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The Godesberg Programme and Its Aftermath
Karim Fertikh The Godesberg Programme and its Aftermath A Socio-histoire of an Ideological Transformation in European Social De- mocracies Abstract: The Godesberg programme (1959) is considered a major shift in European social democratic ideology. This article explores its genesis and of- fers a history of both the written text and its subsequent uses. It does so by shedding light on the organizational constraints and the personal strategies of the players involved in the production of the text in the Social Democra- tic Party of Germany. The article considers the partisan milieu and its trans- formations after 1945 and in the aftermaths of 1968 as an important factor accounting for the making of the political myth of Bad Godesberg. To do so, it explores the historicity of the interpretations of the programme from the 1950s to the present day, and highlights the moments at which the meaning of Godesberg as a major shift in socialist history has become consolidated in Europe, focusing on the French Socialist Party. Keywords: Social Democracy, Godesberg Programme, socio-histoire, scienti- fication of politics, history of ideas In a recent TV show, “Baron noir,” the main character launches a rant about the “f***g Bad Godesberg” advocated by the Socialist Party candidate. That the 1950s programme should be mentioned before a primetime audience bears witness to the widespread dissemination of the phrase in French political culture. “Faire son Bad Godesberg” [literally, “doing one’s Bad Godesberg”] has become an idiomatic French phrase. It refers to a fundamental alteration in the core doctrinal values of a politi- cal party (especially social-democratic and socialist ones). -
Bulletin of the GHI Washington Supplement 1 (2004)
Bulletin of the GHI Washington Supplement 1 (2004) Copyright Das Digitalisat wird Ihnen von perspectivia.net, der Online-Publikationsplattform der Max Weber Stiftung – Stiftung Deutsche Geisteswissenschaftliche Institute im Ausland, zur Verfügung gestellt. Bitte beachten Sie, dass das Digitalisat urheberrechtlich geschützt ist. Erlaubt ist aber das Lesen, das Ausdrucken des Textes, das Herunterladen, das Speichern der Daten auf einem eigenen Datenträger soweit die vorgenannten Handlungen ausschließlich zu privaten und nicht-kommerziellen Zwecken erfolgen. Eine darüber hinausgehende unerlaubte Verwendung, Reproduktion oder Weitergabe einzelner Inhalte oder Bilder können sowohl zivil- als auch strafrechtlich verfolgt werden. “WASHINGTON AS A PLACE FOR THE GERMAN CAMPAIGN”: THE U.S. GOVERNMENT AND THE CDU/CSU OPPOSITION, 1969–1972 Bernd Schaefer I. In October 1969, Bonn’s Christian Democrat-led “grand coalition” was replaced by an alliance of Social Democrats (SPD) and Free Democrats (FDP) led by Chancellor Willy Brandt that held a sixteen-seat majority in the West German parliament. Not only were the leaders of the CDU caught by surprise, but so, too, were many in the U.S. government. Presi- dent Richard Nixon had to take back the premature message of congratu- lations extended to Chancellor Kiesinger early on election night. “The worst tragedy,” Henry Kissinger concluded on June 16, 1971, in a con- versation with Nixon, “is that election in ’69. If this National Party, that extreme right wing party, had got three-tenths of one percent more, the Christian Democrats would be in office now.”1 American administrations and their embassy in Bonn had cultivated a close relationship with the leaders of the governing CDU/CSU for many years. -
Beyond Social Democracy in West Germany?
BEYOND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY IN WEST GERMANY? William Graf I The theme of transcending, bypassing, revising, reinvigorating or otherwise raising German Social Democracy to a higher level recurs throughout the party's century-and-a-quarter history. Figures such as Luxemburg, Hilferding, Liebknecht-as well as Lassalle, Kautsky and Bernstein-recall prolonged, intensive intra-party debates about the desirable relationship between the party and the capitalist state, the sources of its mass support, and the strategy and tactics best suited to accomplishing socialism. Although the post-1945 SPD has in many ways replicated these controversies surrounding the limits and prospects of Social Democracy, it has not reproduced the Left-Right dimension, the fundamental lines of political discourse that characterised the party before 1933 and indeed, in exile or underground during the Third Reich. The crucial difference between then and now is that during the Second Reich and Weimar Republic, any significant shift to the right on the part of the SPD leader- ship,' such as the parliamentary party's approval of war credits in 1914, its truck under Ebert with the reactionary forces, its periodic lapses into 'parliamentary opportunism' or the right rump's acceptance of Hitler's Enabling Law in 1933, would be countered and challenged at every step by the Left. The success of the USPD, the rise of the Spartacus move- ment, and the consistent increase in the KPD's mass following throughout the Weimar era were all concrete and determined reactions to deficiences or revisions in Social Democratic praxis. Since 1945, however, the dynamics of Social Democracy have changed considerably. -
Local Expellee Monuments and the Contestation of German Postwar Memory
To Our Dead: Local Expellee Monuments and the Contestation of German Postwar Memory by Jeffrey P. Luppes A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Germanic Languages and Literatures) in The University of Michigan 2010 Doctoral Committee: Professor Andrei S. Markovits, Chair Professor Geoff Eley Associate Professor Julia C. Hell Associate Professor Johannes von Moltke © Jeffrey P. Luppes 2010 To My Parents ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Writing a dissertation is a long, arduous, and often lonely exercise. Fortunately, I have had unbelievable support from many people. First and foremost, I would like to thank my advisor and dissertation committee chair, Andrei S. Markovits. Andy has played the largest role in my development as a scholar. In fact, his seminal works on German politics, German history, collective memory, anti-Americanism, and sports influenced me intellectually even before I arrived in Ann Arbor. The opportunity to learn from and work with him was the main reason I wanted to attend the University of Michigan. The decision to come here has paid off immeasurably. Andy has always pushed me to do my best and has been a huge inspiration—both professionally and personally—from the start. His motivational skills and dedication to his students are unmatched. Twice, he gave me the opportunity to assist in the teaching of his very popular undergraduate course on sports and society. He was also always quick to provide recommendation letters and signatures for my many fellowship applications. Most importantly, Andy helped me rethink, re-work, and revise this dissertation at a crucial point. -
Vpliv Rudolfa Augsteina Na Spiegel
UNIVERZA V LJUBLJANI FAKULTETA ZA DRUŽBENE VEDE Tomaž Vodeb Vpliv Rudolfa Augsteina na Spiegel Diplomsko delo Ljubljana, 2010 UNIVERZA V LJUBLJANI FAKULTETA ZA DRUŽBENE VEDE Tomaž Vodeb Mentor: izr. prof. dr. Jernej Pikalo Vpliv Rudolfa Augsteina na Spiegel Diplomsko delo Ljubljana, 2010 ZAHVALA Iskreno se zahvaljujem mentorju prof. dr. Jerneju Pikalu za vse strokovne nasvete in velikodušno vsestransko pomoč pri izdelavi diplomskega dela. Zahvaljujem se tudi staršem, ki so mi omogočili študij in mi v težkih trenutkih vedno stali ob strani. Vpliv Rudolfa Augsteina na Spiegel Rudolf Augstein je eden najpomebnejših novinarjev povojne Nemčije.V diplomski nalogi analiziram njegovo pisanje in vpletenost v povojni politični prostor. Analiza poteka od začetka oz. ustanavljanja tednika vse do afere Spiegel, njenega poteka in posledic, ki so ključno spremenili družbeno okolje ne samo v Nemčiji. On in njegov tednik imata velik vpliv na razvoj socialne države iz pretežno uspešnega modela gospodarskega čudeža. V diplomski nalogi se osredotočam na Spiegel, ki je nastal v porušenem Hannovru s pomočjo Rudolfa Augsteina in njegovih mladih, iz vojne prispelih urednikov, tedensko izhajajoči Institut brez spoštovanja, ki ni kritiziral samo novo nastale demokracije, ostanke prejšnjega sistema, ampak tudi okupacijsko silo. Diploma preučuje človeka, ki je ustvaril Spiegel, kot tudi zgodovinski čas po drugi svetovni vojni v Nemčiji, ki je povezan tako z gospodarskim čudežem kot tudi s stalnim soočanjem z zgodovino. V nalogi ugotavljam, da je bil Augstein kompleksna oseba z veliko avtoritete v medijskem in tudi političnem svetu. Dognanja naloge dokazujejo, da je Augstein imel velik vpliv tudi širše, kar nakazuje tudi na to, da mediji pridobivajo na moči v novo nastali demokraciji v povojni Nemčiji. -
Adenauer SPD - PV, Bestand Erich Ollenhauer
Quellen und Literatur A) Quellen: Archiv für Christlich-Demokratische Politik (ACDP) Dörpinghaus, Bruno 1-009 Ehlers, Hermann 1-369 Fricke, Otto 1-248 Gottaut, Hermann 1-351 Gottesleben, Leo 1-359 Hermes, Andreas 1-090 Hilpert, Werner 1-021 Hofmeister, Werner 1-395 Kather, Linus 1-377 Kiesinger, Kurt Georg 1-226 Küster, Otto 1-084 Laforet, Wilhelm 1-122 Lenz, Otto 1-172 Merkatz, Joachim von 1-148 Meyers, Franz 1-032 Strickrodt, Georg 1-085 Wuermeling, Franz-Josef 1-221 CDU-Landesverband Hamburg III-010 CDU-Landesverband Schleswig-Holstein III-006 CDU-Landesverband Westfalen-Lippe III-002 Ring Christlich-Demokratischer Studenten (RCDS) IV-006 Arbeitsgemeinschaft Demokratischer Kreise (ADK) VI-010 CDU-Bundespartei - Bundesvorstand VII-001 - Vorsitzende VII-002 - Wahlen VII-003 - Bundesgeschäftsstelle VII-004 Nouvelles Equipes Internationales (NEI) IX-002 Archiv der sozialen Demokratie (AdsD) Korrespondenz Ollenhauer - Adenauer SPD - PV, Bestand Erich Ollenhauer 665 Quellen und Literatur Archiv des Liberalismus (AdL) A 15 Bundesparteitag 1953 A 1-53 Stiftung Bundeskanzler-Adenauer-Haus (StBKAH) 05.05 06.09 12.12 12.29 12.32 II/4 111/47 Bundesarchiv Koblenz (BA) Bestand Bundeskanzleramt: B 136/1881 NL Friedrich Holzapfel NL Jakob Kaiser Bundestag, Parlamentsarchiv (BT PA) Ges.Dok. I 398 Bundesgesetzblatt, Gesetz- und Verordnungsblätter der Länder, Verhandlungen und Drucksachen des Deutschen Bundestages und dgl. sind nicht eigens aufgeführt. B) Literatur: ABGEORDNETE DES DEUTSCHEN BUNDESTAGES. Aufzeichnungen und Erinnerungen. Hrsg. vom Deutschen Bundestag. 3 Bde. Boppard 1982-1985. Zit.: ABGEORD- NETE. ABS, Hermann J.: Konrad Adenauer und die Wirtschaftspolitik der fünfziger Jahre. In: KONRAD ADENAUER 1 S. 229-245. Zit.: ABS: Konrad Adenauer. -
1 Introduction
Notes 1 Introduction 1. What belongs together will now grow together (JK). 2. The well-known statement from Brandt is often wrongly attributed to the speech he gave one day after the fall of the Berlin Wall at the West Berlin City Hall, Rathaus Schöneberg. This error is understandable since it was added later to the publicized version of the speech with the consent of Brandt himself (Rother, 2001, p. 43). By that time it was already a well known phrase since it featured prominently on a SPD poster with a picture of Brandt in front of the partying masses at the Berlin Wall. The original statement was made by Brandt during a radio interview on 10 November for SFP-Mittagecho where he stated: ‘Jetzt sind wir in einer Situation, in der wieder zusammenwächst, was zusammengehört’ (‘Now we are in a situation in which again will grow together what belongs together’). 3. The Treaty of Prague with Czechoslovakia, signed 11 December 1973, finalized the Eastern Treaties. 4. By doing this, I aim to contribute to both theory formation concerning inter- national politics and foreign policy and add to the historiography of the German question and reunification policy. Not only is it important to com- pare theoretical assumptions against empirical data, by making the theoretical assumptions that guide the historical research explicit, other scholars are enabled to better judge the quality of the research. In the words of King et al. (1994, p. 8): ‘If the method and logic of a researcher’s observations and infer- ences are left implicit, the scholarly community has no way of judging the validity of what was done.’ This does not mean that the historical research itself only serves theory formation. -
Bd. 5: Deutsch- 29 Hs
willy brandt Berliner Ausgabe willy brandt Berliner Ausgabe Herausgegeben von helga grebing, gregor schöllgen und heinrich august winkler Im Auftrag der Bundeskanzler-Willy-Brandt-Stiftung band 1: Hitler ist nicht Deutschland. Jugend in Lübeck – Exil in Norwegen 1928 – 1940 band 2: Zwei Vaterländer. Deutsch-Norweger im schwedischen Exil – Rückkehr nach Deutschland 1940 – 1947 band 3: Berlin bleibt frei. Politik in und für Berlin 1947 – 1966 band 4: Auf dem Weg nach vorn. Willy Brandt und die SPD 1947 – 1972 band 5: Die Partei der Freiheit. Willy Brandt und die SPD 1972 – 1992 band 6: Ein Volk der guten Nachbarn. Außen- und Deutschlandpolitik 1966 – 1974 band 7: Mehr Demokratie wagen. Innen- und Gesellschaftspolitik 1966 – 1974 band 8: Über Europa hinaus. Dritte Welt und Sozialistische Internationale band 9: Die Entspannung unzerstörbar machen. Internationale Beziehungen und deutsche Frage 1974 – 1982 band 10: Gemeinsame Sicherheit. Internationale Beziehungen und deutsche Frage 1982 – 1992 willy brandt Berliner Ausgabe band 5 Die Partei der Freiheit Willy Brandt und die SPD 1972 – 1992 Bearbeitet von karsten rudolph Verlag J.H.W. Dietz Nachf. GmbH Die Bundeskanzler-Willy-Brandt-Stiftung bedankt sich für die groß- zügige finanzielle Unterstützung der gesamten Berliner Ausgabe bei: Frau Ursula Katz, Northbrook, Illinois Alfried Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach-Stiftung, Essen Otto Wolff von Amerongen-Stiftung, Köln Stiftungsfonds Deutsche Bank im Stifterverband für die Deutsche Wissenschaft e. V., Essen Stiftung Deutsche Klassenlotterie Berlin Deutsche Druck- und Verlagsgesellschaft mbH, Hamburg Bankgesellschaft Berlin AG Herlitz AG, Berlin Metro AG, Köln Schering AG, Berlin Bibliografische Information Der Deutschen Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; dataillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar. -
Journalists and Religious Activists in Polish-German Relations
THE PROJECT OF RECONCILIATION: JOURNALISTS AND RELIGIOUS ACTIVISTS IN POLISH-GERMAN RELATIONS, 1956-1972 Annika Frieberg A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2008 Approved by: Dr. Konrad H. Jarausch Dr. Christopher Browning Dr. Chad Bryant Dr. Karen Hagemann Dr. Madeline Levine View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository ©2008 Annika Frieberg ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT ANNIKA FRIEBERG: The Project of Reconciliation: Journalists and Religious Activists in Polish-German Relations, 1956-1972 (under the direction of Konrad Jarausch) My dissertation, “The Project of Reconciliation,” analyzes the impact of a transnational network of journalists, intellectuals, and publishers on the postwar process of reconciliation between Germans and Poles. In their foreign relations work, these non-state actors preceded the Polish-West German political relations that were established in 1970. The dissertation has a twofold focus on private contacts between these activists, and on public discourse through radio, television and print media, primarily its effects on political and social change between the peoples. My sources include the activists’ private correspondences, interviews, and memoirs as well as radio and television manuscripts, articles and business correspondences. Earlier research on Polish-German relations is generally situated firmly in a nation-state framework in which the West German, East German or Polish context takes precedent. My work utilizes international relations theory and comparative reconciliation research to explore the long-term and short-term consequences of the discourse and the concrete measures which were taken during the 1960s to end official deadlock and nationalist antagonisms and to overcome the destructive memories of the Second World War dividing Poles and Germans. -
Central Europe
Central Europe WEST GERMANY HE WEST GERMAN ECONOMY continued to expand between July 1955 and TJune 1956. After June, production declined slightly. The gross national product rose 11 per cent in 1955, to 60 per cent above 1950. Industrial pro- duction, up 16 per cent, doubled that of 1950. The index (1936= 100) was 221 by June 1956. But West Berlin only regained the 1936 level. Employment in the Federal Republic was more than 800,000 above the previous year. In part, this was due to the influx of almost 300,000 refugees from East Germany during 1955-56. Unemployment, at 479,000, or 2.5 per cent of the labor force of 18.4 million, was the lowest since the end of World War II. West Berlin unemployment fell, but was still 11.3 per cent. Output per man was up 17 per cent in 1955, while wages rose only 12 per cent. The July 1956 cost of living index (1950 = 100) at 113, was 2.3 per cent above July 1955. National consumption rose 12 per cent during 1955-56, but old age pensioners, war invalids and widows, and the lowest categories of un- skilled workers, were barely touched by the "economic miracle," and contin- ued to exist near the subsistence level. Steel production, exceeding that of either France or Britain, reached a post- war high of 21,700,000 tons in the twelve months under review. Some of the Ruhr steel and coal combines, split up by the Allies to destroy "dangerous concentrations of economic power," recombined in new forms. -
Central Europe
Central Europe WEST GERMANY Foreign Policy and Reunification HE DEADLOCK over reunification remained complete. Moscow repeated in T numerous notes and through its East German satellites that the East and West German governments should get together and form a confederation, with which a peace treaty might later be concluded. Soviet Deputy Premier Anastas Mikoyan visited Bonn in April 1958 to sign a trade agreement, but had nothing new to offer. The Bonn government, for its part, insisted on free elections for an all-German government and rejected anything implying rec- ogition of the East German regime. Chancellor Konrad Adenauer also severed relations with Yugoslavia in October 1957 when the latter recognized the "Ger- man Democratic Republic." For the time being, the question of reunification was overshadowed by the controversy over atomic arms for the West German army and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) forces stationed on German soil. George Kennan's suggestion of a disengagement of the great powers from Germany, in his BBC lectures in the autumn of 1957, and Polish Foreign Minister Adam Rapacki's proposal for an atom-free zone in Europe were welcomed by a large part of public opinion as a basis for further discussion. But Chancellor Adenauer rejected the Rapacki plan unconditionally in January 1958. In March 1958 the Bundestag, after a tumultuous debate, em- powered the government to equip the Bundeswehr with tactical atomic weapons. Domestic Political Affairs After his victory in the Bundestag elections of September 1957 (see AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 1957 [Vol. 58], p. 288), Chancellor Adenauer made some minor changes in his cabinet, so that it consisted of fourteen mem- bers of his Christian Democratic Union (CDU-CSU) and two of the small right-wing German Party (DP). -
Biographische Angaben Zu Den Mitgliedern Des Parlamentarischen Rates Während Der Zeit Des Nationalsozialismus
Biographische Angaben zu den Mitgliedern des Parlamentarischen Rates während der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus - Ausarbeitung - © 2009 Deutscher Bundestag WD 1 - 3000 - .../ Wissenschaftliche Dienste des Deutschen Bundestages Verfasser/in: Biographische Angaben zu den Mitgliedern des Parlamentarischen Rates während der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus Ausarbeitung WD 1 - 3000 - .../ Abschluss der Arbeit: Fachbereich WD 1: Geschichte, Zeitgeschichte und Politik Telefon: Ausarbeitungen und andere Informationsangebote der Wissenschaftlichen Dienste geben nicht die Auffassung des Deutschen Bundestages, eines seiner Organe oder der Bundestagsverwaltung wieder. Vielmehr liegen sie in der fachlichen Verantwortung der Verfasserinnen und Verfasser sowie der Fachbereichsleitung. Die Arbeiten der Wissenschaftlichen Dienste sind dazu bestimmt, Mitglieder des Deutschen Bundestages bei der Wahrnehmung des Mandats zu unterstützen. Der Deutsche Bundestag behält sich die Rechte der Veröffentlichung und Verbreitung vor. Beides bedarf der Zustimmung der Leitung der Abteilung W. - Zusammenfassung - Dem Parlamentarischen Rat gehörten insgesamt 77 Personen an. Zu den 65 offiziellen Mitgliedern kamen fünf Vertreter Berlins (ohne Stimmrecht) sowie sieben Nachrücker hinzu. Auf Grundlage der für diese Ausarbeitung herangezogenen Sekundärliteratur zum Thema sowie Biographien und Quelleneditionen, kann bei keinem der 77 Personen eine Mitgliedschaft in der NSDAP nachgewiesen werden. Es scheint ganz im Gegenteil so zu sein, dass eines der einigenden Bänder der Mitglieder des Rates, quer über alle Parteigrenzen hinweg, die Gegnerschaft zum Nationalsozialismus gewesen ist. Aus den 77 Kurzbiographien gehen darüber hinaus ganz unterschiedliche Arten von Verfolgung, Diskriminierung, Deportation, Haft, Flucht, Emigration und „Innerer Emigration“ her- vor. Die Darstellung dieser individuellen Lebensschicksale ist weder in statistischen Angaben möglich, noch sind sie katalogisierbar. Deshalb werden die individuellen Le- bensschicksale in dieser Ausarbeitung in der gebotenen Kürze individuell dargestellt.