the contrasting statements and then indicate an independent response to each. Coding for compilation of responses assigned a value of one for each response in the fi rst section, with a value of one for each full agreement in the second section and a value of 0.5 for a comparative agreement. 160 chapter six

Table 6.8 Conceptual Parameters of Tsugaru Lacquerware: 4 Criteria Overall Agreement over Comparative agreement non-agreement agreement Tsugaru Lacquerware should be functional 30 –16 11 should be artistic 46 +19 30 should be standardized 12 –27 11.5 can be innovative 50 +17 31 highest quality only 40 +14 21 quality-price balance 40 +10 18 govt should support 30 +2 20.5 industry should be independent 44 +5 19

Source: Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Concept—Conceptual Space Survey; see Rausch (2006).

Respondents clearly prioritized artistic and innovative interpretations of Tsugaru lacquerware over functional and standardized notions (see Table 6.8). Interpretations regarding the market economics and expectations of government support for Tsugaru lacquerware was much more balanced, with responses relatively equal between both the lacquerware being only of highest quality versus the industry seeking a price-quality balance. In the case of Tsugaru shamisen, the respective prompts were fewer, as follows:

Tsugaru Shamisen 1. Musical Repertory 1.1. Tsugaru shamisen should be played in one standardized form that is representative and easily identifi able, for example, Tsugaru Jonkara bushi, Tsugaru Yosare-bushi, and so on. 1.2. Tsugaru shamisen should be played with innovative creativity, in newmusical forms, such as rock and blues, and in combination with other instruments, for example the violin or the electric guitar. 2. Th e Music Industry 2.1. Th e Japanese government should pro-actively support the Tsugaru shamisen music industry in order to preserve the cultural heritage of the music. the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 161

Table 6.9 Conceptual Parameters of Tsugaru Shamisen: Two Criteria Overall Agreement over Comparative agreement non-agreement agreement Tsugaru Lacquerware should be standard and 20 –18 15.5 representative should be innovative and 50 +26 24.5 creative government should preserve 14 +7 20 heritage government should promote 11 +2 dissemination industry should be independent 22 +6 21.5

Source: Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Concept—Conceptual Space Survey; see Rausch (2006).

2.2. Th e Japanese government should pro-actively support the Tsugaru shamisen music industry in order to help the dissemination of the music nationally and internationally as Japanese culture. 2.3. Th e Tsugaru shamisen music industry should be left to find its own strategies for preservation and business future. In a result similar to that for Tsugaru lacquerware, respondents clearly prioritized Tsugaru shamisen as an innovative and creative musical genre with sentiments somewhat split regarding government support both in preservation and promotion versus a wholly independent music (see Table 6.9). Contextualizing these sentiments are opinions expressed by numerous informants. Local business leader and frequent prefectural and municipal committee member, K. Kon, held that the image of tradition in Japan is one of being expensive, and the power of that image is a reality cultural commodities such as Tsugaru lacquerware will always face, regardless of any other image creation objectives and even if a better quality-price compromise is struck by the industry or lacquerware producers. T. Onaka, also a local business leader who serves on numerous municipal associations, sees the lacquerware as having to address all the image criteria, holding that in the end, the industry cannot change the way the consumer sees the lacquerware; therefore the lacquerware must address the full extent of the consumer image in order to succeed. 162 chapter six

Tsugaru shamisen presents a much more optimistic scenario for these two informants, a scenario echoed by municipal administrators I. Itō and M. Saitō of the Tsugaru Shamisen Museum, who referred to the reality of government support for the two commodities, casting this as a tension of ‘push’ versus ‘pull.’ Tsugaru lacquerware, given the nature of its technique-driven production and the inaccessibil- ity of the process due to the allergenic characteristics of raw lacquer sap, together with local industry organization and associational iner- tia against change, is highly immobile and therefore depends on the government to ‘push it,’ both as a local commodity and in expanding to other markets national and international. Tsugaru shamisen, on the other hand, enjoys both high visibility with players emerging throughout Japan and high accessibility to the music via the availability of recorded music and the approachability as a hobby via the ubiquity of Tsugaru shamisen schools. Th erefore, rather than depending on government push, Tsugaru shamisen enjoys a market ‘pull,’ which, however, brings with it the potential loss of the importance of sense of place for many of these entrants into the Tsugaru shamisen community.

Th e Consumption of Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen

Th e outcome of the creation of any commodity is its consumption. Th is section examines the consumption of Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen, beginning with consumption as viewed through various venues and extending through purchase, possession and use along with further intention to purchase, and through hobby and public access activities.

Th e Consumption of Tsugaru Lacquerware Tsugaru lacquerware is a commodity relatively common place, yet highly valued within Tsugaru. It can be found in a majority of house- holds in the Tsugaru District in one form or another and used on a daily basis, even if as nothing more than a simple vase or a pair of lacquered chopsticks. Th e lacquerware is also highly regarded as a gift object, a refl ection of the lacquerware’s place in what is an act of great social importance in Japan. Tsugaru lacquerware can be purchased at the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 163

Table 6.10 Tsugaru Lacquerware Use (%) Type Response Present use Response Future use Response Chopsticks 33.2 family 44.5 Japanese 36.7 meal food Tray 22.4 with guests 38.1 for guests 25.7 Tea goods 16.1 with tea 8.3 as decor 18.6 Bowl (wan) 13.5 as decor 5.5 Tea 7.9 activities Sitting table 7.8 personal 2.5 Western 7.1 accessory food Personal 3.8 other 1.1 Personal 3.6 accessory accessory Other 3.2 Other 0.4

Source: 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer Survey. a number of specialty shops, some of which have taken on the appearance of a museum, as well as in area department stores throughout the prefecture. Tsugaru lacquerware is also an important tourist commodity, cast as the primary traditional craft of Tsugaru and available at most tourist centers throughout the area. As such, Tsugaru lacquerware is an important presence in both the everyday lifestyle and the socio-cultural consciousness of Tsugaru residents, as well as having important potential in the economic vitality of the Tsugaru District and Aomori Prefecture as a whole. As referred to in Chapter Five, consumption of Tsugaru lacquerware has been decreasing to half the value of its peak in the late 1980s. Still, over 90 percent of resident respondents to the 2004 Consumer Survey reported possessing an item of Tsugaru lacquerware, the majority of which was in food-related use (chopsticks and trays), with everyday use slightly more common than use with guests (see Table 6.10). Eight of ten respondents also indicated a future intention to buy Tsugaru lacquerware for personal use, with matching Japanese food the most common intended use, but intentions related to uses as furniture or in interior settings indicated as well. Production data in Chapter Five indicated that tea-related items still constitute a major item—a production orientation clearly not justifi ed in the future use response. Th e survey also revealed that three-quarters of respondents have purchased Tsugaru lacquerware as a gift item and six in ten report having received lacquerware as a gift item. Useful for putting 164 chapter six

Table 6.11 Tsugaru Lacquerware Purchase Budget (%) for Personal Use for Gift Use 3,000 yen 15.4 5.6 5,000 yen 33.9 38.2 8,000 yen 6.5 9.7 10,000 yen 29.6 34.9 13,000 yen 0.8 0.6 15,000 yen 5.8 6.0 20,000+ yen 8.1 5.0

Source: 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer Survey. real numbers to the evaluations of Tsugaru lacquerware as expensive are the responses concerning the budget intentions for purchases of Tsugaru lacquerware for both personal use and as a gift item, both of which reveal two price points at 5,000 yen and 10,000 yen, with evidence of a tolerance for higher priced lacquerware at prices above 15,000 yen (see Table 6.11). Th e survey data also revealed that in purchases of Tsugaru lacquerware, residents view the external appearance and pattern and the creative character of pieces as important, along with being able to compare many pieces (see Table 6.12). Also telling was the low response to low price and knowledge of artisan, neither of which were deemed important as factors in purchases of the lacquerware.

Table 6.12 Factors in Purchasing Tsugaru Lacquerware Mean the external appearance and pattern 1.35 being able to compare a lot of Tsugaru lacquerware pieces 1.58 the creative character of the piece 1.69 the specialized knowledge of the sales staff 1.82 the atmosphere of the shop 1.85 an overall evaluation of Tsugaru lacquerware 1.97 a low price 2.30 a profi le of the artisan 2.32

Source: 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer Survey. Note: fi gures based on a Likert scale with 1 being positive and 3 being negative; N=190. the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 165

Tanaka Craft Shop owner and craft er M. Tanaka contextualized these survey fi ndings, stating that there are an increasing number of discern- ing buyers who seek out lacquerware with unique patterns and color combinations. He noted that these consumers may look at lacquerware in the three or four leading shops in Hirosaki before making a purchase and that staff knowledge and the ability to communicate that knowledge is increasingly important. While the information needs indicated by consumers as reported in the 2004 Association Report indicate that use, care and aft er-purchase service were of most concern as cited by half of respondents, Tanaka stressed consumers’ increasing interest in learning how to judge lacquerware and the profi le of the maker. Regarding the atmosphere of the shop, Tanaka noted that the wooden and rustic appearance of the Tanaka-ya shop (diff erent from Tanaka’s Tanaka Craft Shop), with its heavy wooden beam architecture, soft lighting and the production viewing area, diff ered greatly from the well-lit, department store feel of Tanaka Craft Shop, but con- tended that both have their place. “Tanaka-ya is a tourist site—a lot of people take pictures of the building and so on—and the business has to pay for that; we sell quality craft products just like they do, but at a bit of a better price.” A. Kimura of Tsugaru Nuri Genbei, also referred to the importance of a shop that is attractive to tourists, particularly given his location very close to the Neputa Village tourist complex and Hirosaki Park. He spoke of the diffi culty of combining large and inviting windows with the deleterious eff ects of direct sunlight on lacquerware as well as the need to accommodate groups of customers as opposed to organizing a more intimate shop setting. Both Tanaka and Kimura referred to the prospects of Tsugaru lacquerware as accessory or art with a sigh of slight exasperation, allowing that there was, of course, potential in such product lines, but that getting all the elements to fi t—the form, the color and pattern, the rope or chain (or the frame or background), and then displaying it attractively in the shop—represented too much investment in eff ort. Th at noted, Kimura did highlight his selection of original jewelry— pendants, brooches and tie-clips—as well as pieces that are clearly more artistic than functional. K. Sutō and T. Suzuki both referred specifi cally to production of lacquerware as art and the lacquerware display at the Otemon Tourist Center includes a series of hanging lacquerware paintings that is unmistakenly artistic. 166 chapter six

Table 6.13 Tsugaru Lacquerware and National Lacquerware Sales Routes (%) Sales to: Direct to Association Specialty Department Consumer Hotel, inn consumer wholesaler shop store wholesaler etc. Tsugaru nuri 60.0 23.3 20.0 13.3 3.3 0.0 National 38.2 15.2 26.9 13.0 18.0 12.5 average

Source: Traditional Craft s Products Industry Promotion Association 2004 ‘Traditional Craft Products Production Area Investigation Report’ p. 27; multiple responses allowed.

Th ere are a variety of sales routes in the Tsugaru lacquerware industry, revealing the range of factors that infl uence sales activities and pricing, from face-to-face contact between maker and buyer and low overhead in direct sales venues to a gradual distancing between maker and buyer and the associated markups that come with wholesale distribution and the operational costs of staff , atmosphere and service of specialty shops and department stores. Th e 2004 Association Report included data on sales patterns, showing that approximately one-third of producers indicated participating in exhibitions and special sales events with one-quarter having opened an independent exhibition or event themselves (28). Th is accounts for sixty percent of producers reporting sales direct to consumers, followed sales through wholesalers, specialty shops and department stores (see Table 6.13). Th e 2004 Producer Survey confi rms this multi-channel sales pattern, but attempts to identify the major patterns in more detail. Th e survey identifi ed approximately 40 percent of respondents indicating the majority of sales direct to costumer (the 60 percent in the 2004 Association Report), in several cases accounting for 100 percent of sales, in several more for from 60 to 80 percent of sales and in the remaining, approximately half of sales. Approximately one-third of respondents reported a majority of sales through an association wholesaler, with others indicating less than half of sales through wholesalers. Finally, approximately 40 percent indicated approximately half of sales through small specialty shops, with about one in fi ve indicating a majority of sales through such venues. Th e 2004 Producer Survey also revealed that two-thirds of responding Tsugaru lacquerware-related enterprises indicated over 50 percent of sales within Aomori, with a signifi cant majority reporting over 80 percent of sales as within the prefecture. Of the remaining one-third, several reported as high as 70 percent of sales as outside Aomori the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 167

Prefecture. One respondent indicated a sales profi le with 40 percent within Aomori and 40 percent outside of Aomori, with the remaining 20 percent accounted for by international sales. Tanaka Craft Shop owner M. Tanaka indicated that approximately half of the lacquerware produced for his business is delegated for sale in the Hirosaki City store, with approximately 40 percent delegated for sales in other satellite stores or specialty shops within Aomori Prefecture and the remaining allocated for sales sites in Tokyo. As noted elsewhere, lacquer craft sman T. Suzuki indicated more sales outside of Aomori Pre- fecture than within, sales enough to justify annual trips to several sites elsewhere in Japan. S. Kon, the Store Manager at the Hirosaki Tsugaru Lacquerware Commerce and Industry Cooperative Association Tsugaru Nuri Store, held that one important objective of the industry was to “push the lacquerware out to other areas in Japan as a calling card of Tsugaru. Th e city keeps going back to the same places with the Local Products exhibitions; they should go to a diff erent place every year. We need to drop off some of this lacquerware in every corner of Japan. Th e real market is Japan, not Tsugaru.”

Tsugaru Lacquerware Sales at Exhibition Venues Th e consumption of Tsugaru lacquerware through a variety of exhibition venues, at levels local, national, and in two cases, international is apparent. Th ese venues are oft en organized either on the basis of various themes (Feminine Lacquerware, Sake and Lacquerware, Enjoying Everyday Life, Tsugaru Seasons, Only Bowls), as part of a broader promotion project or to promote a particular product (the Hirosaki City Chamber of Commerce JAPAN Tsugaru Brand Project to introduce Tsugaru lacquerware overseas or Hirosaki City Tsugaru lacquerware shop Tanaka-ya’s collaboration with an Italian pen maker to produce Tsugaru lacquerware pens) or undertaken by an association, or more notably, by an individual or a group of independent craft smen. Interviews with local craft smen regarding these venues revealed a range of contrasting sentiments depending on the character of the venue. While local exhibitions organized by the craft and lacquerware- related associations and sponsored through government subsidies prove profi table—the events are organized by the city, the profi ts are taken by craft smen—it is not enough on which to survive, much less prosper. Data bears this out. Attendance at the Tsugaru Lacquerware Fair for the period 2000 to 2005 averaged 475, with sales averaging 1.6 million yen over the three-day event. Unfortunately, more people 168 chapter six does not necessarily mean more sales, as the average 36,000 attendees at the three-day Tsugaru Food and Products Festival provided for the same level of sales and the 300,000 attendees at the Tableware Festival, held each year in Tokyo, yielded just 1.7 million yen in sales. On the other hand, several informants responded that exhibitions allow a craft sman to display some experimental pieces surrounded by more ordinary work, which provides a contrast that works to a two-way advantage: “some people who are just walking through are attracted by the expensive piece, but then may buy some little piece; other people come looking for something that they have never seen before,” said lacquer craft sman M. Matsuyama. M. Kikuchi, secretary of the Aomori Prefecture Lacquerware Asso- ciation Federation, related that sales at such events are usually dependable, but added that it is the biggest producers that put out the most pieces and therefore make the most money. On the other hand, lacquer craft sman T. Suzuki described it as this: “Someone sees something and you talk with them, or they even buy a piece, and you invite them to come to the studio (at his shop), but I know they wind up going to one of the big shops on the main street.” Suzuki now puts his eff orts into several exhibitions in locations outside of Aomori, stating “people buy something and then they have to wait until the next time I come—with someone there who will advance some advertising, along with word-of-mouth, I can do better at a couple of events down there than half-a-dozen in Aomori. Plus, aft er people see you a few times, you might get a telephone call—somebody wants this or that and beyond the basics of the piece, will leave the rest up to me. I do a lot better outside of Aomori.” An opportunity to consider the representation and potential sales of Tsugaru lacquerware in an international venue was provided by inclusion of Tsugaru lacquerware in an annual Japanese festival held in Seattle, Washington, U.S.A., the 2005 Aki Matsuri (Fall Festival), sponsored by the Eastside Nihon Matsuri Association (see Appendix 6.6 for website address). Originating in 1998, the Aki Matsuri festival has included exhibitions, programs, performing artists and stage pre- sentations off ering a wide and varied representation of Japan. The festival has grown from 3,000 visitors in 2001 to approximately 7,500 in 2004, which featured a Master Tsugaru shamisen player from Aomori Prefecture and an Edo-style woodcarver from Tokyo. Th e festival can be judged as including both stereotypical, if not somewhat American- ized representations of Japan on the one hand, while also lending legit- the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 169 imacy and authenticity to Japanese artists in America and the works that are wholly produced in America on the other. Tsugaru lacquerware, however, fi t neither of these patterns. eTh factors that emerged as important in the presentation and representation of Tsugaru lacquerware were interaction with a knowledgeable and engaging interlocutor and the character of the display. Placing Tsugaru in the geographical, historical and socio-political construct of Japan was of negligible interest at this venue. It was clear that the Japanese visitors were attracted by the working lacquer craft sman at the display, while Americans were attracted by the colorful pieces on display. Regarding the informational content, it was clear that for Jap- anese, this must counter much of their pre-existing images of Japa- nese lacquerware, that of traditional gold on black, while the concrete anchors sought by Americans and refl ected in their questions focused on value and cost, time required and the number of coatings. It was also obvious that craft ers are not used to thinking in terms of stimulating interest or educating a potential buyer—most seem to feel that explanation is not required as a part of their skills repertoire, a reality confi rmed in interviews with lacquerware craft smen in Tsugaru. At a minimum, the informational component in an international venue necessitates an informed native speaker of the local language. Discussion with festival attendees revealed a complex impression of Tsugaru lacquerware. Notions of usefulness and functionally were outweighed by artistic character. Innovation and creativity were more highly regarded than the representativeness of a standardized pattern. High quality burdened with high price rather than a compromise of quality for price was seen as an inescapable reality. While government support was cited in terms of cultural preservation, Tsugaru lacquerware was viewed by participants to be more art than craft , for which the following analysis was articulated. If Tsugaru lacquerware is to be presented primarily on the basis of tradition and status as a Japanese craft , then in the minds of potential American buyers, it would not carry the value nor command the price it does: it would be aft er all, just another craft item. If Tsugaru lacquerware is presented primarily on the basis of its characteristic Japanese- ness, then the pool of potential buyers is very limited and the access to them problematic: why would anyone with interest, knowledge and access to Japan buy a uniquely Japanese good in Seattle. However, if Tsugaru lacquerware is presented primarily on the basis of the highly skilled and innovative technique using precious lacquer, then the 170 chapter six works are conceived by potential buyers as art and a higher price is justifi ed. Th e questions then turn to form and opportunity. In the case of Tsugaru lacquerware at the 2005 Aki Matsuri, while lacquered sugar pots in a variety of patterns were presented and several sold, many visitors off ered that these patterns would be more appealing in a function-less, more artistic piece. Th is argument was complicated however, by noting that while art purchases may be spontaneous at limited- opportunity events such as Aki Matsuri, most expensive art pieces are purchased through dealers on the basis of a process of consideration and education, returning the discussion to the aforementioned factor of education through an informed interlocutor.

Tsugaru Lacquerware Sales Strategies Th e 2004 Association Report showed that a ‘market-informed’ approach to production and sales was evident in a minority of producers, as just 30 percent of production enterprises reported seeking consumer information, either through small specialty shops or directly from consumers, with one-quarter indicating that they do not seek any specifi c information on consumers sentiments (22). Th e Association Report data also showed that production on the basis of customer-orders was cited by just over 40 percent of enterprises, with just under 40 percent reporting production based on producer-estimated projection of demand and just under 30 percent reporting production based on specifi c indications from wholesalers (17). Th e 2004 Producer Survey data indicated that just over 40 percent of Tsugaru lacquerware producers/retailers use advertising of some form, with approximately half indicating they do not. Th e 2004 Asso- ciation Report showed that lacquer producers viewed specialty shops, other consumers, and area wholesales as equally important in providing for an advertising function, each cited by about one-quarter of respondents. Th is was confi rmed in interviews, as several informants referred to the importance of word-of-mouth and being associated with a specialty shop as important mechanisms for reaching knowledgeable buyers who look for high-quality or specifi c types of lacquerware. As important, however, was the response indicating that there is no need to undertake any specifi c measures to provide information to consumers, cited by one-quarter of respondents, presumably based on the all-too-common notion held by lacquerware producers that the average consumer either does not need to know the details about lacquerware or does not care. In addition, the 2004 Association Report the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 171 data reported that just under 30 percent or respondents would like to participate in the Aomori Digital Archives Promotion Council projects, which includes a Tsugaru lacquerware homepage, while one-third indicated no intention of participating and another one-third did not respond to the question, perhaps not knowing of the activity (15). Y. Ishikawa, of the Aomori Prefectural Hirosaki Regional Techni- cal Research Facility, confi rmed and contextualized these ndings.fi Ishikawa confi rmed that the industry as a whole does not seek out new information that could bring the product more in line with consumers’ needs or preferences. Producers make what they have always made or they make what they want to make, with little information regarding what consumers want. Th is means that the potential of the producer-consumer link is not being taken advantage of, particularly important as the producers do not take the relevant information made available by institutions such as the Research Facility. A two-direc- tional mechanism of information transfer, in the direction from producer to consumer as a means of informing the consumer about the characteristics of lacquer in general and the specifi c characteristics of a producer’s lacquerware, this link provides for the producer to communicate to the consumer. In the opposite direction, this link allows the consumer to communicate the needs and preferences to the producer. In the ideal scenario of Tsugaru lacquerware production, Ishikawa outlines two approaches, the fi rst a practical approach, in which a need is identifi ed which Tsugaru lacquerware can address. The second, and more creative approach, is to create a form and pattern of Tsugaru that meets an as of yet unrecognized need. A fi nal area of consideration is the consumption of Tsugaru lacquerware through local education, representation of which was identifi ed in the previous section of this chapter. Th e Hirosaki City Board of Education undertakes yearly hands-on seminars for teachers by Tsugaru lacquerware craft smen in basic lacquering techniques, using substitutes to raw lacquer sap which are non-allergenic. Th e degree to which these teachers incorporate the knowledge into the school curriculum, or in other cases, where a school will bring in a lacquerware craft sman, is left to each school.

Th e Consumption of Tsugaru Shamisen Groemer (1999), in assessing Tsugaru shamisen’s place in the realm of modern music, asserted that “both in sales and image, it has proven 172 chapter six no match for imported American and European commercial music, or their Japanese imitations or derivatives (within Japan). Even in Aomori Prefecture, the position of Tsugaru-jamisen has shrunk to that of a small sub-category of non-Western traditional music. Although the genre fares better than most of its kind, in the minds of the bulk of the population—in particular the youth—it is a rear-guard, monoto- nous style, out of touch with the concerns of a changing world” (67). Countering Groemer’s pessimistic assessment are De Ferranti (2002), who claims Japanese music can be popular, and Peluse (2005), who contends that Tsugaru shamisen is at the forefront of a revived interest in Japanese traditional arts, pointing out that shamisen performers have taken Album of the Year Awards in the traditional Japanese music category at the Japan Gold Disc Awards numerous times, with the new players setting records in attendance and record sales. Accord- ing to Chi (2003), the average sales of a shamisen album through the 1990s had been 5,000 copies. Compare to this a Trends in Japan site produced by the Japan Information Network (2002) which reported a 30,000 copy sales fi gure over a six-month period for an Agatsuma album and above average sales for all of Kinoshita’s albums. Even more impressive were the sales of the Yoshida Brothers’ fi rst album, titled ‘Ibuki’ (1999) which exceeded 100,000 total sales (Anonymous 2001), with total sales of all four Yoshida records reaching approximately 300,000 albums by mid-2003 (Chi 2003). Chapter Five outlined production of Tsugaru shamisen at a national (and to a degree, international) level in the performance schedule off ered in each issue of Bachi-Bachi magazine, which revealed approximately 70 to 80 events over the three summer months, which increased to over 120 for October, November and December as the year-end approached. While this information does not provide for attendance fi gures, it does provide for attendance charges at such events: from a low of 2,000 yen to 5,000 yen for a 90-minute performance (discounted for elementary, junior and high school students where appropriate) and up to 15,000 yen for a Tsugaru shamisen dinner show. Chapter Five also outlined the tourist facilities and museums, live houses, and the national competitions as the venues that represent the production of Tsugaru shamisen in Tsugaru. Attendance at the Tsugaru Shamisen Museum in Kanagi Village increased dramatically from 34,000 in 2000, the inaugural year, to 53,000 the next year (2001), with an average of 65,000 visitors per year over the past four years. Museum Director Saitō indicates that somewhere between 60 the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 173 and 70 percent of the visitors are from out of the prefecture, brought in on tour groups which combine the museum with Tsugaru author Osamu Dazai’s childhood home, Shayokan, located nearby. Knowl- edge of shamisen is low among the visitors, and the staff bemoans that the scheduling of the buses usually leaves scant time for perusing the museum, particularly when interest is high for the Shayokan tour and the 20–30 minute shamisen performance. Th e Tsugaru shamisen section of the Neputa Village tourist facility in Hirosaki City focuses on the players, with biographical information on the top 20 players post-1950 and a scattering of wooden benches to sit on while listening to the 15-minute performance held several times over the course of a day during the off -season, twice an hour during the cherry blossom and fall festival seasons. Th e local live houses appear to be enjoying relative success, judg- ing by the stability and longevity of these establishments. Visits and interviews revealed a clear distinction between live houses in terms of patrons and performances. Hirosaki City’s Yamauta (seating approximately 80) and Aomori City’s Jintaku (seating approximately 40) are both, in the words of the principals for each live house, tourist des- tinations. Both K. Nagamine, the head player at Yamauta following Yamada Chisato’s death in early 2004, and Y. Nishigawa, Takahashi Chikuzan apprentice and owner of Jintaku, a Japanese style restaurant featuring Tsugaru shamisen performance by Nishigawa herself, stated clearly that the vast majority of their customers were tourists and that they tailor their business to the tourist trade. Both are featured in Aomori tourist literature and both are near the station. Nish- igawa openly stated that she operated an expensive restaurant with a set-price scheme featuring diffi cult-to-prepare local cuisine and that “if the locals want to hear shamisen, they have to go to another place around the corner where they can pass time drinking beer and eating cheap food.” She alluded to the knowledge of the tourist patrons she caters to, saying that many of them sought out Jintaku because of her status as an apprentice of Takahashi Chikuzan, a performer long well-known in Kanto. “Th ey (the tourists) have all heard of the Yoshida Brothers, but are happy to see the big picture (while pointing to the photo of Nishigawa with Chikuzan that hangs on the wall of Jin- taku) and to know that I actually was his apprentice. Th ey focus on the music as Chikuzan’s music and the fact that I learned from him.” Whereas Nishigawa referred to the Chikuzan legacy, Nagamine focused more on providing a cultural view of Tsugaru as a place, seeing 174 chapter six

Yamauta performances as representative of Tsugaru. Interestingly, K. Sasagawa, a Yamada Chisato apprentice, national champion and arguably best Yamauta player, off ered a diff erent perspective in comments regarding the live-house performance, asserting that his focus was on the music. “Th e attention should be on the music—our role is to be the base of Tsugaru shamisen music and protect that base while improving and innovating within that base; the music will spread and change, but we will always be the base. Th e tourists will come here for that and we must be here and provide the best shamisen we can.” Asked if he would ‘go national’ given the chance, sign a record contract, play in the big cities and make trips overseas to perform, Sasagawa again cited the music, refl ecting that, while this would be nice, it would ultimately take him far from the Tsugaru base of the music. In contrast to these tourist venues are what can be called the locals’ live house, where residents come to hear shamisen. At the upper end of the market is Anzu, a Hirosaki live-house seating approximately 40 operated by K. Yamamoto. Anzu off ers local cuisine with two shamisen performances per night by the Tada Atsushi group. Yama- moto allows that he switches to a set menu during the tourist seasons, but for the rest of the year, tries to appeal to local patrons by off ering a high-quality Japanese-style Tsugaru shamisen live house. Aiya, a live house seating approximately 30, opened in 2004 by Shibutani Kazuo, Yamada apprentice and multiple-year national champion, promotes itself as an inexpensive shop where customers can enjoy local food, local sake and local music. Finally, there is Adohadari, operated by a shamisen fan and hobby player S. Sōma, who brings in a Tada Ryuke player for quality shamisen performances. A broader view of the circumstances of Tsugaru shamisen consumption can be found in media coverage of Tsugaru shamisen events. Events are reported taking place at overseas sites, in and around Tokyo and at various settings within Tsugaru. Sponsorship and audience vary with the event—prefectural and municipal events for residents, associations and corporate events for members and employees. Th ese events reveal diff erent characteristics of performance, from individual players to elementary school and high school performance groups and a professional group numbering 500 players brought together in Hirosaki from throughout Japan for the Ado Festival. A review of the event schedules for these Tsugaru-based professional players reveals the extent to which consumption is also undertaken in the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 175 special event venues, where a shamisen group will be off ered as a performance at some reception or gathering. Of the 16 events listed for professional player Tada Atsushi over the period 13 May to 10 June 2006, an average of a performance every other day, only two are open to the public, with six weddings, two special event performances and six performances at a hot spring resort. For the period 19 August to 30 September 2006, nine hot-spring performances, four concert performances, two festival performances and performance at a high school in Iwate and a Hirosaki City event are listed. Th is is in addition to performances of Tada’s Mugen-kai (Dream String Group; inaugurated in 2000), made up of his students, at the live house restaurant Anzu. For Shibutani Kazuo, his October 2006 schedule outside of performances at his own live-house Aiya included eight performances in Hirosaki Castle Park associated with the Hirosaki City Chrysanthemum Festi- val, fi ve rehearsal days with his performing group, one public lecture and fi ve performances (three in Hirosaki, one in Iwate Prefecture and one in Gifu Prefecture).

A Tsugaru Shamisen Fan Profi le Th e Ado no Matsuri, inaugurated in 2001 by the Hirosaki City Cham- ber of Commerce, provides an opportunity to examine a Tsugaru shamisen fan consciousness. A survey undertaken at the 2002 Tsugaru Ado no Matsuri Tsugaru Shamisen National Festival focused on experiences and opinions about Tsugaru shamisen (Maeda 2003). Th e circumstance in which respondents reported their fi rst exposure to Tsugaru shamisen occurred is highly dependent on generation. Indirect exposure, predominantly through television, is consistent as a source throughout the age ranges, with radio and records notable in the over-40s groups. Direct exposure, through family members or acquaintances, accounts for a notable means of fi rst exposure overall as well, with live events such as concerts and min’yō bars and the popular competitions taking on importance among younger fans (see Table 6.14). It is clear that television has exerted a major infl uence on the overall popularity and the consumption of Tsugaru shamisen. What will be interesting in the near future is the change brought by the Ministry of Education requirement that instruction in a tradition Japanese musical instrument be undertaken in Japanese junior high schools. A spokes- person for the Hirosaki Board of Education outlined the situation at 176 chapter six

Table 6.14 Initial Experience with Tsugaru Shamisen (approx. %)

Age / Radio Record TV CDs Live Family/ Competitions % respondents events acquaintance under 20 — — 50 5 10 15 20 (16%) 20s–30s — — 55 5 5 15 20 (27%) 40s–50s 15 15 30 — 10 20 10 (32%) over 60 25 5 20 — 10 40 — (25%)

Source: Maeda 2003; N=205. present as a complex balance of limited available time (30 hours per academic year for third-year junior high school students), a sense of responsibility to introduce the range of Japanese traditional music, and a feeling of loyalty to Tsugaru and Tsugaru shamisen. Th e spokes- person explained that the Board of Education can provide a shamisen and a set of CDs to schools, but cannot require that a school bring in a professional shamisen player. He, however, noted that there are a number of local school clubs being formed around Tsugaru shamisen play, with the supervising teacher taking up practice along with the students. Th e opinion section of the survey contributed to illumination of three general themes: a recognition of the popularization of Tsugaru shamisen, a repudiation to the popularization of Tsugaru shamisen and an innovative optimism to the popularization of Tsugaru shamisen. Setting a place-dictated base for these themes, nine out of 10 respondents across the age groups indicated that they felt that Tsugaru shamisen should be seen as a performing art of the Tsugaru District, with approximately half aware of the historical background and origins of Tsugaru shamisen in the social periphery of the Tsugaru Dis- trict. Correspondingly, respondents also saw an event such as the Ado Festival, in which Tsugaru shamisen fi gures prominently, as directly promoting Tsugaru culture and as Tsugaru shamisen as an important element of the local tourism economy. In addition, a majority across age groups also allowed that the popularization of Tsugaru shamisen was due to various national media, specifi cally television, magazines and CDs, and most respondents agreed that Tsugaru shamisen’s current popularity will continue, although interestingly, with less con- the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 177 fi dence in the younger age groups. Supporting this was the view of Tsugaru shamisen as a universally accessible music: from three-quarters of respondents for the under-20 age group up to over 90 percent for the 60s and 70s age group. Indicative of a rejection of the notion of the popularization of Tsugaru shamisen was widespread recognition of the gradual changing of Tsugaru shamisen as it is performed by younger contemporary players. Th is response was naturally more evident among the older respondents, where it accounted for over three-quarters of responses, but was also evident among the under-20 age group, where about half reported recognizing an ongoing change in playing style. Refl ecting this rejection, there was an understanding of the origins and background of Tsugaru shamisen as an instrumental accompaniment of Tsugaru min’yō, with a majority across age groups asserting that Tsugaru shamisen should continue to be used to accompany min’yō, from over 60 percent affi rming this opinion in the youngest group to over 80 in the oldest. Turning to the aspect of innovative optimism regarding the state and future of Tsugaru shamisen and indicative of the notion of versatility of the instrument in the minds of these fans, responses to shamisen as an instrument separate from min’yō prompted an almost identi- cal response to the query regarding the connection between min’yō and shamisen in performance. In this response, Tsugaru shamisen was viewed by respondents also as an instrument and a music of further innovation—revealed in responses averaging around 60 percent holding that further free development of Tsugaru shamisen is a good thing. A vast majority felt that such free development will contribute to Tsugaru shamisen becoming a global music, with higher affi rmative responses among older respondents than younger respondents, perhaps due to the lack of alternative global music styles for the older respondents versus a wide variety of alternatives for the younger. Here again, however, confounding opinions emerge, as a question proposing that the appeal of Tsugaru shamisen would increase if it cut its base with min’yō was soundly rejected at the older age groups and met with ambivalence in the youngest age group. Conversely, in response to a proposal that a search for new potential for Tsugaru shamisen by undertaking collaborative sessions with other instruments would be positive, the under-20 age group yielded the lowest positive response, at about half supporting such a notion, with the three older age groups revealing stronger support. 178 chapter six

Th e conclusion that can be drawn regarding the popularization of Tsugaru shamisen is that while the form of consumption has shift ed from the traveling troupes of the utakai (singing contest) era to the radio and on to television together with concerts and CDs in a fairly predictable pattern, the cultural orientation sought in the music, be that a conservative, even protectionistic notion versus an innovative and developmental posture, is quite complex. In part this may be explained by the increase in participatory association with Tsugaru shamisen, as more people are taking up the instrument and the music as a hobby. Tsugaru shamisen play as a hobby activity was off ered as an important means of production in Chapter Five. In the same manner, consideration of Tsugaru shamisen as hobby is necessary is any examination of its consumption as well. Although off ered in adult education programs sponsored by municipalities in various places throughout Japan, Tsugaru shamisen continues to be mastered through ryuha (schools) and chiefl y aurally and through imitation. Th e pedagogical principle is direct experience and practice; students learn by playing with the teacher where little explanation is off ered. Looking fi rst at a case not in Aomori Prefecture, the Oyama-kai as one of the largest schools in Japan, provides an example of the educational consumption of Tsugaru shamisen. According to the schedule given in the educational section of one of the Oyama school homepages, lessons are off ered at various levels and in both group and private formats several days a week at up to eight locations. Tuition is 6,000 yen per month, with group lessons scheduled twice a month for an hour and individual lessons allotted 40 minutes. Th e homepage includes a listing of new students: 13 for 2004 and 17 for 2005 for a total of 30 for the two years, of whom 22 were women. Th e fi nal page of the education section of the homepage lists Oyama-produced books and CDs for student purchase, mostly recordings of the pieces used for practice and performance. As outlined in Chapter Five, 10 shamisen schools centered on a specifi c leader can be identifi ed in the Tsugaru area, with Sasagawa putting the number of instructors at 20 or more. Taking up the Tada Atsushi Tada Ryuke homepage, individual instruction is off ered with fees beginning at 5,000 yen for two lessons per month, progressing up to 12,500 yen for fi ve lessons per month. Also off ered is a two-day competition preparation course for 150,000 yen. Fees for children up the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 179 to and including junior high school levels are based on the number of students in the class, starting at 13,000 yen for two students and progressing up to 25,000 yen for six students, meeting four times per month. Also announced on the homepage is the opening of a class in Miyagi Prefecture, referring to 20 students enrolled at present. Inter- views with Tada Ryuke students revealed motivations that ranged from stress release to local identity and taking up the challenge of public performance. Having had an interest in Tsugaru shamisen from long ago, practicing the instrument represents a stress release for Mr. Narita, a company employee. Mr. Ueyama, a local civil servant, cites the local identity that is fostered in playing a local instrument. “You can choose any instrument nowadays, but I wanted something that was part of this place.” Finally, Ms. Nishizawa, a hospital employee, is hoping to be able play in front of an audience someday, something totally removed from her everyday professional life. Tada can claim as his student junior high school student Ishioka-kun, 2006 All-Japan Champion, who says that he started playing when he father took up Tsugaru shamisen as a hobby, and now has his sights set on further development as a player.

Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Consumption: Multi-Dimensionality in Representation and Consumption

Th is chapter opened with a scheme for characterizing the representation and consumption of cultural commodities that focused on social representation in creating a consumption consciousness along with the circumstances of consumption outlining the categorization of consumption on the basis of a consumption ethos. Contextualizing the social representation for Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen, Chapter Four outlined the representation of Tsugaru and Tsugaru District cultural commodities as focusing on history and a natural resources and agricultural base, which was expanded with themes which were simultaneously universal in terms of emerging social issues, yet unique in connection to specifi c cultural commodities—safety and trust in agricultural products, preservation and appreciation of Tsugaru culture and health and climate-based tourism. Social representation of a process consciousness was also identifi ed, seen in references to the necessity of an infrastructural base, branding 180 chapter six and representation and community involvement. Th e preferences of cultural commodities producers in media and advertising representation described in this chapter pointed to a focus on the commodity being a Tsugaru cultural commodity, the commodity itself, its emergence through specialized skills, and the importance of the commodity in the culture economy of the area as a tourist product. Th e social representation of Tsugaru lacquerware focuses on the lacquerware itself, on the variety of activities related to the lacquerware community and on the human interest element of the lacquerware. Similarly, the representation of Tsugaru shamisen focuses on the players, the related events and the music itself. Both include representations of the educational and instructional activities related to these commodities. Th e conceptual image that residents have of these two cultural commodities focuses on their innovative and creative characters rather than standardization and representation, as well as revealing a combined image of the industries as market-based and independent from government assistance, yet worthy of assistance suffi cient to ensure the continuation of the commodity itself. Turning to consumption, this chapter showed Tsugaru lacquerware to be consumed in part on the basis of its functional and social utility and in part on the basis of connoisseurship. Th ese connoisseurs are knowledgeable buyers, who appear to want to be even more knowledgeable in their purchases. A two-dimensional consumption ethos can thus be identifi ed for Tsugaru lacquerware, made up of romanticism and a willingness to spend a notable amount of money for high quality lacquerware, and utilitarianism, but a utilitarianism that refl ects both the trajectory element of gift -giving supported by expensive lacquerware as well as the day-to-day utilitarianism of more mod- erately-priced lacquerware. What was interesting in the consumption ethos of Tsugaru lacquerware was the non-importance of an altruistic or generalized sociality expressing solidarity with either region or lacquer artisan. Tsugaru shamisen, on the other hand, reveals a broader and more complex consumption ethos. Th is can be seen in the emotional sentiments that accompany listening to the music, a refl ection of romantiscm and an epiphany which can be revisited through a purchase of the music. Th ere is certainly an element of utilitarianism in the provision of Tsugaru shamisen at venues organized for purposes other than to enjoy shamisen music, in which the music provides an incentive for attendance or a highlight in an otherwise dreary obliga- tory event. Generalized sociality and altruism can be seen in consump- the consumption of tsugaru cultural commodities 181

tion that occurs through the educational realm, as players uniformly refer to keeping the music alive as a motivation for pursuing the study of shamisen.

Tsugaru Lacquerware Sales venues are varied, from exhibitions and direct consumer – circumstances of sales to sales through specialty shops; the character of the product consumption: in appearance and creativity are dominant factors in purchase, consumption setting with comparison, staff knowledge and shop atmosphere also participant consciousness notable; consumers indicate high intention to purchase with wide commodity price price tolerance for both personal and gift use; use consciousness service considerations is highly functional: food-related and interior-related; the lacquerware is seen as very Japanese and for use with both family and guest

– Consumption Ethos: Consumption Ethos can be characterized as primarily utili- romanticism, entitlementism tarianism, both in a use-related functional sense as well as a social utilitarianism, generalized functional sense, the latter identifying an element of generalized sociality, altruistic sociality sociality through gift -giving; given the price tolerance for functional objects such as tables along with the nature of emerging product which are more artistic than functional, evidence of a romanticism and epiphany purchase ethos is identifi able

Tsugaru Shamisen Consumption at the broadest level occurs through CD sales – circumstances of with indirect and limited relation to Tsugaru District; the music consumption: is consumed in a wide variety of local, place-based venues: consumption setting tourist, cultural performance, performance associated with an participant consciousness unrelated event (wedding, reception), and live house and specifi c commodity price Tsugaru shamisen event performances (Ado Matsuri); consumers service considerations prioritize a place-connection along with an association with a well-known performer, and a progressive popularization that accepts an evolving music; there is evidence of a hobby consciousness with functional (stress release) and expressive (performance ambitions) elements; there is predictable cost range and price tolerance: CD price which yields diminishing cost with use, expensive concerts and tourist-based venues, and local consumption through free events, contracted event performance and locally-aff ordable live-house performance

– Consumption Ethos: Consumption Ethos can be characterized as romanticism (place romanticism, entitlementism or music connection); however, there is also a generalized utilitarianism, generalized sociality that accepts the progressive popularization of Tsugaru sociality, altruistic sociality shamisen as a Japanese music

(from Figure 6.1) Figure 6.3 Consumption of Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen 182 chapter six

Created in the social sense through representation in various mediums, consumed in various forms for diff erent reasons, the reality of the consumption of Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen outlines both the complexity of the numerous elements determining the fate of cultural commodities in a culture economy, as well as potential for cultural commodities in local revitalization. CHAPTER SEVEN

CULTURAL COMMODITIES AND LOCAL REVITALIZATION

Th e contents of this book has focused on the cultural commodities of a peripheral area of an advanced nation state, examined with the aim of illuminating the role these commodities can play in the revitalization of that area. Th e research site was the Tsugaru District of Aomori Prefecture and the cultural commodities were Tsugaru nuri lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen music. A framework organized the relationship between cultural commodities and local revitalization as one of place, process and product, which in concrete terms brought the focus to policy, production and consumption. Th is chapter rstfi takes up the applied question of Tsugaru District revitalization and cultural commodities, in the form of a culture economy, in Tsugaru District revitalization and the specifi c future of the two cultural commodities. Th e chapter then highlights a linking of cultural commodities and local revitalization—fi rst through an examination of the importance of historical trajectory for the cultural commodities and second through identifi cation of the potential of these cultural commodities in their conceptual and operational spaces.

Tsugaru Revitalization: Government Policy and a Culture Economy

Economic policy for Aomori Prefecture and Hirosaki City as outlined in the plans and policies examined in Chapter Four acknowledges the reality of the local natural resource base of the area, which in the form of cultural commodities translates to agricultural products and tourism. Th e Hirosaki City Comprehensive Plan focuses on local agricultural resources and tourism, together with a local industrial base that prioritizes Tsugaru lacquerware and a municipal budget that refl ects a range of specifi c measures to improve these areas. Analysis of the Hirosaki City Commerce, Industry and Tourism Department reveals an emphasis on a commerce approach consisting of fi nance measures to support these aims, followed by operational support and promotion of local tourism and local products. 184 chapter seven

Th ese policies refl ect the reality of life in Aomori Prefecture and the Tsugaru District—an objective reality of peripherality and limited opportunity. While being the top national producer of several agricultural and fi sheries products and near the top in numerous others, Aomori, in reality, has a rural employment economy with below-average prefectural income levels, below-average small enterprise sales levels, negative population growth and an aging population. Confl icting attitudes can be seen in self-assessments of Tsugaru identity, with clear recognition of the natural resource base and the importance of agriculture and fi sheries countered by dismissal of both local enterprise and industry as well as local solidarity and participation. Agriculture and fi sheries were viewed as primary factors in Tsugaru development, along with cultural commodities and events, and interestingly, innovation and entrepreneurship and new industry and enterprise—the latter clearly contradicting the rejection of local enterprise of the identity fi ndings. In a similar manner, local consumer support of local enterprise was emphasized in relation to development, contradicting the rejection of local solidarity as a Tsugaru identity trait. As a part of the culture economy necessary to realize the potential of cultural commodities in revitalization, media representation of local development and revitalization was abundant and clear in its orientation. Tourism, product branding and product quality and safety (particularly in agricultural products), together with local fi nancing, local cooperation between industry, government and research together with local consumption of local products (chisan-chishō) were clearly prioritized in this representation. Th e completion of the Shinkan- sen high-speed train link between Tokyo and Hachinohe City, to be extended to Aomori City, and the potential presented by the Heisei- era municipal mergers were represented as important externally-controlled elements of local revitalization. Th e potential of culture in local development was also identifi ed in the opinions of local residents and cultural commodities producers—indicative of a grassroots recognition of this purely local element as well. Well-informed or not, these responses refl ected an emphasis on local festivals and the area’s natural resources, followed by priorities that emphasized local character, local tradition and a local consciousness of that tradition, along with tourism promotion and a consciousness that supports entrepreneurship based on that local character and tradition. cultural commodities and local revitalization 185

Th e Future of Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen

If approaches to Aomori and the Tsugaru District’s future are to be found in cultural commodities, the question is, which cultural commodities. As it stands, the two place-name designated cultural commodities of the Tsugaru District off er highly contrasting future scenarios.

Th e Contested Future of Tsugaru Lacquerware Whereas the consciousness of Edo period Tsugaru lacquerware production was creativity and innovation, the market reality of the Meiji period forced the lacquerware industry to undertake a gradual transition to a mass-production approach. Th is led to production of standardized and representative forms and patterns, in which the product line consisted of bowls, platters and tea-service sets done in uniformly similar kara-nuri, nanako-nuri or monsha-nuri color and pattern schemes, forms and patterns which were then reinforced with the lacquerware’s designation as a Traditional Craft in the 1970s. While the past fi ve or so years have seen creative development of the Royal Collection Series and a re-emergence of the spirit of innovation among some lacquer artisans, for the most part, the Tsugaru lacquerware that is available in most sales venues is done in these post-Meiji, post- designation, ‘modern-traditional’ forms, colors and patterns. As outlined in detail in Chapter Four, the 2004 National Lac- querware Association Report for Tsugaru Lacquerware closed with industry-level proposals that focused on information dissemination, subsidy provision and local demand expansion countered by enterprise-level proposals that focused on a fusion of technical expertise with consumer needs, a relaxation of material standards to reduce costs, measures for securing successors, and strategies for developing a stronger brand image and educating consumers on the quality of Tsugaru lacquerware. Th e multi-dimensional breadth of the proposals aside, the contradictory content of the proposals clearly identifi ed division on such issues as subsidy disbursement on a quality versus an equality basis, expectations of prefectural and municipal support through PR campaigns versus administrative support through purchases outright, and a tension between quality versus costs in production while still promoting the lacquerware as a high quality and long-use commodity. 186 chapter seven

Confl icting opinions were apparent in industry leadership as well. Association leadership held that the future of Tsugaru lacquerware was to be found in a combination of creation, education, and interaction. Creation in this sense is seen in the industry identifying and developing products that match some notion of contemporary Japa- nese lifestyle, with education a means of cultivating knowledgeable consumers—consumers able to appreciate lacquerware on the basis of both aesthetics and quality. Th e means for achieving these two dimensions is the third, interaction, brought about by a rethinking of the product distribution mechanism in order to increase interaction between creator and consumer. Along with organizing events in order to realize this interaction, association leadership saw the Internet as the tool by which to expand the range of Tsugaru lacquerware, ‘by capturing the interest of consumers who are looking for something, but don’t know what exactly it is’ in hopes that the lacquerware will be it. Countering this consumer- centered philosophy is the argument that lacquerware producers must rediscover their roots and return to being lacquerware craft smen and lacquerware artists. According to this thinking, whereas a contemporary lacquerware producer is using pre-ordained lacquering techniques on prescribed wooden base forms to produce predictable lacquerware pieces for distribution through infl exible wholesale systems to unde- manding and uninformed consumers, the lacquerware artisan and the lacquerware artist must look for ways to create craft s, a process comprised of equal parts understanding the essence of lacquerware creation and knowing how to match one’s own creativity with consumer sentiments. Th e reality is that both approaches, and both types of producers, are needed. Th e investigation herein points to a future for Tsugaru lacquerware in a balanced approach, one in which the importance of representation and market for the standardized and representative forms and patterns of Tsugaru lacquerware—what can be called the ‘modern-traditional’—is balanced by the innovative creativity of both the lacquerware craft sman and the lacquerware artisan. isTh ‘modern-traditional’ Tsugaru lacquerware clearly has a function as a Tsugaru cultural commodity: it is the local lacquerware for a novice who seeks ‘starter pieces;’ it is the cultural commodity for the tourist who wishes to take a piece of Tsugaru back home; it is the brand good of choice for the Tsugaru gift giver who seeks a socially safe, yet meaningful object for a strictly-prescribed social act. At the same time, new meaning must cultural commodities and local revitalization 187 be continually created for Tsugaru lacquerware—meaning created by craft sman and artisan. While recognizing that the innovative potential inherent in lacquerware can accommodate the artistic creativity of the artist in lacquered artwork on the one hand, there is a more locally meaningful potential in the use of lacquer in Tsugaru lacquerware patterns as a value- added component of a pre-existing product on the other. Herein lies the work of the lacquer craft sman. Some craft smen have been experimenting with judicious use of lacquer on larger furniture objects such as bookcases and dressers, where lacquer over the entire object would be aesthetically overwhelming, cost prohibitive or simply meaningless, but where just enough in the right place can dramatically change the character of the product. Such an idea could be extended to a ‘Tsugaru lacquerware home,’ with a selected pattern and color providing a motif for an entire house. While visually pleasing in selected applications throughout a house, informed use would also capitalize the specifi c characteristics of lacquerware: from its durability in high use areas such as light switches and staircase railings to its imperviousness to dampness in kitchen and bath areas. Such a large-scale value-added approach bypasses the obstacle of selling a relatively high-priced single lacquerware item, instead integrating the cost as an element of a larger purchase. Th ese characteristics support use in institutional settings as well. In addition to its durability and moisture imperviability, hardened lacquer sap is highly anti-bacterial; thus, the potential for lacquer use in settings where bacterial contamination is high and the consequences meaningful should be noted. Examples in which a combination of the physical properties of lacquer together with the social signifi cance of the Tsugaru lacquerware patterns would be meaningful include homes for the aged or in school settings, where the anti-bacterial properties are important and the traditional patterns, whether of the Edo period innovative creativity or the modern-traditional, could provide a sense of nostalgia for aged residents and a sense of Tsugaru for local youth.

Th e Combinative Future of Tsugaru Shamisen Despite the fact that Tsugaru shamisen is experiencing less the crisis that currently characterizes Tsugaru lacquerware, consideration of the future of Tsugaru shamisen is important, particularly in terms of that future in relation to the Tsugaru District. While there is a tension in the world of Tsugaru shamisen that is similar to that in Tsugaru 188 chapter seven lacquerware—between past and present, between innovative creativity and standardized representation—the music overall is enjoying a quiet and steady boom, at local, national and international levels. As was the case for the lacquerware, the innovative tradition of Tsugaru shamisen in origin gave way to standardization, albeit under vastly diff erent circumstances. While the early shamisen players, most of them social outcasts, innovated to diff erentiate themselves from other players, the advance of Tsugaru shamisen to local competitions and onto a national stage through radio and television brought a standardization and traditionalization of the music to fi ve set pieces: Jonkara bushi, Yosare bushi, Ohara bushi, Aiya bushi, and San-sagari bushi. Th ese are the pieces that all shamisen players work to perfect; these are the pieces performed in the national competitions held each year; these are the pieces showcased in the tourist sites and live houses of Hirosaki and Aomori cities every day and night. Th e present expansion of the music nationally and internationally is, however, being fueled by a renewed sense of innovation—a sense of innovation which has the Tsugaru shamisen as an instrument along with the tra- ditionalized Tsugaru shamisen pieces being re-interpreted, and also being fused with other instruments and other musical genres. In a manner similar to that of Tsugaru lacquerware, Tsugaru shamisen is faced with a tension between the representation off ered by the modern-traditional pieces versus the continual innovation of the music as it advances toward its future, locally, nationally and on the global music scene. As with the lacquerware, the reality is, however, that both of these styles of play and performance are necessary to ensure the success of Tsugaru shamisen music. Th e local Tsugaru shamisen music industry— local in the sense of referring to the live music industry in the Tsugaru District along with the educational Tsugaru shamisen industry in the forms that operate throughout Japan—depends on the playing of the ‘modern-traditional’ Tsugaru shamisen, the fi ve set pieces. However, the global styles of Tsugaru shamisen that are emerging and being performed extend the range of the music, with new pieces and new genres being created in a manner that represents the true tradition of Tsugaru shamisen, not in a standardized form, but in the innovative process of music creation. In that sense, the future of Tsugaru shamisen is secure—with the increasing levels of national and international interest, the music will continue to transcend the boundaries of geography and style. cultural commodities and local revitalization 189

As for the future of Tsugaru shamisen, the tension, and the opportunity for Tsugaru shamisen in Tsugaru is very real. On the one hand, all informants agreed that the Tsugaru District cannot simply claim Tsugaru shamisen as its own, nor is this any longer possible, and that the music community must allow for new players with new outlooks to forge new music. On the other, Tsugaru shamisen is the music of Tsugaru, a music born in Tsugaru, in the history of Tsugaru, the seasons of Tsugaru, the people of Tsugaru. Th e best Tsugaru shamisen players say they sense a change in the music when they are in Tsugaru; that being in Tsugaru brings out a certain way of playing that yields a certain sound. Most agree that it is not a perfectly pleasing sound; rather, it is a Tsugaru sound—not too slick, not too clean, rough and not too ‘spot on,’ but powerful and real and honest. Most say it is the sound of passion, a passion not in hairstyle or costume, not in stage lighting or performance hall. It is a passion created by the player—a passion that demands a responding passion in the listener. For most players, Tsugaru play represents the core of Tsugaru shamisen—all the rest is the add-on. Th us, there is a future for Tsugaru shamisen in Tsugaru—the place where Tsugaru shamisen was born. All agree that for a Tsugaru shamisen player, making a trip to one of the national festivals held in Tsugaru, taking time to learn the origins of the music by spend- ing time at the museum and the other sites dedicated to Nitabō, the man Daijō credits with originating what has become modern Tsugaru shamisen, going to a live house and feeling the audience get caught up in the play of a passionate, but perhaps not fully professional player . . . these are tantamount to a pilgrimage, a necessary part of becoming a full-fl edged Tsugaru shamisen player. In the end, the music will evolve. Tsugaru’s role in that evolution will be to protect the origins and early history of the music—the places that constitute the begin- nings of Tsugaru shamisen. Th e Tsugaru District bears this responsibility of protecting the origins, and along with responsibility comes opportunity.

Th e Reality of Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization: Historical Trajectory

Speaking directly to the question of cultural commodities in local revitalization and the nature of cultural commodity production and 190 chapter seven consumption, the research identifi es a cultural-resource-based revitalization policy as being, by necessity, multi-dimensional, opportunistic and constructionistic in ways that expand the traditional policy of local development to a culture economy. It is also clear that cultural commodities-based local revitalization is subject to many infl uences, among them broad demands on revitalization policy overall and the nature of external infl uences on policy, the characteristics of the cultural resources and cultural commodities available to local revitalization policy, and the specifi c mechanisms of the culture economy that are possible and that emerge in a place. Clearly there are limits to what cultural commodities and the culture economy in local revitalization can accomplish. Th at local opportunities for local revitalization lie in a multi-dimensional range of local cultural resources is, to a degree, obvious. But for this multi-dimensional range of resources to contribute to local revitalization, the opportunities must be recognized and acted upon, which is to say the cultural resources themselves as well as the opportunities they represent must be recognized, and be organized in a manner attractive and meaningful as a commodity, yet sustainable as a resource. One mechanism by which this opportunistic construction- ism can be seen to take place is operationalization of local identity and local factors of development through the processes of social representation within the area via the local media—a mechanism fundamental to a culture economy, yet not within direct control of policy. Th e social representation of the very notion of local revitalization, together with representation of the potential resources and the mechanisms by which to capitalize on them signals an opportunistic and construction- ist approach to revitalization, in which policy, specifi c industry and interested parties, and the local residents at large are brought into a process of establishing, organizing and capitalizing on, and managing and maintaining a cultural commodity. Th e degree to which these processes and the cultural commodities that emerge through these processes overlap with local revitalization policy as organized by local government is clearly an important point, given the tension between expectations of entrepreneurship and citizen participation on one side and administrative leadership on the other. Th e case for the Tsugaru District clearly shows that revitalization policy recognizes some cultural resources as established elements of local identity with revitalization potential, among them festivals and Tsugaru lacquerware, on the one hand, but also that revitalization policy has missed the potential cultural commodities and local revitalization 191 off ered by other cultural commodities, Tsugaru shamisen to name the most obvious one, on the other. As important as recognizing and constructing potential cultural commodities, however, is addressing the reality that success in incorporating cultural commodities in local revitalization may, to a large degree, be more a function of the historical trajectory of the cultural resource and its current circumstance than of any element of policy. Does the fact that Tsugaru lacquerware originated in the highest levels of Edo society and now enjoys signifi cant government patronage infl uence its market presence or sustainability in the present day? Does the fact that Tsugaru shamisen was born among social marginals of early-Meiji society and has benefi ted from virtually no government support contribute to its broad popularity as a national, if not international, music today? One could argue that Tsugaru lacquerware may benefi t more by its association with the Tsugaru District more than the Tsugaru District benefi ts from being the home of Tsugaru lacquerware. Tourists who come to see a Tsugaru festival in many cases take home a piece of Tsugaru lacquerware. No one comes to Tsugaru to buy lacquerware. Contrarily, while Tsugaru shamisen, consumed on a national or international level, needs nothing more than its established Tsugaru place-name, the Tsugaru District could likely capitalize more fruitfully on its status as the home of this music phenomenon. I have heard many references to visitors making a stop in Hirosaki to hear ‘real Tsugaru shamisen.’ Th is contrast argues for an analytical approach to understanding cultural commodities through their historical trajectories, identifi ed in changes that occur in:

1. the place of production and consumption of the commodity; 2. the socio-economic circumstances of production and consumption; 3. the character of the techniques and the forms and patterns of the commodity; 4. the conception and consciousness of commodity producer; and 5. the conception and consciousness of the commodity consumer.

Table 7.1 outlines these analytical parameters for Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen, capturing the sense of change that has characterized their historical trajectory and off ering what the future trajectory may bring. 192 chapter seven

Table 7.1 Historical Trajectory: Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen

Tsugaru Lacquerware Tsugaru Shamisen Place of Origin: Tsugaru District Origin: Tsugaru District production / Production: Tsugaru District Transition: Tokyo, media, national consumption Consumption: Tsugaru District, limited Current: Tsugaru, national, international consumption nationally

Analysis: High Place Connection Analysis: Low Place Connection Future: will remain place-based Future: will regain Tsugaru signifi cance Socio-economic Origin: artisans under elite patronage Origin: social outcasts in social margins circumstance of systems (1600s–late 1800s); in late 1800s production / Transition: to market (1970–1970) Transition: competitive contest-style consumption Current: modern patronage through play, popularization via television government subsidies for large (1910–1960s); producers/wholesalers and Current: high profi le stars making sub-contract sole-proprietorships; CDs, performing concerts-events, sales through independent, specialty live houses, national competitions; stores and tourist venues educational venues

Analysis: from Traditional Patronage Analysis: from Peripherality to to Modern Patronage Professionalism Future: Independent Craft sman Future: Broad Social Integration through Hobby Play Character of Origin: creative innovation; lacquering Origin: creativity/innovation important; techniques techniques extensively varied, originality rewarded and patterns creative and original; Transition: development of a resulting forms Transition: mass production with representative repertoire lacquering techniques/patterns Current: continued performance of standardized to four styles established repertoire; simultaneous Current: transition continued, but innovation and fusion with various rediscovery/reappraisal of traditional other instruments and genres creativity

Analysis: from Creative Innovation to Analysis: from Creative Innovation to Standardization Integrative Creativity Future: Traditional Modernity Future: Multi-Stranded Creativity Conception / Origin: lacquer craft sman (nushi) Origin: blind beggar (hoido) consciousness Transition: worker (shokunin) Transition: traditional music musician of producer Current: tension between shokunin, Current: skilled musician and nushi, lacquer artisan and artist performer, teacher

Analysis: from Craft sman to Worker Analysis: from Outcast to Professional Future: Craft sman and Artisan Future: Multi-dimensional Professional cultural commodities and local revitalization 193

Table 7.1 (cont.)

Tsugaru Lacquerware Tsugaru Shamisen Conception / Origin: elite patrons purchasing social Origin: wealthy benefactor or business consciousness prestige; owner; of the Transition: wide range for personal Transition: festival setting, group con- consumer use, use for guests and as a gift ; sumption; Current: tourism, gift , high-priced Current: traditional music afi cionado, Japanese style items; non-traditional new traditional pop music fan, hobby Forms: jewelry and expensive art player, Japan or local identity seeker

Analysis: Elitism to Functional Analysis: Entertainment to Social Utilitarianism Future: Identity Multi-dimensional Social Utilitarianism Future: Participatory Consumption vs. Epiphany Possession

While any cultural commodity viewed on the basis of these frame- works will yield diff erent characteristics, analytical interpretations and informed contributions, the case for Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen is instructive in highlighting the nature of the conclusions that can be drawn. An understanding of the place of production and consumption of a cultural commodity identifi es the importance of ‘locale’ in the conception of the commodity and the practical mobil- ity of the commodity, as a function of its potential to be appreciated in consumption outside its place of origin. An understanding of the socio-economic circumstances of production and consumption identify such characteristics as patronage, competition and professionalization along with the implications of that patronage, competition and professionalization, pointing to an analysis of future potential in cultivating independence for the commodity industry, as in Tsugaru lacquerware, or broad social integration, as in the case for Tsugaru shamisen. Understanding the character of the techniques and forms of a cultural commodity yields an analysis of tensions between innovation and standardization and questions of creativity that can take place within some constraints characteristic of the commodity, as in the case of the materials and techniques available to lacquerware, versus an integrative creativity that can accommodate a wide range of infl uences while still remaining true to the essential character of the commodity, as in the shamisen and Tsugaru shamisen. Understanding the conceptual consciousness of the cultural commodity producer identifi es an analytical assessment about the characteristics of the producer, be it salary worker, technical craft sman, creative artisan, hobby player 194 chapter seven or professional performer. Finally, understanding the conception of the conceptual consciousness of the consumer identifi es the analytical ethos of consumption, whether elitist or utilitarian, aimed at identity creation or social participation. Given an overview of the historical trajectory that has yielded a cultural commodity in its present circumstance, the question of revitalization then becomes a question of how policy can better accommodate and capitalize on the commodity as it is in its present circumstance, both for the sake of the future of the commodity itself, but also for the good of the area. Policy is driven through planning but realized in budgets, with development and revitalization policy largely realized through various forms of either fi nancial support or nancialfi incentive. Policy related to Tsugaru lacquerware originates at government levels which are national, prefectural and municipal, with funding at the national level a function of the lacquerware’s designation as a Traditional Craft Product. Th us far this policy has focused on increasing demand for this designated, modern-traditional form of the lacquerware. Prefectural and municipal support has focused primarily on association management, increasing sales, successor training, new product development, and creation of Internet homepages. Th is support has been provided in the form of fi nancing and industry promotion, along with funding to promote Tsugaru lacquerware at national, and increasingly international exhibitions. Hirosaki City also funds numerous sales exhibitions and supports Tsugaru lacquerware as a cultural property. Logically, local consumption should help the industry while also contributing to both the economic and the cultural-identity profi le of the area. An important question is thus to what degree local policy contributes to a broadening of local consumption in a manner that goes beyond the tourist sales or gift purchases that characterize much of local lacquerware consumption—a broadening of local consumption that could contribute to local revitalization in both tangible measures of the economic as well as intangible measures of strengthened local identity. Th is policy objective is cast in opposition to a competing policy objective that seeks to establish Tsugaru lacquerware as a brand-name elsewhere—the contributions of which to the revitalization of the area and the industry are uncertain and largely limited but for a select few local lacquer craft smen. Indeed, there may be a risk in that providing funding in a misguided approach or for misplaced cultural commodities and local revitalization 195 objectives can, in the end, compromise what may have been a competitive industry or further compromise what may have been a strug- gling industry. Th e historical trajectory of Tsugaru lacquerware may be just such a case: the lacquerware originated through patronage of a highly innovative and creative industry, which was followed by a long gradual transition to standardization, but with dependable sales during the years when there were few alternatives to high quality lacquerware. Its designation as a traditional cultural commodity completed its transition to a modern form of patronage. Th e industry, however, now fi nds itself unable to return to its creative origins, unable to produce the goods, innovative in both function and pattern, that attract consumption as its market has hollowed on the one hand, while coming to be increasingly dependent on this modern patronage support in the form of an array of national, prefectural and municipal subsidies on the other. Moreover, this modern patronage system supports eff orts to develop demand for the very standardized lacquerware products for which the market is shrinking while failing to provide support for mechanisms that could return the industry to it creative origins. Not only does the policy, in its predominance of subsidy support, fail to create a meaningful contribution to the revitalization of the area, it may be further handicapping the industry. One could conclude that the historical trajectory of Tsugaru shamisen has spared it this fate. Originating in the margins of society, it has for the most part, not been granted any policy support through its history—nor is it now. Rather, as was pointed out repeatedly by local Tsugaru shamisen leaders, there is the feeling that the local municipalities are instead capitalizing on the music’s current name- value while off ering the industry or the players very little tangible support. Th e continued existence of the music, indeed the likely expansion of the music, costs the municipality, and likewise, the prefecture and the national government, little in the way of policy support, either planning or budget-related. However, in terms of contributing to local revitalization, while the economic contribution of local consumption of Tsugaru shamisen is notable but not signifi cant, in terms of constituting a contributing factor to the brand power of the Tsugaru place-name, as well as to the attractiveness of the Tsugaru District as a tourist destination overall and in terms of constituting a pilgrimage destination for Tsugaru shamisen music fans and players, the music has the potential to provide a tremendous contribution to the revitalization of the area. 196 chapter seven

Toward More Eff ective Policy for Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization From an applied perspective then, how can local revitalization policy better accommodate and capitalize on local cultural resources as cultural commodities? First of all, policy can adopt a more informed approach which would look to the varied mechanisms of the culture economy overall, and social representation in particular, that operate to both signify the cultural resources with potential as cultural commodities and direct policy and representation in framing these commodities. A example of this can be found in the social representation of themes unrelated to the cultural commodity directly, but powerful nonetheless—themes such as concern for product safety and producer trust in the realm of agricultural goods. In many cases, such themes can be applied to other cultural commodities as well. In the case of Tsugaru lacquerware, the fact that it is a natural product and therefore both safe to use and environmentally friendly on the one hand, and the fact that it is a locally produced product and therefore highly con- ducive to promotion on the basis of producer trust and local solidarity on the other, make recognition of the potential of these representational themes important for policy makers. Second, policy formation can be more aware of what the cultural can teach the economic, particularly in the realm of specifi c historical trajectories. Th e fact that innovative creativity based on highly specialized techniques yielding a vast array of patterns was the true tradition of Edo-period Tsugaru lacquerware undercuts much of the economic logic that argues for mass-production of a standardized, but representative pattern. It is precisely this cultural element that can inform the economic orientation—in the case of Tsugaru lacquerware—that the economic potential of the lacquerware lies in chaotic creativity of traditional technique rather than the uniformity of representative patterns produced on each and every piece in a wholly standardized industry. Recognition of this historical trajectory should shift the policy objectives related to Tsugaru lacquerware not only to the promotion of traditional techniques which yield unique pieces of lacquerware, thereby rewarding innovation, but also to the cultivation of technically-skilled and aesthetically-informed lacquer craft smen. In its ideal form, policy does not promote a product but rather the people who produce the product, the people with the technical and creative mastery to produce a legitimate and appealing product. Th is is also related to the repre- cultural commodities and local revitalization 197 sentation of lacquerware as outlined above—the consumer is not just buying a piece of lacquerware; he or she is buying a creative technique realized in a one-of-a-kind product. Th ird, policy can focus on ensuring the success of the cultural commodity at home fi rst and foremost. At present Tsugaru lacquerware policy, as well as opinion with the lacquerware community, is bitterly divided over the contradiction of attempting to stimulate an industry and cultivate successors for a product that is increasingly seen as being targeted toward potential but unrealized national and overseas markets. Being based on culture, a cultural commodity must succeed at home in order to appeal elsewhere, and there is a question as to whether Tsugaru lacquerware in its present form can attain that level of sustained local consumption. Once again, Tsugaru shamisen presents a diff erent scenario, having not pushed its music onto either the nation or onto the world. Th e music was, rather, pulled to Tokyo in the 1960s and pulled to global venues thereaft er, on the basis of its popularity at home. Th at individual players took the music to Tokyo was an extension of its place in the utakai singing contests in Tsugaru; that players took it overseas was an extension of its popularity in Japan. What does the research off er regarding the production and consumption of local cultural commodities directly and how these elements may contribute to local revitalization? Given the contrastive nature of the historical trajectories between Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen, three points based on their present circumstances emerge, one related to production, one related to representation and one to consumption. Th e fi rst point is the admonition to be aware of and, to the degree possible, be true to the specifi c tradition of the cultural commodity itself. As outlined above, Tsugaru lacquerware originated in a tradition of innovation and creativity. Th is tradition was gradually lost over the modern history of the lacquerware from the start of the Meiji period to the present, replaced by an invented tradition of representative forms and patterns. It is the true tradition that may provide the means for contemporary lacquer craft smen to expand beyond kara-nuri, nanako-nuri and monsha-nuri, as the hun- dreds of Edo-period te-ita patterns are now being catalogued by a local lacquerware preservation association on the basis of style and technique as a means to inspire more creative lacquerware. Although Tsugaru shamisen refl ects a similar loss of innovative creativity in its early historical trajectory, it has also maintained a balance between the 198 chapter seven modern-traditional repertoire and the extensions of these pieces with individualistic and innovative adaptations, together with the adaptation of the music to other musical genres and instrumental combinations. Th e second area related to how cultural commodities may contribute to local revitalization concerns the creation and ongoing maintenance of a cultural commodity through social representation. Tsugaru lacquerware is portrayed largely on the basis of themes such as product development, local exhibitions and awards to lacquer craft smen—the news of the industry. What is lacking is the media creation of a lacquerware that is connected to the interests and concerns of contemporary consumers and residents. As outlined above, Tsugaru lacquerware has an ideal connection to notions of both product safety and producer trust, this on the basis of its use of natural materials and local production, as well as its environmental friendliness, as discarded lacquer degrades over time under natural conditions to natural substances. As for the representation of Tsugaru shamisen, one interview infor- mant related how traditional Okinawan music has been represented as contributing to community solidarity and individual stress-relief. Th e representation of Tsugaru shamisen, meanwhile, focuses largely on professional players and local events. A personal connection with a cultural commodity is not built on the media representation of news; it is built on representing that commodity in the lives, interests and concerns of the local people. Th e third area of interest that emerged in examination of the production and consumption of Tsugaru cultural commodities is consideration of the varied modes of potential consumption. Tsugaru shamisen has done well in this regard, creating a multi-dimensional interest in a wide range of elements related to the music. As the music gained popularity, the biographical stories of the players created a literary base which further solidifi ed the music’s place in the nation’s consciousness. Several televised documentaries about the music and the players have been produced and engaging Tsugaru shamisen competitions are well-publicized and inviting to the public. But most important to the maintenance of Tsugaru shamisen as a cultural commodity has been its status as a hobby activity, resulting in a fan base of approximately 100,000 players throughout Japan. While Tsugaru lacquerware, by virtue of the allergenic properties of raw lacquer sap, cannot hope for such an expanse of popular interest in the early steps of lacquerware production, creating a fan base through participation cultural commodities and local revitalization 199 in the design and fi nishing work of personal lacquerware pieces could have dramatic implications for the industry. Tsugaru shamisen researcher Daijō related that he undertook the search for the originator of the music in the mid-1980s in response to the fact that even the best players knew nothing of the roots of their music. Th is work culminated in several books detailing the early history of Tsugaru shamisen through the 1990s. Despite being designated a Traditional Craft Product in 1975, it has only been in the past fi ve years that much of controversy over the early history of Tsugaru lacquerware was put to rest, with this story now available to the public. Th e power of such stories is signifi cant; Daijō’s biography of Nitabō has been made into a popular movie, generating further interest in the music. While Tsugaru lacquerware has long attempted to sell more pieces in order to advance the industry, it has done little to create an interest in the history of the lacquerware or the character of the early craft smen.

Th e Promise of Cultural Commodities in Local Revitalization: Conceptual and Operational Space

Th e assertion that the inclusion of cultural commodities in local revitalization must take into account historical trajectories leads to proposal of a means for realizing the potential of any cultural commodity. From the analytical perspective of historical trajectory, it is clear that cultural commodities, while complex in their history, form, production and consumption, can be reduced to a set of conceptual parameters—parameters which, using the work of Gardenfors (2000, 2004) can be seen as defi ning a conceptual space. The reality—the actual circumstances—of the cultural commodity is contained within this conceptual space. Th e potential—economic and cultural—for a cultural commodity can then be found in the contrast between conceptual space and reality of the commodity—identifying what can be called its operational space. It is in the management and manipulation of this operational space that both the cultural commodity industry management and revitalization policy utilizing the cultural commodity can best be organized. It is in the mismatch between these spaces, the conceptual and the operational, in a focus on only one aspect at the exclusion of another, that the peril of unrecognized compromise 200 chapter seven

economic promotion prioritizing exploitation

standardized - individuality representative and innovative form and creativity pattern

exclusivity: extensivity: quality, price recognition, and regionality education and accessibility

cultural promotion prioritizing preservation Figure 7.1 Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Conceptual Space emerges. Conversely, it is in the combination and coordination of these two spaces that the promise of cultural commodities in local revitalization is realized. For Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen, this cultural commodity conceptual—operational space is based on the six fundamental criteria outlined below, confi gured as intuitively contrasting criteria as shown in Figure 7.1:

– concrete standardized and representative forms and patterns – techniques allowing for individual innovative creativity – priority on quality and regionalism resulting in exclusivity – priority on recognition and accessibility yielding extensivity – cultural promotion prioritizing preservation – economic promotion prioritizing exploitation.

Th e criteria which are used to describe the space should be seen as combinatively inclusive, meaning that a cultural commodity can fi ll cultural commodities and local revitalization 201

economic promotion: economic promotion: standardized - exploitation standardized - exploitation representative representative innovative innovative creativity creativity

exclusivity: exclusivity: extensivity: extensivity: quality/price regionality accessibility accessibility cultural promotion: cultural promotion: preservation preservation Tsugaru Lacquerware Tsugaru Shamisen Figure 7.2 Conceptual Space for Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen the widest conceptual space, fulfi lling each of the criteria and thereby comprising the fullest range of its operational potential. In principle, a cultural commodity can have both a standardized and representative form while also allowing for creativity and innovation; a cultural commodity can accommodate exclusivity by virtue of being costly in some forms while allowing for accessibility to the widest number of consumers in others; a cultural commodity can be regarded as a cultural artifact justifying preservation on the basis of varying degrees of government support in some forms while also recognizing economic potential arguing for exploitation through market mechanisms in other forms. In reality, most cultural commodities, however, refl ect a con- centration in or across certain areas of this conceptual space, oft en the result of their specifi c historical trajectory, being for example, innovative, exclusive and subject to preservation in one case, or standardized, extensive and being exploited for economic potential in another. In the case of Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen, the following conceptual spaces can be mapped. In the most general terms, Tsugaru lacquerware is supported through subsidies to be exploited on the basis of assumed economic potential and standardized to representative forms and patterns yet fairly exclusive, based on its price. Tsugaru shamisen, on the other hand, is less subject to either preservation or exploitation; its innovative creativity is more apparent and valued and it is highly extensive and accessible due to its ubiquitous mode of transmission and its relatively low price. Th ese conceptual spaces are shown in Figure 7.2. Both within the community that controls the destiny of any cultural commodity and within a culture economy that attempts to place a cultural commodity in the realm of local revitalization, there will 202 chapter seven

economic promotion: economic promotion: standardized - exploitation standardized - exploitation representative representative innovative innovative creativity creativity

exclusivity: exclusivity: extensivity: extensivity: quality/price regionality accessibility accessibility cultural promotion: cultural promotion: preservation preservation Tsugaru Lacquerware Tsugaru Shamisen Figure 7.3 Operational Space for Tsugaru Lacquerware and Tsugaru Shamisen: Exploitation be tensions between competing objectives—tensions that can be illustrated in an operational space view of the commodity. For example, as shown in Figure 7.3, Tsugaru lacquerware has adopted an operational space that emphasizes exploitation, through a standardized and representative form along with extensivity based on consumer accessibility. Th is ignores both the combination of innovation-creativity and quality-price exclusivity along with cultural promotion, either as of value in and other themselves, or in how they as well may contribute to a future for the commodity economically or otherwise. Likewise for Tsugaru shamisen, an exploitation-oriented operational space will look fairly similar to the current conceptual space, in that the performance is more geared toward exploitation, extensivity and accessibility. However, what the case for the two Tsugaru cultural commodities examined herein has shown is that any two logically exclusive notions, such as preservation and exploitation, innovation and standardization, and exclusivity and accessibility, may in fact off er an informed strategy for securing the future of the commodity. It may be in the preservation of the true traditions as the guiding philosophies in the exploitation that Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen can ensure a sustainable future. A similar combinative approach may be seen in those in the Tsu- garu lacquerware community who would continue in the ‘traditional modern’ production pattern focusing on four patterns in the established forms and those who support the incorporation of the creative designs of the innovative Edo-period nushi lacquer craft smen. Th ere are combinations in those who would preserve the local market as a cultural commodities and local revitalization 203

economic promotion: economic promotion: standardized - exploitation standardized - exploitation representative representative innovative innovative creativity creativity

exclusivity: exclusivity: extensivity: extensivity: quality/price regionality accessibility accessibility cultural promotion: cultural promotion: preservation preservation Tsugaru Lacquerware Tsugaru Shamisen Figure 7.4 Conceptual-Operational Space: Combination and Coordination priority, working to ensure that Tsugaru lacquerware sells in Tsugaru, and those who prioritize promotion into new and highly competitive markets as far away as Europe and North America. Innovation and expansion highlights combinations in those who see progress in the form of the lacquerware as still constrained by the notion of the craft as functional—as table and tableware, even jewelry or house furnishings—and those who see Tsugaru lacquerware as art, for sale as an artistic work to a buyer who seeks the value of the piece or the artist, rather than its association with history or place. Such combinations can be seen in the consumption of Tsugaru lacquerware as well, as a consumer may be motivated by a consumption ethos of utilitarianism and a sense of generalized sociality enacted through the purchase of a gift , altruism and community solidarity with the lacquerware craft sman and the Tsugaru District as a place through a purchase for personal daily use, or romanticism and entitlement in the epiphany purchase described above, an expensive and truly innovative Tsugaru lacquerware art piece. Management of the combinations in the Tsugaru lacquerware industry can be illustrated through an appropriate operational space, which will organize the inclusion of a cultural commodity into a culture economy and identify potential for expansion (Figure 7.4). As shown, the promise presented by Tsugaru lacquerware’s operational space can be seen in both innovation and creativity and extensivity and accessibility. Th e former would be in a return to its roots, the latter in recognition of a market reality and the potential eff ect of educational and experiential activities in promoting the lacquerware. Th e present operational space for Tsugaru shamisen in Tsugaru would 204 chapter seven seem to place potential in creating exclusivity, through, for example, improving the quality or standard of the music or the performance in a rediscovery of innovative creativity, or even in the establishment of a Tsugaru shamisen recording industry to accompany the national competitions. Potential can also be seen in the music community working to increase the cultural promotion potential of the music, by, for example, the Tsugaru District re-appropriating its responsibility for the preservation of the geographic origins of the music. In terms of how this operational space contributes to cultural commodities in Tsugaru revitalization, the culture economy, through policy and representation, can work with the industries and communities to push or pull these cultural commodities to fi ll out the potential identifi ed in the operational space. Th e degree that the operational space of any one cultural commodity is balanced in combination with the operational spaces of other cultural commodities is indicative on one level of the potential of a place and its cultural resources, and on another, of the eff orts by residents, stakeholders and policy makers in realizing a successful culture economy. Finally, the conceptual-operational space, or spaces when considering multiple cultural commodities for a place as in the present case of Tsugaru, can contribute to the process of identity creation for a place. Tsugaru, as a place, can capitalize on its two cultural commodities directly, but also by incorporating Tsugaru lacquerware’s notion of innovative creativity and Tsugaru shamisen’s right to recapture Tsuga- ru’s right to exclusivity as the birthplace of this now-global music. Th is then creates for the Tsugaru District an identity—not as the outlying and peripheral prefecture at the end of the road in northern Japan, but as a place that, due to its unique positioning in Japan’s history, actually embodies creativity and exclusivity.

Th is book opened by noting how the contributions of the rural places of the world are increasingly overlooked, oft en compromised by the peripherality of their circumstances. However, as was also noted, the contributions off ered by such places are important—important not only as cultural contributions vital to the identity of the place, but also as cultural contributions vital to the more developed areas of the nation-states in which these rural places are found. Th is research has examined one such place—the Tsugaru Dis- trict of Aomori Prefecture, Japan—and its cultural commodities, cultural commodities and local revitalization 205

Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen, illuminating the nature of local revitalization and the nature of these cultural commodities in that revitalization. Patronage, historical and modern; opportunities, exploited and missed; the various potential inherent in cultural commodity worker, artisan, hobby player, professional performer; the multi-dimensional elements of both representation and consumption: these are the characteristics of Tsugaru cultural commodities in Tsugaru revitalization. Other characteristics will undoubtedly emerge for other places and other commodities. As for realizing the potential hidden in these wide-ranging yet highly specifi c characteristics, we can look fi rst to the historical trajectory of the cultural commodity, and second to the combined conceptual-operational space that defi nes the contemporary circumstance for the cultural commodity, to provide a guide for incorporating the cultural commodity in local revitalization in a manner that preserves it for future generations.

Epilogue: Tsugaru Revitalization and Tsugaru Cultural Commodities, 2009

Th e research that is described in this book covers the period from 2002 to 2006. So what of Tsugaru revitalization, and Tsugaru nuri lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen in that revitalization, as of 2009? Taking up a review of the local news media as one measure of the current level and nature of local revitalization is revealing, both in terms of the comparatively fewer articles and columns appearing that are devoted to the theme as well as in the content of the articles that did appear. At the risk of oversimplifying, a major 2006 Tsugaru revitalization theme focused on a debate surrounding the eff ect that would hope- fully be realized in providing support for the local Tsugaru Tetsudou rail service. A local line servicing outlying areas of Tsugaru, the rail line is famous for its use of a coal-burning stove in the passenger car (singular) in the winter, thereby providing for the train to be dubbed the stutobu-ressha (stove train) (see Appendix, Chapter 7, (1) for citations). Th e focus in 2007 was on image, spurred by the opportunity off ered for special Hirosaki issues in two national travel magazines. A January article outlined municipal eff orts to consolidate a city image for a Japan Travel Bureau travel magazine and an update of the well- known Mappuru magazine. Th e result of this eff ort was to highlight a 206 chapter seven somewhat confusing mix: the examples of Western architecture in a otherwise representative Japanese castle town (see Appendix, Chapter 7, (2)). A November 2008 article reported on the fi nal of a series of ‘opinion exchanges’ on the theme of ‘Hirosaki City Revitalization in the Face of the New Aomori Shinkansen Terminal,’ which had been held throughout the year . . . in Tokyo. Th e article pointed out that the exchanges, organized on the basis of the soon to be completed extension of the Shinkansen Express Train to Aomori City and the implications thereof for Hirosaki City, stressed the importance of an informed citizen consciousness—albeit from the Tokyo perspective (see Appen- dix, Chapter 7, (3)). Turning to particular elements of policy, the primary revitalization- directed policy at the prefectural level and focusing on the Tsugaru District is the current Regional Enterprise Promotion Primary Plan, which is organized around four broad priorities and budgeted to cover the period 2007 to 2012. Th e priorities of the plan are a High Technol- ogy Cooperative Industry Plan, an Aomori Agriculture-Industry ‘Best Mix’ New Industry Development Plan (an attempt to create partner- ships of local industries to yield new products), an Aomori Wellness Development Plan (with the focus on health and, understandably, aging care), and a Th ree Industry Collaborative New Industry Cre- ation Plan (with the three industries being agriculture, forestry and fi sheries). As of 2007, the projected budget was 178 billion yen and included 16 specifi c action plans, among them two general skills training programmes, a technical skills training programmes and an industry innovation leadership programmes, two programmes to foster collaboration between local government, the local national university and local private enterprise, and a variety of specifi c programmes organized to support local businesses. Th e focus on Tokyo citizen consciousness referred to above was evident locally as well, as the Prefectural Regional Revitalization Promo- tion Committee published in 2008 a book titled “Manabiai, Sasaeai” (Study Together, Support Together), which aims to better prepare local residents for participation in revitalization activities. Th e book presents 24 municipality-based cases of local citizen participation in activities as varied as youth education, environmental preservation, local agricultural product cultivation, and appreciation of local traditional culture—all framed within the context of local revitalization (see Appendix, Chapter 7, (4)). Th is focus on the municipalities of the cultural commodities and local revitalization 207 prefecture was also apparent in a Prefectural website titled ‘Aomori Kasseika Raiberi’ (Aomori Revitalization Library), which was designed to provide local events information on the one hand, as well as provide information on sources of subsidy aid for holding local events on the other (see Appendix, Chapter 7, (5)). Participation taken to higher level yields a rather dramatic revitalization philosophy now espoused by the Hirosaki City Chamber of Commerce, as the website proclaims the new Fundamental Doctrine of ‘Jibun ga Minamoto’ (Ourselves as Source), expanded to the key phrase: ‘plans become actions when we each cooperate to create revitalization’ (see Appendix, Chapter 7, (6)). Th e city, through administrative policy and plan, has directed eff orts for revitalization on the city center, in a fi ve-year plan beginning in 2008 titled ‘Hirosaki City Core City Area Revitalization Primary Plan.’ Th e plan focuses primarily on equal parts of infrastructure and small business development, but with the caveats of creating a core area that is highly amenable to walking and capitalizes on the history and culture in order to contribute to being a tourist city (see Appendix, Chapter 7, (7)). As for Tsugaru nuri lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen, the trends identifi ed herein—most notably the lacquerware being promoted overseas and the shamisen realizing little administrative support— continue. In terms of inclusion in prefectural and municipal policies Tsugaru lacquerware is included in the Aomori Agriculture-Indus- try ‘Best Mix’ New Industry Development Plan described above and referred to in the context of the historical and cultural priorities of the Hirosaki City Revitalization Plan. However, attention has focused primarily on inclusion of the lacquerware in the national level JAPAN BRAND promotion project, which has resulted in the lacquerware being promoted at events in Germany (March 2006), Paris, France (January 2007) and New York, U.S.A (January 2009). Regarding more mundane local news about the lacquerware, a fall 2006 newspaper article reported that inclusion in the JAPAN BRAND activity has resulted in new Tsugaru nuri designs and products (see Appendix, Chapter 7, (8)), with another article countering, pointing to preservation activities resulting in a reappraisal of traditional designs that are deserving of “a reexamination of what Tsugaru lacquerware has come to be” (see Appendix, Chapter 7, (9)). As for Tsugaru shamisen, inclusion in local administration activities amounted to Hirosaki Chamber of Com- merce help in generating support for a 2008 event in which shamisen 208 chapter seven performances were held twice a day in various sites throughout the city over a period from 10 October to 24 October, culminating in a concert on 25 October. Chamber help yielded 16 primary sponsors and over 100 cooperating local businesses for the event (see Appendix, Chapter 7, (10)). Th us, as for the question of Tsugaru cultural commodities in Tsugaru revitalization, it would appear that Aomori and Hirosaki continue to view these two cultural products more as ‘benefi ciaries of local revitalization’ than ‘elements of local revitalization,’ and in so doing continue to fail to capitalize on the potential of their own cultural commodities. APPENDICES

Chapter Two: Th e Tsugaru District of Aomori Prefecture

Appendix 2.1 Statistics Source Th e statistics citied herein are from Kensei 2005 Prefectural Data Book, published yearly by Yano Tsuneta Kinenkai.

Appendix 2.2 Aomori Prefectural and Hirosaki Municipal Internet Homepages 1. www.aomori.jp 2. www.pref.aomori.lg.jp/bunya/sangyo.html 3. www.umai-aomori.jp/hanbai/teshigoto 4. www.aomori.jp/dentokougei/all.htm 5. www.city.hirosaki.aomori.jp/kankou/index.html

Appendix 2.3 2004 Cultural Commodities Consumer / Producer Survey A questionnaire survey of cultural commodities consumers and producers undertaken in cooperation with Hirosaki City, the consumer portion was conducted at the 2004 Tsugaru Food and Local Products Fair (9, 10, 11 October 2004; n=190; 63% return by pre-paid post) and the cultural commodities producers portion was undertaken through combination of distribution at the 2004 Tsugaru Food and Local Prod- ucts Fair (above) and a mailed survey (n=62; 52% return by pre-paid post, with 75% Tsugaru lacquerware-related enterprises). Th e surveys were similar, based on Likert-response questions establishing components of local identity, levels of interest and information regarding local revitalization and cultural commodities, followed by sections on Tsugaru District revitalization in general, Tsugaru revitalization based on specifi c potential local resources and practices, consciousness and images of Tsugaru cultural commodities in general, and consciousness and image of specifi c Tsugaru cultural commodities (Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen). Th e Producer Survey continued with questions specifi c to aspects of cultural commodities production. By distributing the survey at the Tsugaru Food and Local Products Fair, the consumer survey targeted ‘informed residents,’ those 210 appendices who are somewhat active consumers of local products. Specifi c results of this survey are included Chapters Four, Five, and Six, referred to either as the 2004 Consumer / Producer Survey, the 2004 Producer Survey or the 2004 Consumer Survey, depending on the focus of the information as pertaining to an overall view of local revitalization or rather being focused specially on production or consumption. Th e results of this survey have been reported on in Rausch (2005).

Chapter Four: Tsugaru Revitalization Policy and Cultural Commodities

Appendix 4.1 Newspaper Information 1. Tōōnippō Newspaper: Aomori Prefecture-wide newspaper, circulation approximately 600,000; morning and evening editions, www .toonippo.co.jp 2. Mutsu Shimpō Newspaper: Tsugaru-centered newspaper, circulation approximately 60,000; morning addition, www.mutusinpou .co.jp 3. Aomori Industrial Research Center homepage: www.aomori-tech .go.jp/hiro/en/index.html

Appendix 4.2 Aomori / Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Media Representation Survey A content analysis survey of media representation of Tsugaru cultural commodities undertaken with assistance by Japanese native readers. Undertaken to assess the level and character of media representation of cultural commodities both in general and focused on Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen, the survey consisted of systematic viewing of information technology resources such as the Internet, brochures and advertising, and local newspapers over the research period (2002–2005). Th is survey will be referred to here and in Chapter Six.

Newspaper Citations 1. 30 May 2003, Tōōnippō 2. 5 Dec. 2003, Mutsu Shimpō; 19 Mar. 2003, Tōōnippō 3. 28 Jan. 2003, Mutsu Shimpō; 27 Jan. 2003, Mutsu Shimpō 4. 10 Sept. 2003, Tōōnippō; 29 Sept. 2003, Tōōnippō; 11 Nov. 2003, Tōōnippō appendices 211

5. 7 Sept. 2003, Tōōnippō 6. 1 April 2003, Mutsu Shimpō; 13 July 2003 column, Tōōnippō

Appendix 4.3 Social Representation of Local Revitalization: Aomori Economy Column

Column # / Date Headline and Sub-headline Interviewee 200 2.1.2004 Th e Road to Prefectural Michinoku Bank, President Economic Goals Reform Agriculture and Expand the Scale 212 4.25.2004 Th e Role of NPOs in Aomori NPO Promotion Regional Revitalization Council Proposing a New Social Value 213 5.2.2004 Th e Role of Producers in Mutsu Bay Fisheries, Chief Scallop Sales Th e Importance of Safety and Quality 215 5.16.2004 Promoting Export of JETRO Aomori, Trade Prefectural Food Products Information Center Chief East Asia is Main Target 217 5.30.2004 How to Sell Prefectural Ex-Ito Yokado, Goods Th e Attractiveness of Food Products Division Nature Manager 221 6.27.2004 Th e Role of Local Finance Shinkin Central Bank, Connections of Industry, Tohoku Section Chief Government & Academics 222 7.4.2004 Ideas for Prefectural Aomori Municipal Vitalization University Professor Positive Activity with Strict Evaluation 229 8.22.2004 Exporting Prefectural Hiroka Comprehensive Apples Research President Sticking to High Quality Produce 230 8.29.2004 Saving Hachinohe Yamayo, President Fisheries Industry Tighter Control of Branding 240 11.7.2004 Focus is Needed in Aomori University, Prefectural Tourism PR Professor Global Consciousness with Information 241 11.14.2004 How to Sell Local Products Nakasan Department Store, Tie-up of Marketplace and Manager Customer is Key 212 appendices

(cont.)

Column # / Date Headline and Sub-headline Interviewee 246 12.19.2004 How to Energize Local Hachinohe Shinkin, Enterprises Local Government Support Chief Board of Directors 251 1.30.2005 Regional Vitalization via Asamushi Hot Springs Area the ‘Michi no Eki’ Promoting Local Con- Michi no Eki, Chief sumption of Local Goods 252 2.6.2005 Th e Merits of Using Local Sanpachi Region Pref., Forestry Products Director Forestry Industry Revived House Construction Group and Employment Chief 275 7.17.2005 Promoting Tourism with Nanbu Tourism Center, Shinkansen Director Discovering the Originality of Aomori’s Resources 277 7.31.2005 Th e Importance of Hotel JAL Aomori, Director Promoting Tourism Bringing about a ‘Consciousness as Host’ 281 8.28.2005 Opening Asia’s Markets International Cooperative Cooperate w/ Bank, Director Other Prefectures, PR for this Prefecture 286 10.2.2005 Th e Role of Cooperative Prefectural Trust Finance Organizations Association, Director Regional Connectivness, Mutual Help 289 10.23.2005 Policy for Expanding Noheji Fisheries Scallop Sales Network Association, Seeking Trust, Freshness Vice-Director and Taste 290 10.30.2005 Toward Confi rming Patent Attorney Regional Brands Advertising the Confi dence of Goods

Source: Column titles for the Aomori Economy (aomori kezai—kono hito wo kiku) column taken from the Tōōnippō newspaper, 2002–2005. appendices 213

Appendix 4.4 Social Representation of Local Revitalization: Economics A la Carte

Column # / Date Headline and Sub-headline 50 2004.3.17 Activating Medium and Small Business: OB Advice to Develop Niche Markets 56 2004.5.5 Prefectural Sake Consumption: 6th Nationally, Prefectural Sake Underperforms 58 2004.5.19 Prefectural Tourist Facilities: Improve Position through Famous Sites 62 2004.6.16 Th e Changing Map of Prefectural Commerce: Clearly Seeing Winners and Losers 64 2004.6.30 Community Business: An Important Contribution to Regional Society 69 2004.8.4 Producing Goods that Sell: Escape from Self-Righteousness 71 2004.8.18 Jumping People with No Skill: Groups Must Teach Spirit (of Festivals) 72 2004.8.25 Lethargic Tsugaru Lacquerware: Wanting to be the Regional Treasure 78 2004.10.6 Th e Shinkansen and Tourism: Widening Commerce Eff ect 80 2004.10.20 Municipal Mergers and the Local Economy: Wise Assessment Needed 96 2005.2.9 Prefectural Apples, One at Yen 2,000: Quality Surpasses Price Wars 98 2005.2.23 Prefectural Residents’ Lingering Closedness: A Barrier to Market Expansion 100 2005.3.9 Regional Recovery: Extending to Enterprise Earnings and Household Budgets 101 2005.3.16 Capitalizing on the Shinkansen Eff ect: Setting the Table for Tourism 125 2005.8.31 To Increase Demand, Ship Overseas: View the Region as a Producer 127 2005.9.14 Improve the Service Sector: Increase the Scale of ‘One-to- One’ 130 2005.10.4 Th e Activation Projects of Municipal Assets: A Hint for Region-Making 136 2005.11.16 Making ‘Only One’: Change in Conception brings Product Revitalization

Source: Tōōnippō newspaper, 2004–2005. 214 appendices

Appendix 4.5 Aomori Prefecture 2005 Discretionary Budget

Lively Work—Rich Society section total 41 items; 16.3% of discretionary budget total > general business activities and support: 53.9% of Lively Work—Rich Society section

> agricultural and food related activities and support: 24.3% of section – Food Safety and Trust Confi rmation System – Aomori Rice Paddy Agriculture Revitalization Program – Aomori Agriculture & Industry ‘Best-Mix New Products’ Creation Support – ‘Joy of Local Foods’ Activation Model Activity – Local Forest Products Promotion Activity – Aomori Wine Brand Development – Local Area ‘Healthy Agricultural Products’ Activity – ‘Truly Delicious’ Aomori Vegetables Promotion – Aomori Yari-Squid Branding Promotion

> environmental and energy related activities and support: 10.5% of section – Bio-mass Green Energy Development (two projects) – ‘Environmental Energy Production’ Creation Special Promotion Fund

> tourism related activities and support: 9.7% of section – ‘Aomori Winter’ Image Improvement Activity for Overseas Distribution – Family Farm ‘Visitor Overnight Stay’ Promotion – Northern Jōmon Culture Corridor Development

> traditional craft related activities and support: 1.6% of section – Tsugaru Lacquerware Advancement Strategy ‘Tsugaru Japan’ – ‘Food’ and ‘Craft ’ Collaboration Project

Source: Aomori Prefectural Comprehensive Plan.

Appendix 4.6 Hirosaki City 2005 Discretionary Budget (highlights)

City Foundation 86.8% Comfortable Environment 2.1% Secure Welfare Society 0.78% Active Industry 0.36% Tōōgijuku Foreign Instructor’s Residence Upkeep (from 2005) 12,500,000 Hirosaki Castle Park Cherry Blossom Research Project 1,500,000 Sales Area Modernization Promotion Subsidy (from 2005) 1,290,000 Tsugaru Area Free Bus Operational Council Fund (from 2005) 1,280,000 Tsugaru Lacquerware Production Complex Promotion Subsidy 750,000 Active Sales Area Promotion Subsidy (from 2005) 500,000 Lifelong Learning and Culture Promotion 9.9% Traditional Buildings and Sites Preservation Activities 32,280,000 Connection and Cooperation in the Region 0.07%

Source: Hirosaki City Bulletin (April 1, 2005; No. 1001). appendices 215

Appendix 4.7 Hirosaki City Commerce Promotion Budget 2001–2005

2001 2003 2005 Commerce Promotion Budget (total) 1,538,808 1,703,401 1,510,245 – credit fi nancing 96.5 87.4 96.2 – commerce promotion 2.3 .99 .85 – business recruitment .25 .22 .25 – industry promotion .56 .61 .98 – Offi ce Arcadia Infrastructure .33 .25 0 – Central Town Information Center — 10.2 1.7 100 100 100

Source: Hirosaki City Commerce, Industry and Tourism Outline 2002, 2004, 2006 Note: (units in -,000 yen; %)

Appendix 4.8 Commerce Promotion Section Budget 2005 (%)

Credit fi nancing (96.2% of Commerce Promotion Section budget) cooperative association promotion fund loan 21.3 factory maintenance fund loan 20.9 special guarantee fi nancing loan 19.3 medium-small enterprise management stabilization fund loan 15.5 Tsugaru lacquerware enterprise cooperation cultivation fund 5.6 section percentage covered by items listed: 82.6

Commerce promotion (0.85% of Commerce Promotion Section budget) medium-small enterprise promotion activity fund 21.4 Aomori Prefecture medium-small enterprise group facility subsidy 15.6 Hirosaki Chamber of Commerce subsidy 15.6 section percentage covered by items listed: 52.6

Industry promotion (0.98% of Commerce Promotion Section budget) Aomori Prefecture Lacquerware Cooperative Association Homepage subsidy 16.5 IT Venture Incubation subsidy 9.8 ‘Hirosaki Industry-Academia-Government Cooperation Federation’ subsidy 6.7 Aomori Prefecture Trade Information Center fund 5.4 Tsugaru Lacquerware Industry Promotion subsidy 5.1 National Craft sman Assembly in Hirosaki subsidy 3.4 Tokyo Plaza Aomori Pref. City-Town-Village PR Corner establishment fund 0.5 Traditional Craft s Industry Association fund 0.3 section percentage covered by items listed: 47.7

Source: Hirosaki City Commerce, Industry and Tourism Outline 2005; note: for credit fi nancing and commerce sections, budget items less than 5% are excluded; totals do not equal 100. 216 appendices

Appendix 4.9 Hirosaki City Commerce, Industry and Labor Section: Commerce-Industries Promotion Activities: Superior Craft smen Recognition System (as of 2004)

food-related 14 carpenter 11 metal work 9 tailor (Japanese/Western) 9 plasterer 7 lacquer craft s6 furniture 5 blacksmith 4 stone work 4 barbering/beautician 4 copper worker 3 vine weaving 3 bicycle craft er 3 pottery 3 art-related 3 shoe maker (incl.geta) 2 tatami maker 1 bunako wood work 1 drum maker 1 dying 1 leather work 1 thatched roofi ng 1 picture framer 1 open 6

Source: Hirosaki City Commerce, Industry and Tourism Outline 2005.

Chapter Five: Th e Production of Tsugaru Cultural Commodities

Appendix 5.1 Newspaper Citations 1. Matsuyama: 22 December 2005 2. Kubō: 21 April 2005 3. Kon: 16 June 2005 4. Kimura: 29 December 2005 5. Sutō: 5 January 2006

Appendix 5.2 Website/Homepage Addresses 1. Oyama-kai Tsugaru shamisen school: www.oyamaryu.jp/ 2. Oyama Mitsushin homepage: http://mitsusin.hp.infoseek.co.jp/ 3. KANKOSITE—Tsugarujamisen communications: www.kankosite.jp 4. Benben Tsushin: www.benben.jp 5. Tsugaru Shamisen Homepage maintained by Ki-kikaku-sha (Head: Matsubara, Hiroko; Tokyo): www.ne.jp/asahi/hooki/koko/syami/ 6. Amazon Japan and Amazon (English-language): www.amazon .co.jp; www.amazon.com 7. Yamada interview (Johnson and Westerhoven, 2006): http://research .umbc.edu/eol/9/yamada/interview.html 8. Kudo Manji School homepage: www5.ocn.ne.jp/~manji/m3/mise1 .htm 9. Tada Atsushi homepage: www.geocities.jp/tsugaru_soulmusic/main .htm appendices 217

10. Tsugaru Shamisen Kaikan (Tsugaru Shamisen Hall): www .goshogawara.net.pref.aomori.jp/16_kanko/symi/syamikaikan .html 11. Tsugaru Shamisen Kanko Kaikan (Tsugaru Shamisen Tourist Hall): www12.plala.or.jp/tugaru_shamisen/ 12. Tsugaru Han Neputa Mura (Tsugaru Clan Neputa Village): www .neputamura.com 13. Aomori Prefectural Tourist Products Hall ‘ASPAM’: www.aspm .or.jp/index.htm 14. ‘21Tsugaru Shamisen NETWORKJAPAN’: www001.upp.so-net.ne .jp/ryuken/21japan/21japan_top.html

Chapter Six: Th e Consumption of Tsugaru Cultural Commodities

Appendix 6.1 Website/Homepage Addresses 1. Aomori Digital Archives: Tsugaru lacquerware homepage: www .acci.or.jp/adaa/tsugaru/index.html 2. Aomori Prefecture Hand-Craft Net homepage: www.umai-aomori .jp/hanbai/teshigoto/index.html 3. JAPAN Brand Tsugaru Lacquerware project site: www.hcci.or.jp/ jpb 4. Aomori Prefecture Lacquerware Cooperative Association Federa- tion: www11.ocn.ne.jp/~sikkiren/ 5. Tsugaru Lacquerware Sales Company: www.jomon.ne.jp/~urushi/ index.html 6. Tanaka-ya Lacquerware Store, Hirosaki City: www.jomon.ne.jp/ ~tanakaya/

Appendix 6.2 Newspaper Citations 1. discovering traditional craft : 31 January 2002, Mutsu Shimpō; 2. kokoro (heart), gi (skill, technique) jimoto no kurashi no chie (local knowledge for living), . . . Tsugaru furusato-hin (a product of one’s homeplace) or . . . folkcraft of the people: 5 February 2002, Tōōnippō; 3. Urushi no Hi . . . Artist’s Skills: 12 November 2004, Mutsu Shimpō; 4. Lacquer as Jōmon history and our regional future: 16 May 2006, Mutsu Shimpō; 218 appendices

5. highest form of being a host for important guests”: 30 July 2004, Tōōnippō; 6. ‘New Tsugaru Nuri’ and Royal Collection: 20 November 2004, Tōōnippō.

Appendix 6.3 Aomori / Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Media Representation Survey Content analysis of local newspapers over the research period (2002– 2005; where cultural commodities in general: N=123 articles; Tsugaru lacquerware: N=101 articles; Tsugaru shamisen: N=89). For newspaper articles related to Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen, native language readers assisted in identifying thematic focus and representation based on tradition versus modernity. Th e research has been reported on in Rausch (2004).

Appendix 6.4 Newspaper Citations 1. hands-on: November 2002, Mutsu Shimpō 2. 50 housewives: 8 August 2003, Tōōnippō 3. children challenge: 27 October 2004, Tōōnippō 4. Tsugaru-nuri Pens: 1 November 2005, Tōōnippō 5. new Product Development: 4 September 2005, Tōōnippō 6. light-switch: 23 February 2005, Tōōnippō 7. lacquerware Bowls: 16 June 2005, Tōōnippō 8. recognition on Lacquer Day: 6 November 2004, Tōōnippō

Appendix 6.5 Tsugaru Cultural Commodities Concept—Conceptual Space Survey A highly-focused questionnaire survey of informed residents undertaken in cooperation with Hirosaki City and Hirosaki University, the surveys were conducted through municipal and university-sponsored lectures and events with respondents having attended lectures related to local history and culture (N=108) throughout 2005 and 2006 and therefore represent responses of informed respondents. Th e surveys identify respondents’ conceptualization of two representative Tsugaru District cultural commodities (Tsugaru lacquerware and Tsugaru shamisen) on the basis of four broad but conceptually contrasting parameters (functional versus artistic; standardized versus innovative; quality and high price versus accessibility and broad price range; government support versus industry independence) using two criteria, appendices 219 the fi rst an opinion-agreement assessment and the second a rank-prioritization assessment. Th e results have been reported on in Rausch (2006).

Appendix 6.6 Eastside Nihon Matsuri Association Website Aki Matsuri (Fall Festival), Eastside Nihon Matsuri Association: www .enma.org

Chapter Seven: Cultural Commodities and Local Revitalization

1. 31 January 2006, Mutsu Shimpō 2. 21 January 2007, Mutsu Shimpō 3. 11 November, 2008, Mutsu Shimpō 4. www.pref.aomori.lg.jp/bunka/education/manabiai-20-e_shogai .html 5. www.net.pref.aomori.jp/kassei 6. www.h-yeg.com/cocept/index.html 7. www.city.hirosaki.aomori.jp/gyosei/keikaku/sigaichi/index.html 8. 12 September, 2006, Mutsu Shimpō 9. 16 March, 2007, Mutsu Shimpō 10. www.hcci.or.jp/txt/samisen/index.html

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INDEX

Aomori Prefecture, 18–20 Decentralization, 2 Cultural resources, 24, 70 Dekasegi, 22 Discretionary Budget (2005), 214 Development, 6, 63 Revitalization, 15–17 Aomori Prefectural Industrial Research Economic development, 6–7 Center, 89 Aomori Prefectural Lacquerware Government, 183–184 Cooperative Association, 88, 111, 149 Budget, 75–81, 86–94 Articulation of territory, 46, 53 Local, 88–94 Association for the Promotion of National, 86–88 Traditional Craft Industries, 46–49 Asuke Town (Aichi Prefecture), 37 Hachirogata Village (Akita Prefecture), 36 Branding, 37–39 Heisei Gappei (see municipal mergers) Brand Sōgō Kenkyujo, 39 Hirosaki City (Aomori Prefecture), Budget, 75–81, 214–215 Case Study, 36–40, 49–50, 56–58 Chamber of Commerce, 78–81 Circuit of culture, 8 Tourism Budget, 78–81 Conceptual space, 156–162, 199–204 Tsugaru lacquerware, 86–94 Conceptual Space Survey, 159, 218 Tsugaru shamisen, 94–96 Consumption, 11, 51–55 Historical trajectory, 189–195 Assessment, 143 Multi-dimensionality, 179–182 JAPAN BRAND, 37–39, 90–91 Touristic, 56 Japanese lacquerware, 101–102 Consumption ethos, 54, 57 Japanese music, 123–124 Cultural commodity, 4 Jiba sangyo, 46 Assessment, 25, 63 Jomon era Conception, 67 Aomori Prefecture, 21 Conceptual Space, 200–201 Contemporary products, 57–58 Creation of, 69, 71–74 Cultural Commodities Consumer/ Kara-nuri, 103 Producer Survey, 209–210 Kawatsura lacquerware, 49 Cultural Commodities Media Representation Survey, 210 Methodology (see research methodology) Historical trajectory, 189–195 Ministry of Economy, Trade and in revitalization, 66–68 Industry, 47–48 Information source, 71 Monsha nuri, 105 Management, 69 Municipal mergers, 2, 15 Operational Space, 202–203 Preservation, 49–50 Nanako-nuri, 104 Social representation, 51–53, 68–74 Cultural districts, 35–36 Ogata Village (Akita Prefecture), 36 Cultural industries, 40–45 Operational Space, 199–204 Cultural materialism, 7 Opportunity, 33–34, 96–97 Cultural Properties Protection Law, 49–50 Patronage, 96–97 Culture economy Place, process, product, 10 Defi ned, 7–9, 34–36 Place Branding, 37–39 Assessment, 63 Policy, 11, 33–36, 196–199 232 index

Aomori Prefectural Budget, 75–76 History, 26–28 Hirosaki Municipal Budget, 76–81 Image, 152, 158 Hirosaki Commerce Promotion Industry associations, 111–113 Budget, 78–81 Industry outlook, 117 Policy, production, consumption, 11, Industry profi le, 106–114 46–49 Internet, 148–149 Product design, 114–117 Kara-nuri, Monsha-nuri, Production, 11, 40–41, 99 Nanako-nuri, 103–105 Operational space, 201–203 Research framework, 10–11, 58–61 Patterns, 103–105 Research methodology, 12 Policy, 92–96, 118 Research questions, 5 Production assessment, 99–100 Revitalization policy, 75–85 Producer typology, 119–121 Producer motivation, 120 Social representation, 51–53, 68–74 Promotion, 86–93, 145–153 Advertising, 146 Representation, 157 Creation of meaning, 51–54 Sales strategies, 166–171 Media representation, 145, 152, 155 Social representation, 146–153 Multi-dimesionality, 179–182 Tsugaru Shamisen of Tsugaru cultural commodities, Combinative Future, 187–189 144–146, 157 Competitions, 135–136 Conceptual space, 161, 201–203 Tourism, 36–37 Consumption, 171–179 Traditional craft s, 42–43 Fan profi le, 175–177 Traditional Craft Products Production History, 28–32, 124–127 Area Investigation, 106–118 Instruction, 126–133 Traditional Craft Production Promotion Internet, 154 Law, 46–48 Live-House performance, 133–136, Traditional modernity, 52 173–175 Traditional music, 44–45 Operational space, 201–203 Tsugaru Performance, 126–138, 173–175 District, 20–23 Player profi le, 136–138, 139 Factors of Development, 66–67 Player motivation, 136–138 Identity, 63–65 Policy, 94–95 Nuri (see Tsugaru lacquerware) Production assessment, 122–123 Shamisen (see Tsugaru shamisen) Production (international), 126–132 Tsugaru Lacquerware Production (local), 132–136 Advertising, 146–150 Production (national), 126–132 Budget, 86–93 Representation, 155–157 Conceptual space, 159–160, 201–203 Sales, 131–132 Consumption, 162–171 Social representation, 153–156 Contested Future, 185–187 Controversy, 92–94 Yanagita Kunio, 3 Design, 114–116 Yanagi Soetsu, 51 Enterprise form, 109–111