Mazarin's and Colbert's Economic Dirigism
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Court of Versailles: the Reign of Louis XIV
Court of Versailles: The Reign of Louis XIV BearMUN 2020 Chair: Tarun Sreedhar Crisis Director: Nicole Ru Table of Contents Welcome Letters 2 France before Louis XIV 4 Religious History in France 4 Rise of Calvinism 4 Religious Violence Takes Hold 5 Henry IV and the Edict of Nantes 6 Louis XIII 7 Louis XIII and Huguenot Uprisings 7 Domestic and Foreign Policy before under Louis XIII 9 The Influence of Cardinal Richelieu 9 Early Days of Louis XIV’s Reign (1643-1661) 12 Anne of Austria & Cardinal Jules Mazarin 12 Foreign Policy 12 Internal Unrest 15 Louis XIV Assumes Control 17 Economy 17 Religion 19 Foreign Policy 20 War of Devolution 20 Franco-Dutch War 21 Internal Politics 22 Arts 24 Construction of the Palace of Versailles 24 Current Situation 25 Questions to Consider 26 Character List 31 BearMUN 2020 1 Delegates, My name is Tarun Sreedhar and as your Chair, it's my pleasure to welcome you to the Court of Versailles! Having a great interest in European and political history, I'm eager to observe how the court balances issues regarding the French economy and foreign policy, all the while maintaining a good relationship with the King regardless of in-court politics. About me: I'm double majoring in Computer Science and Business at Cal, with a minor in Public Policy. I've been involved in MUN in both the high school and college circuits for 6 years now. Besides MUN, I'm also involved in tech startup incubation and consulting both on and off-campus. When I'm free, I'm either binging TV (favorite shows are Game of Thrones, House of Cards, and Peaky Blinders) or rooting for the Lakers. -
Subsidies, Diplomacy, and State Formation in Europe, 1494–1789
1 The role of subsidies in seventeenth-century French foreign relations and their European context Anuschka Tischer The focus of this chapter is on the notion and practice of subsidies in French politics and diplomacy in the seventeenth century. It begins, however, with some general observations on the subject concerning the notion and practice of subsidies to demonstrate what I see as the desiderata, relevant issues, and methodological problems. I then continue with a short overview of the French practice of subsidies in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and finally present some examples of how the notion and practice were used and described in relation to French diplomacy at the Congress of Westphalia. General observations As was pointed out in the Introduction, subsidies are one of those political notions and practices common in the early modern period that are yet to be systematically researched. The methodological problem can be compared to the notion and practice of protection, which has also only recently been put on the scholarly agenda.1 The comparison is useful as protection and subsidies have several common features and are, in fact, entangled in their use in the early modern international system. Research on protection could thus 1 Protegierte und Protektoren: Asymmetrische politische Beziehungen zwi schen Partnerschaft und Dominanz (16. bis frühes 20. Jahrhundert), ed. by Tilman Haug, Nadir Weber, and Christian Windler, Externa: Geschichte der Außenbeziehungen in neuen Perspektiven, 9 (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 2016); Rainer Babel, Garde et protection: Der Königsschutz in der französischen Außenpolitik vom 15. bis zum 17. Jahrhundert, Beihefte der Francia, 72 (Ostfildern: Thorbecke Verlag, 2014). -
La Cour De Louis XIV
La Cour de Louis XIV (Période 1640-1720) D’après : Le Siècle de Louis XIV, Anthologie des mémorialistes du siècle de Louis XIV, par ALAIN NIDERST, Robert Laffont, Paris 1997. Les valets de chambre de Louis XIV, par MATHIEU DA VINHA, Perrin, Paris 2004. Louis XIV, par FRANÇOIS BLUCHE, Fayard, Perrin 1986. Ducs et pairs, paieries laïques à l’époque moderne (1519-1790), par CHRISTOPHE LEVANTAL, Mai- sonneuve et Larose 1996. I – Les personnages La cour de Louis XIV a laissé le souvenir impérissable de ses grands personnages. Mais beaucoup d’autres, plus ou moins connus, nobles ou roturiers, participaient à la vie de la cour. Pour les curieux d’Histoire qui se penchent sur cette époque, il a paru intéressant de dresser la liste de ceux qui ont marqué le règne du Roi-Soleil. Les noms ont été pris parmi les plus souvent cités dans les Mémoires des témoins de l’époque, qu’ils soient désignés par leur nom, leur titre ou leur fonction. Ont été explicitées les identités des personnages habituellement désignés à l’époque par leur seul statut, comme "Monseigneur", "Monsieur le Duc", "Monsieur le Grand",.. Pour certaines grandes familles, sont cités des personnages repères : Condé (Monsieur le Prince) : familles de Conti, Longueville, du Maine, Vendôme. Colbert : familles de Beauvillier, Croissy, Desmarets, Seignelay, Torcy ; voir la généalogie de la famille COLBERT en 4e partie. La Vrillère : familles de Châteauneuf, Maurepas, Phélypeaux, Pontchartrain. Louvois : familles de Barbézieux, Courtenvaux, Le Tellier. Mazarin : familles de Conti, La Meilleraye, Nevers. Turenne : famille de Bouillon. II - Les enfants de Louis XIV, légitimes et naturels. -
Downloaded from Manchesterhive.Com at 09/26/2021 06:43:54AM Via Free Access Jean Hoeufft, French Subsidies 235
10 Jean Hoeufft, French subsidies, and the Thirty Years’ War Erik Thomson Historians of early modern Europe have emphasized the importance of entrepreneurs and private contractors to governance, ascribing particular importance to the merchants and bankers who lent money to crowns, organized chartered companies, and equipped and provisioned armies, as well as to the officers who recruited, armed, and led military units.1 Although Guy Rowlands has charted some of the operations of international remittance bankers during the reign of Louis the XIV in a recent book, historians have generally neglected the role of bankers and merchants in diplomacy during the Thirty Years’ War.2 Yet bankers and merchants played crucial roles in early modern diplomacy, drawing upon contacts, financial techniques and institutions, and sources of coin and capital to make possible the payment of subsidies and other diplomatic gifts and expenditures that the chapters in this volume suggest were crucial to relations among sovereigns.3 1 David Parrott, The Business of War: Military Enterprise and Military Revolution in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); The Contractor State and Its Implications, 1659–1815, ed. by Richard Harding and Sergio Solbes Ferri (Las Palmas de Gran Canaria: Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, 2012); and War, Entrepreneurs and the State in Europe and the Mediterranean, 1300–1800, ed. by Jeff Fynn-Paul (Leiden: Brill, 2014). 2 Guy Rowlands, Dangerous and Dishonest Men: The International Bankers of Louis -
Fonds Caumont La Force (Xiiie-Xxe Siècle)
Fonds Caumont La Force (XIIIe-XXe siècle) Répertoire numérique (353AP/1-353AP/185) Par S. Nicolas-Simonet Archives nationales (France) Pierrefitte-sur-Seine 1981 1 https://www.siv.archives-nationales.culture.gouv.fr/siv/IR/FRAN_IR_004887 Cet instrument de recherche a été encodé en 2010 par l’entreprise Diadeis dans le cadre du chantier de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives nationales sur la base d’une DTD conforme à la DTD EAD (encoded archival description) et créée par le service de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives nationales. 2 Archives nationales (France) INTRODUCTION Référence 353AP/1-353AP/185 Niveau de description fonds Intitulé Fonds Caumont La Force Date(s) extrême(s) XIIIe-XXe siècle Nom du producteur • La Force, Auguste de Caumont (1878-1961 ; duc de) • Balbi, Anne de Caumont La Force (1753-1842 ; comtesse de) • La Force, Jacques Nompar de Caumont (1558-1652 ; duc de) Localisation physique Pierrefitte DESCRIPTION Présentation du contenu INTRODUCTION Les contacts pris dès 1968 avec le duc de La Force, aboutirent le 8 avril 1974 à l’entrée de ses archives, jusque-là conservées en son château de Saint-Aubin (Sarthe). Telles qu’elles se présentaient, les archives avaient déjà fait l’objet d’un classement ancien, du moins en ce qui concernait les papiers de famille. Nous avons dû respecter ce premier travail tout en l’insérant dans le schéma habituel de classement des chartriers. Ainsi le fonds se subdivise-t-il en quatre parties : 353 AP 1-54 Famille Caumont La Force. 353 AP 55-87* Familles alliées. 353 AP 88-183 Seigneuries. -
Treaty of Westphalia
Background Information Treaty of Westphalia The Peace of Westphalia, also known as the Treaty of Münster and the Treaty of Osnabrück, refers to a pair of treaties that ended the Thirty Years' War and officially recognized the Dutch Republic and Swiss Confederation. • The Spanish treaty that ended the Thirty Years' War was signed on January 30, 1648. • A treaty between the Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III, the other German princes and the representatives from the Dutch Republic, France and Sweden was signed on October 24, 1648. • The Treaty of the Pyrenees, signed in 1659, ending the war between France and Spain, is also often considered part of this treaty. The Peace of Westphalia is the first international agreement to acknowledge a country's sovereignty and is thus thought to mark the beginning of the modern system of nation- states (Westphalian states). The majority of the treaty's terms can be attributed to the work of Cardinal Mazarin, the de facto leader of France at the time (the King, Louis XIV, was still a child). France came out of the war in a far better position than any of the other powers and was able to dictate much of the treaty. The results of the treaty were wide ranging. Among other things, the Netherlands now officially gained independence from Spain, ending the Eighty Years' War, and Sweden gained Pomerania, Wismar, Bremen and Verden. The power of the Holy Roman Emperor was broken and the rulers of the German states were again able to determine the religion of their lands. The treaty also gave Calvinists legal recognition. -
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Mercredi 17 Juin
D E B A E C Q U E - D ’ O U I N C E - S A R R A U Mercredi 17 juin 2020 jeudi 18 juin 2020 70 rue vendôme 69006 lyon mercredi 17 juin - 14h30 Autographes et documents jeudi 18 juin - 14h30 matériel photographique photographies anciennes et modernes exposition sur rendez-vous Mardi 16 juin de 14 h à 18 h - Mercredi 17 juin de 9 h à 12 h Pour les photographies : exposition complémentaire le jeudi matin renseignements +33 (0)4 72 16 29 44 - [email protected] Toutes les photographies sont consultables en ligne sur www.debaecque.fr Autographes matériel photographies et documents photographique anciennes et modernes Responsable du département Responsable du département Responsable du département Thibault Delestrade Géraldine DENIS Sibylle de CHANTERAC Tél. +33 (0)4 72 16 29 44 Tél. +33 (0)4 72 16 29 44 Tél. +33 (0)4 72 16 29 44 Expert : Emmanuel LORIENT Consultant : André BERTHET Expert : Damien VOUTAY Tél. +33 (0)1 43 54 51 04 Tél. +33 (0)6 86 02 63 16 Tél. +33 (0)6 61 25 51 87 CONDITIONS COVID-19 - OUVERTURE AU PUBLIC RESTREINTE Afin de respecter les mesures sanitaires, ces ventes se dérouleront dans des conditions particulières pour respecter les mesures de distanciation sociale. Le public en salle sera limité à 20 personnes pendant la vente et pendant l’exposition. Nous vous invitons à vous inscrire et à nous indiquer l’horaire souhaité par mail ([email protected]), que nous vous confirmerons. Faute de rendez-vous confirmé, nous ne pourrons garantir l’accès à la salle une fois l’effectif complet. -
What Distinguished France in the Seventeenth Century?
What distinguished France in the seventeenth century? • France had a population of 19 million – Double that of Spain and triple that of England • French art, architecture, and fashion were widely copied throughout Europe – Louis XIV was a strong patron of the arts and sciences, establishing royal academies for arts and sciences • He favored classicism and its order, harmony and hierarchy • Salons organized by upper-class women – Meeting grounds for the artistes, writers, philosophers, and social critics – Became enduring features of Parisian life. How absolute was French absolutism? Why did the French people accept it? • Absolutism was limited at first – Localism in economic and political life and traditions – Institutions like the parlements, which were courts of law with the right to decree royal decrees unconstitutional • Feudal liberties became associated with disorder – Aristocratic rebellions like the Fronde created instability in the sixteenth century • In practice, absolutism meant that the king, although not legally bound by other institutions or persons, was dependent on a host of advisors and had to compromise with local traditions and vested interests. • The Fronde was a rebellion in 1648 against the monarchy (regent Cardinal Mazarin) – Led by the parlements and the nobility (who will do the same in 1789) – Asked for the calling of the Estates General – Accompanied by a great deal of violence both in Paris and in the countryside – Ultimately, the bourgeoisie and the parlements withdrew their support from the raucous nobles who had invited in Spanish troops, and the populace as a whole welcomed a strong monarchy. • In 1661, Louis XIV,age 23, announced he would rule on his own – Without a chief advisor or dependency on the nobility. -
Symbolism and Politics: the Construction of the Louvre, 1660-1667
Symbolism and Politics: The Construction of the Louvre, 1660-1667 by Jeanne Morgan Zarucchi The word palace has come to mean a royal residence, or an edifice of grandeur; in its origins, however, it derives from the Latin palatium, the Palatine Hill upon which Augustus established his imperial residence and erected a temple to Apollo. It is therefore fitting that in the mid-seventeenth century, the young French king hailed as the "new Augustus" should erect new symbols of deific power, undertaking construction on an unprecedented scale to celebrate the Apollonian divinity of his own reign. As the symbols of Apollo are the lyre and the bow, so too were these constructions symbolic of how artistic accomplishment could serve to manifest political power. The project to enlarge the east facade of the Louvre in the early 1660s is a well-known illustration of this form of artistic propaganda, driven by what Orest Ranum has termed "Colbert's unitary conception of politics and culture (Ranum 265)." The Louvre was also to become, however, a political symbol on several other levels, reflecting power struggles among individual artists, the rivalry between France and Italy for artistic dominance, and above all, the intent to secure the king's base of power in the early days of his personal reign. In a plan previously conceived by Cardinal Mazarin as the «grand dessin,» the Louvre was to have been enlarged, embellished, and ultimately joined to the Palais des Tuileries. The demolition of houses standing in the way began in 1657, and in 1660 Mazarin approved a new design submitted by Louis Le Vau. -
La Mission D'abel Servien À La Haye (Janvier–Août 1647) Essai D'une Typologie De L'incident Diplomatique Le Personnage
Extrait de l'ouvrage : L’Incident diplomatique (XVIe-XVIIIe siècle) Sous la direction de Lucien Bély et Géraud Poumarède © Editions A. PEDONE – PARIS – 2009 Ean : 978 2 233 00592 2 La mission d’Abel Servien à La Haye (janvier–août 1647) Essai d’une typologie de l’incident diplomatique Le personnage qui fait l’objet de cet article est l’un des diplomates français les plus célèbres du XVIIe siècle. Toutefois, la mission diplomatique qu’il accomplit à La Haye en 1647 est moins bien connue, bien qu’elle ait été certainement l’une de ses plus importantes. Repères biographiques Abel Servien, né en 1593 et mort en 16591, fut l’un des trois ambassadeurs extraordinaires envoyés par la France au congrès pour la paix de Westphalie, où il arriva le 5 avril 1644. Après le départ du duc de Longueville et la révocation du comte d’Avaux, il fut le seul plénipotentiaire français à signer le traité de Westphalie en octobre 1648 et quitta Münster après l’échange des ratifications en février 1649. Servien était le protégé de Mazarin et recevait des instructions secrètes de son neveu Lionne, secrétaire du cardinal et d’Anne d’Autriche. Servien avait occupé plusieurs fonctions importantes dans l’administration française depuis 16162 ; il avait été secrétaire d’État de la guerre de 1630 à 1636 et envoyé extraordinaire aux négociations pour la paix de Cherasco en 1631. En 1636, il était tombé en disgrâce auprès de Richelieu, mais avait été de nouveau chargé de fonctions politiques par Mazarin dès 16433. En 1643 et 1644, il avait accompli, avec son collègue d’Avaux, une première mission à La Haye afin de négocier un nouveau traité d’alliance avec les Provinces-Unies4, alliées calvinistes du roi très chrétien depuis 1634/1635. -
The Italian Saviour of French Absolutism
Geoffrey Treasure. Mazarin: The Crisis of Absolutism in France. London and New York: Routledge, 1995. xv + 413 pp. $140.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-415-01457-1. Reviewed by Michael P. Breen Published on H-France (June, 1997) Unlike his predecessor, Cardinal Richelieu, ing Jean-Baptiste Colbert, Michel Le Tellier, and the reputation of Cardinal Jules Mazarin, France's even Louis XIV himself. First Minister from 1643 until his death in 1661, In spite of these successes, however, many has suffered considerably at the hands of both historians continue to echo Mazarin's seven‐ contemporaries and modern historians. During teenth-century detractors. A. Lloyd Moote, for ex‐ the series of uprisings known as the Fronde ample, describes Mazarin as an "emotional", "un‐ (1648-53), thousands of pamphlets known as balanced" man who "provided poor leadership for Mazarinades denounced him as an opportunist the monarchy", and became a "personal symbol of who promoted an unpopular war to enrich him‐ royal tyranny...." According to Moote, "Mazarin's self and his family; a skilled seducer, who tyran‐ duplicity and disastrous method of governing... nized France from the bed of the Regent Anne of [made] harmony within the state and the admin‐ Austria; and an unscrupulous foreigner who cor‐ istration...virtually impossible." J. Russell Major, in rupted the young king with the poisonous doc‐ his most recent book, pilloried Mazarin as a trines of his fellow Italian, Niccolo Machiavelli [1]. "suave and ingratiating" man of intrigue (in con‐ Twice exiled under pressure from the Parlement trast to the "statesman" Richelieu), who "sought to of Paris and the Prince of Conde, Mazarin never‐ govern by persuasion, fattery, and bribes." When theless retained the complete support and devo‐ these devices did not work, Mazarin "tried to di‐ tion of Anne, Louis, and a sizable, well-placed vide his opponents by lies, false promises, and ap‐ clientele.