GESELLSCHAFTSANALYSE UND LINKE PRAXIS

PREFACE 1 CONtent

4 IT‘S TIME FOR SOMETHING NEW therefore Socialism Mario Candeias

24 THE WAY I CALL DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM Bernie Sanders

34 THERE IS AN ALTERNATIVE Sarah Leonard

38 REVOLUTION MEANS TAKING CARE OF THE FUTURE Verónica Gago

42 SOCIALISM FOR THE 21. CENTURY four assumptions Etienne Balibar

44 WHY AND WHICH SOCIALISM? Ingar Solty

76 SOCIALISM AND ACCOUNTABILITY Alex Demirović PREFACE

Do you want socialism and the future? to a socialist vision, especially in the US How can we still talk about socialism in and in Great Britain. Socialism is even these dystopian times? And how to fall being fought over again in Germany, silent upon this? Capitalism is devour- where the is a strong anti-communist ing our future—while the crises of our tradition. What does a SOCIALISM FOR time are literally heating up, it appears FUTURE, a socio-ecological revolution, that their resolution is all the more a green socialism look like? How does it absent. Furious ecological destruction, connect the various desires of the many? escalating military conflicts, the rise of What does a policy that creates hope the radical right as well as the private and brings real change look like? What is appropriation of the social wealth are to be done and where do we begin? putting the future into question. Plane- Socialism should first of all be obvious, tary boundaries and tipping points are self-evident, a matter of course… but it already reached, narrowing the temporal is also about producing exemplary, con- horizon for leftwing alternatives. More crete social conflicts while lampooning and more people are realizing that we are the propertied classes’ whine when little running headlong into catastrophe if we is taken from them. And moreover, there do not radically transform the economy are a good many ideas and proposals: and society quickly—Fridays for Future The Green New Deal put forward by and the global climate strikes symbolize Alexandra Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie this. Right now, it’s easier to imagine the Sanders being the most prominent. The end to the world than an end to capitalism neoliberal mantra »There is no Alterna- (Frederic Jameson). tive« was turned into its opposite: There Thoroughgoing and radical alternatives is no longer an alternative to radical (system change) are increasingly being transformation. Or, according to Veróni- called for—and more often. Young peo- ca Gago: socialism means taking care of ple are beginning to connect the future the future.

PREFACE 3 IT’S TIME FOR SOMETHING NEW THEREFORE SOCIALISM

MARIO CANDEIAS

The German left party, DIE LINKE, sees itself as a party fighting for democratic socialism. For about the past eight years, we have been struggling to become more visible, socially effective and relevant, while pursuing a strategy of connective class politics and transformative organizing. That means becoming a party able to consciously and intentionally producing exemplary, concrete social conflicts around key social questions, building clear perspectives for new socialist practices and projects—also attempting to form a social bloc for a transformative left government in Germany.

Actually existing socialism has failed: for Global inequality has reached previously good reason. Actually existing capitalism has unknown extremes, both between most also failed. Capitalism will not surrender countries and within them, with dra- as quickly as state socialism did. Socialism matic consequences for social cohesion, or barbarism—this was Rosa Luxemburg’s democracy and beyond: The process of watchword just as the world sank deeper accumulation now relies far more on into imperialism, colonialism, and the First upward redistribution than on production World War, and later into the Second World on an extended scale, blocking further War and the Holocaust. Now, as humanity economic development. The consequences faces an ever-growing mass of problems, of capitalist growth, which have provoked barbarism has once again become a real a planetary ecological crisis, come with and threatening possibility. this package, which produce further social

4 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE conflicts and rapidly growing economic collapsed into isolated policy-making, damage in turn. These two trends, along demands and actions is needed. In times with war and destruction, over-exploita- of social polarization, a radical perspective tion of resources, asymmetrical trade is crucial in order to achieve this. It is not agreements, and unjust global economic simply a matter of defending the welfare relationships, have all contributed to state or returning to a nation-state model making the issue of global migration for regulating capitalism. We need to clear- a major challenge: there are currently ly say that we are working towards the end 71 million refugees in the world, a record of capitalism, towards a society that Bernie number. The vast majority are being taken Sanders blithely refers to as socialist. Quite in by countries in the global South. But obviously, this project will include things the societies of the North, too, have turned like free health care and education, as well into immigration societies, whether they as affordable housing for all; free-of-charge like it or not. Isolationism can only be public services, from libraries to public achieved by trampling on human rights transport; the restructuring of cities, and the values the left holds dear to. In transport, energy, and agriculture along short, humanity faces problems spelling ecological lines; a great deal more time for out the failure of capitalism, far beyond one another and for simply living; real de- the organic crisis of the neo-liberal project. mocracy and real participation in political The rise of authoritarianism across the decision making. Socialism should first of world expresses this. In the interregnum, all be obvious, a matter of course. these new forms of authoritarianism are This is where the still-unsettled a function of the specific mechanisms (»unabgegolten«, Bloch) legacy of of capitalisms’ crisis and the need to previous future oriented imaginations win back and secure power. They have come in—from the French and Russian potentials that are incalculable in terms of Revolutions to 1968 or 1989. As Corbyn their destructive power. says: »For us it might have been the same thing for the last 40 years, but for the Socialism should first of all younger generation it’s brand new.« Thus be obvious. the word socialism once more becomes something that can be said. People notice An alternative is necessary: a renewed it, look it up on Wikipedia, get informed. democratic socialism, a green socialism.1 There is an already-existing desire for a A perspective proceeding through a mili- more radical critique, for system change, tant process of experimentation, reuniting for alternatives; not least, the desire for our different political initiatives across social-ecological alternatives—a wish that a range of fields, so that things aren’t sometimes might not be very concrete.

MARIO CANDEIAS 5 We should not lag behind in using this investments are going to become old-yet-new word, this not-yet-settled word, necessary (even the Federation of German to name our ideas of a solidarity-based, Industries is talking about giving up on democratic, feminist, anti-racist, post- the so-called »black zero« or debt break). growth alternative to the present system, Not for the maintenance of the old, but and arguing, together, for what that rather for use in building the new! In a word should mean in the 21st century. certain sense, this will be an entry-project Socialism—a good, just society, based on that operates on a progressively increasing solidarity; the simple thing that seems so scale, because it is a matter of nothing hard to achieve. Not everyone among the less than developing a new social model. broader left and the social movements will The current crisis and its concomitant sign on to this, but it should be accepted polarization can provide momentum to as self-evident that a transformative left shift the balance of power in this direction, stands for socialism. Depending on the in the face of rapid movements and context, it can be called »green«, »demo- changes of terrain. We should seize the cratic«, or »feminist« socialism—but in moment. the end it should be a matter of socialism sans phrase (no ifs or buts). WHY SOCIALISM? THE METHOD The word is not really the point, The concept of socialism attempts to bring but what else would be a positive word diverse interests and movements together for system change—since it is a matter into the spirit of a »revolutionary Real- of nothing less. We should be clear in politik«, such that it not »only sets itself stating that the aforementioned problems achievable goals that it pursues to obtain of humanity cannot be dealt with by by the most effective means in the shortest adjusting a few screws here and there: the time«, but rather goes »in all the parts of depth and the speed of change initially its endeavors beyond the bounds of the will have to be something comparable to existing order in which it operates«.2 Roosevelt’s New Deal. This might seem exaggerated, but historically, such change …aiming towards concrete has been accomplished in the context of social conflicts as revelators. harsh conflicts—and today, the challenges are at least as daunting as during the What should be aimed for in politics? Where epoch of crisis and the war economy. is the appropriate point to realize a con- The latter underlines, once more, the crete break with capitalism, and/or which indispensably leading role that the state is the political field where quantitative will have to play. The fast-approaching changes could be driven so far that they recession makes it even clearer: massive constitute a real qualitative change?

6 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE In the first place, it is a matter of con- with local forms of organization. Once a sciously and intentionally producing exem- local campaign bears fruit and makes links plary, concrete social conflicts: for example, with other campaigns, people begin to feel the care workers’ struggle at the Charité like they are part of something broader. hospital of Berlin around the question The work of organizing—connecting, of the necessary numbers of staff for a broadening, anchoring—is central to good health care, or the recent initiative to making the movement grow. What, then, expropriate Deutsche Wohnen and similar are the three to four key social questions large real estate companies in Berlin. A that have to be solved, and that are also given conflict should be centered on every- suitable for developing conflicts productive day needs, aim at immediate improvement for the left? for individuals, and create a dynamic The adversary must be specifically for further action and perspectives. This identified in every case. One should be includes disruptive practices such as as exact as possible here tactically and strikes, occupations, and blockades, but strategically, so that the opponent becomes also popular referenda. Self-empowerment concretized—this can be achieved, for and perseverance are central to extending example, by researching the backgrounds the scope of the possible—only a short of investors, the machinations of a time ago, one would have thought that a corporation; who is pocketing the profits campaign to expropriate large real estate from this or that hospital group at the corporations would have no chance of suc- expense of patients and personnel; who cess—but in fact it did. A conflict of this is supplying arms to crisis zones; or who kind lends visibility, inspires, motivates. is putting up barriers to an ecological An appropriate campaign offers possibili- transition in mobility with anti-pollution ties to concretely connect previously frag- fraud and corruption, etc.. Here, the mented initiatives and organizations. If naming and blaming of opponents is successful, it can shift the overall discourse important. Thus, a connective, socialist within society, and thereby the relations of class politics can articulate the ways in power, and thus extend the realm of what which struggles over working conditions, is possible and increase the assertiveness wages, and time, but also over reproduction of other demands as well (for instance, the (health, housing, ecology) are still class expropriation campaign immediately im- struggles—that is not evident, neither in proved the discursive field for the demand the industrial sector (with the tradition of for a rent cap, as well as inspiring radical social partnership, incorporated to national reflections in other fields). And it’s obvious corporatism, including new projects like that conflicts can also be a tremendous the digital pact), nor in the service sectors, source of joy, even at the smallest level, and least of all in the area of public social

MARIO CANDEIAS 7 infrastructure or indeed in relation to redistribution of wealth and capital is an the climate question. For example, the essential precondition for every left-wing myth that we are all in the same boat politics—and it is against this question when it comes to the ecological crisis, and that we can measure who is in earnest that even the rich cannot escape, is an about a change of direction, and actually utterly vacuous concoction in view of the wants to return the social surplus to extremely unequal class-distribution of the majority of the people. This is class the causes and consequences of climate struggle in the narrow sense, and might change, both globally and intra-societally. begin with the restriction of profit-oriented In addition to naming the enemy, interests (for instance, fixing a maximum systematic change also requires connective return on the sale of land) and end with (often quite general) slogans, along with large-scale tax reform. We should not positive and specific projects—a mixture enter into pseudo-economic debates between achievable goals and driving (about whether this will cause reductions progressive demands and initiatives. in investment, etc.); instead, we should ruthlessly mock the whinging of the prop- … pitilessly lampoon the ertied classes when a little bit is taken away propertied classes’ whine from them. We ought to be highlighting when a little bit is taken the moments where it actually becomes away from them. possible (and in fact was already possible) to take something away from the owners; Old socialist problems such property in this way, we counteract the feeling that and power, redistribution, planning, and taxing the rich and redistribution of wealth democracy are being updated and linked is impossible to achieve. with new problems—with the prospect of 2 // Infrastructure Socialism: Winning expanding the common ownership over back and building up the public realm, the immediate conditions of life, as well the commons, and the so-called »goods of as the social means of production and freedom« (Brie/Klein) is crucial:3 Through reproduction. the development of collective consumption through the strengthening of social and WHAT MAKES THIS SOCIALIST? other infrastructures, as well as general It is less a matter of describing a ready- solidarity-based systems of security, the made recipe than of formulating some groundwork will be laid for a) a solidary orienting elements for the real movement and democratic way of life, and b) that abolishes the present state of things. removing the fear and insecurity in the 1 // Redistribution: Redistribution on its face of necessary and sweeping social own is not enough. And yet, a radical changes, as well as working against the

8 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE fixation, among unions as well as parts ultimately lead to free public transport; of the working class, on better wages and return of businesses and infrastructures consumption in material terms—while to public hands; better working conditions also not getting bogged down in debates and wages; priority for pedestrians and over renunciation. With such an expansion cyclists; and the phasing-out of the (non-commodity form) of the public internal combustion engine until the sphere, markets and privatization will be year 2030. This would mean confronting pushed back at the same time. The public powerful corporate interests and lobbies. as the sphere of the common has to become Now is the time. tangible, and the wealth of the public All in all, this expansion of the public sphere be highlighted. sphere will have to be combined with a Here, there are many starting points strengthening of the rights and finances for social struggles to aim for; alongside of municipalities and communes, which housing (cf. LuXemburg 2/2019), there is in the most crucial areas ought to be for example the health sector: goals could responsible for the immediate needs of include the abolition of flat-rate payments life: from health, mobility, education, based on diagnosis (the DRGs), as well and energy, to safety and employment, as new statutory and contractual rules for through to the production and preparation staff allocation, the abolition of two-class of food (schools, child and elderly care, medicine and private health insurance, the hospitals, public cantinas etc.). The vision re-communalization or public ownership of a city for all, or the new commune in of the large hospital and care groups, and the emphatic sense, would offer those the establishment of polyclinics and local goods of freedom that are fundamental health centres with councils for care and to an individual and collective develop- health. ment—free of fear. An urgent area of action would be in taking meaningful steps towards a The public as the sphere socio-ecologic transformation of mobility of the commons has to and a »car-free« and green city, already become tangible, indispensable for ecological reasons, and the wealth of the public but also for the re-appropriation of sphere be highlighted. public space. The elements that this has to include are well-known: shifting 3 // Real Democracy: meaning economic individual traffic to a massively expanded democracy (see 4), as well as a democra- and »smart« public transport system tization of the state, the family, and ways of (especially for »urban-rural« commuters), life. Here it would, in a certain sense, be a alongside significant price reductions that question of winning back the principle of

MARIO CANDEIAS 9 subsidiarity: decisions about local needs been demanded by the movements for would be made by relevant councils. real democracy since 2011—in a socialist Where decisions at the »lowest« level affect perspective of absorbing the state into civil other levels or regions, the affected regions society, as Gramsci puts it. Participation are to be included in the decision-making does not simply mean being allowed to process, or the decision is shifted to a high- express one’s opinion or voting from time er level of responsibility. The long-standing to time, but rather being able to influence crises of representation and legitimation real decisions. Structures are required have a great deal to do with the fact that which cannot simply be rolled back when essential needs of the governed population the government turns right, as it happened are not being taken into account, and that with the paternalistic, and ultimately people themselves are not able to play a disempowering, social-democratic part. Both beyond and within national welfare state. Only once the subalterns states, a transnational bourgeoisie has appropriate the state, and fill it with life, established itself, which only accepts »a will they defend it when others try to claw democracy in conformity with the market« it back, sell it off, or block and monopolize (Angela Merkel). An independent class of decision-making. the rich and super-rich, the »plutocratic But if it becomes possible to extremists« (Piketty), is able to evade re-communalize or socialize essential financing the common good, while the spheres, expand public and cooperative »political class« becomes ever more dis- enterprises, and establish self-government, connected. To many, the state appears less how do we ensure that these will function as the site of political struggle and debate in the desired democratic fashion and than as an alienated (class) power. make participation possible? The development of the public Finding functional democratic realm in the direction of a care economy routines is important. And yet it will must therefore simultaneously consist always be a matter of repeatedly breaking in the radical democratization of the open democratic institutions, of their state. Neither the »well-meaning«, »opening for the masses« (Poulantzas) paternalistic, and patriarchal Fordist through participatory processes that welfare state, nor authoritarian state must continuously be renewed, and socialism were especially emancipatory— the questioning of institutions when let alone the neo-liberal conversion from bureaucratization looms—with the public services to competition and pure perspective of ever further absorbing economic efficiency. A left state project institutions into civil society through must therefore realize the extension of the implementation of self-management participation and transparency that has and councils at various levels. This is

10 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE especially relevant to left state projects. of operations, and stronger influence in The obstinacy from below may not terms of working hours and the organiza- always correspond to the logic of (left) tion of production. Regional councils and state projects, but prevents apparatuses employees should have rights to partic- from becoming alienated. In this regard, ipate in decisions about the direction of municipalist approaches (from Berlin innovation and investment. In general, key to Barcelona and elsewhere) should be industries should be turned into public or driven further, neighbourhood councils collective property (remember the Meind- and participatory budgeting should be ner-plan) or workers cooperatives. State linked up and developed. subsidies should also be used as levers to 4 // Economic Democracy: This is not only a push through employment rights, partici- question of the public or of state owner- pation, and alternative forms of ownership. ship, but also of democratizing the economy: The activities of businesses have profound the »achievements« of high-rank man- importance, effects, and consequences for agement and shareholder value concepts the relevant communities, regions, and in corporate governance are extremely beyond—accordingly, their activities are in doubtful in the face of short-term thinking, no wise a private matter. financial crisis, exorbitant managerial sala- 5 // Irreversible? The property question: ries, exorbitant tax avoidance, bankruptcies Socialization has become a highly debated and mass firings as well as increasing topic again. This opening should be used ecological destruction and (emissions) purposefully: as we saw with the housing scandals. Even the classic corporate co-de- question, even if the actual goal has termination was insufficient to meet with not yet been reached, the campaign to the pressure of transnational competition expropriate large real estate companies in and finance-dominated control, and itself Berlin shifted the discourse and opened at times fell into entanglements of collab- up additional possibilities. This experience oration and corruption. Hence it is time can be concretely translated, in order to for a democratization of the economy that overcome obstacles to the development goes beyond the classic forms of co-deter- of health infrastructures (hospitals and mination, for a far-reaching participation care companies), to securing private data by employees, unions, associations and ini- and digital infrastructures (Facebook et tiatives, population/consumers, and other al), to the mobility transition (automotive stakeholders in business decisions (and companies and Deutsche Bahn) or to the this means all along the entire transna- construction of social housing (informal tional production line). Employees should cartels in the construction economy). The obtain decision-making and veto rights socialization of central material and social regarding staff allocation and relocation infrastructures, as well as essential produc-

MARIO CANDEIAS 11 tion structures under the form of public If the markets are companies or cooperatives (both to be not fulfilling governed by councils, which would consist their investment function, of employees, users, and affected groups, then this has as well as political representatives) will to be transformed be an essential factor in durably shifting into a public, the relations of power. A real socialization participatively (not merely formal ownership by the organized task. state) would also be an effective protection against later attempts at re-privatization. 6 // Socialization of investment (Keynes): But the issue of irreversibility is The over-accumulation of capital produc- also relevant to other essential decisions es waves of speculative bubbles, followed and achievements that a future society by capital and job destruction, while ever will not be able to ignore—here we larger areas of social reproduction—edu- are talking about introducing eternity cation and training, the environment, the clauses into the German Basic Law: in fight against starvation, infrastructure, essence, constitutionally safeguarding and public services—are left behind or public social infrastructure and banning gutted by austerity measures. The major privatization. From the right, constitution- problems of humanity remain unre- al law is continually being stuffed with solved, at the expense of the subaltern neo-liberal and authoritarian measures, classes and the natural environment. while institutions and structures of the If the markets are not fulfilling their same sort are set up, all with the aim investment function, then this has to be of removing specific policy areas from transformed into a public, participatively democratic influence—beginning with organized task. Mariana Mazzucato the independence of the European Central shows how, over the last 40 years, the Bank and the one-sided definition of its creation of new technologies and pro- role, and extending through to the Fiscal ductive forces, and even of new markets, Compact and the Treaty of Lisbon and has not been driven by business, but by so on. Now, we should not aim to do the public research programs and measures: same thing as the ruling classes. But the from the Internet, through to renewable extension of social and political rights, technologies, Nano-technologies or specific goods of freedom, etc., should not biotechnologies. »It is the State that is in be put into question so easily, and should fact willing to take the risk that business- hence be institutionalized, when possible es won’t, and which has proved trans- at a constitutional level, preferably at a formative, creating entire new markets transnational and international level too. and sectors« (Mazzucato 2013).

12 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE mural by Shepard Fairey in Austin, Texas, What do we want to invest in? Wouldn’t photo: Bruce Turner this be quite a good campaign question? The problem also encompasses the public mobility systems with simultaneous socialization of innovation, in order to reduction of traffic, the replacement of orient the development of productive rare earths by alternative raw materials, forces towards the needs of people rather ecological agricultural methods to secure than the generation of profit. We have food sovereignty in the face of global to go on the offensive and highlight the warming—these are just a few examples ineffectiveness of the private sector: the latter of areas of progressive innovation that is able to develop all manner of compli- require public investment in large-scale cated absurdities, from digital gadgets foundational and applied research. to armaments, but fails to solve even 7 // Collective creativity: Unimagined poten- the simplest problems, such as creating tial for productivity could be released by new materials for cheap and ecological liberating the autonomy of the »immediate housing. The production of ecological producers« (Marx). The new productive (lightweight) materials and substances, forces enable the »emancipation of workers the securing of 100-percent renewable from the ties, to fulfill only a partial func- energy with corresponding decentralized tion, thereby only developing restricted and storage capacities and shrinking electricity limited skills and capacities«. But »private consumption, the development of smart production will not carry on to the peaceful

MARIO CANDEIAS 13 unfolding of that possibility«; »the ruling is »normal and expectable that humans forces will not destroy a disposition volun- make mistakes - software engineers tary, in which they represent the »head«, and programmers as well as system regulating the work of the ‚hands‘ (PAQ operators«. That’s why the construction of 1987, 58). Only in »its democratic form, »‚intelligent’, meaning alleged error-free as cooperative individuality«, could a new systems, hold high risks« (Weyer 1997, division of labour develop its potentials 245). This dialectic of automation was (Müller 2010, 312). already true with the old dream of the Against the background of completely automated factory at the increasing transnationalization and FIAT company in the 1970ies. The new standardization new forms of work machine-based learning error detection organization have been withdrawn or have and correction could help to restrict the reached their limits. A kind of corporate regulation of production processes to a cultural break was initiated, starting with few selected human overseers. But with the so-called »new economy crisis« in this revolution of productive forces also 2000. Capital removed spaces for work tremendous capabilities and escalating autonomy, tightened control, pushed collective capacity to act are concentrated for ever more work intensification, in the hands of working teams, that have precarisation and over-exploitation. The learned to speak a common international result was a decline in the productivity language due to 4.0 production systems. of these sectors. »The potential of the Nevertheless: The development of new productive forces could not be »cooperative creativity« of complex work realized further under neoliberal relations in the process of informatization and of production.« (Candeias 2010, 8) computerization is the kernel of these Knowledge management systems try to new productive forces. It points to »a new collect and generalize the specialized scale of societalization« of work (Müller knowledge of high-skilled workers. 2010, 285)—but for the time being its Industry4.0 is intended to transfer the realization is blocked due to capitalist knowledge of the immediate producers relations of production. The base for a to machine systems on a new, higher free development of cooperative creativity scale. Of course self-organization of would be the democratization of how machine systems is limited to a »space work is organized, and of who decides the of different possibilities of problem aim and purpose of production, therefore solving, designed in advance by humans overcoming the unproductive limits of by means of mathematic modeling« private property, as it is already enclosed (Ohm/Bürger 2015, 22). Even with the in the tendency of these new productive use of so-called artificial intelligence it forces. This would enable the networking

14 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE of non-capitalistic (digital and material) as well as to dealing with the crises of production via a flexible integration of (paid) labour and (unpaid) reproduction. machine systems beyond the already And, when properly applied, such infra- existing niches. It’s about freeing structures can contribute to the reshaping cooperative creativity form the restrictive of gender relations in an emancipatory imperatives of competition and profit (vgl. direction. Overcoming the division of Candeias 2015). labour between the sexes should be 8 // A new concept of wealth: For a genuine combined with overcoming the separation socio-ecological transformation, we will of mental and manual labour—head and have to focus on reproductive needs, on a hand.4 Relatedly, the new »feminist in- shift towards a »reproductive economy« ternational« is currently the most radical that knows how to limit itself and at the and visible international antithesis to both same time creates new wealth: differ- global authoritarianism and to neoliberal ent social innovations, more rational austerity. Such a movement should be productive forces, abundant free time, taken further, as connective feminist well-rounded and universal personal class politics (Fried 2017)—it’s already on development, and space for tenderness, the way with the discussions around the solidarity, support, and positive moti- women’s strike and reproductive justice. vation instead of competition. At the centre of such a transformation would be …socially necessary work areas that generally fall under a (broad) oriented towards reducing concept of reproductive or care work: the consumption of energy development of needs-oriented social and raw materials, infrastructures of public health, care, measured on its education and training, research, social contribution to human services, food, and the protection of our development, and to the natural environment, the nurturing of wealth of multifaceted human relations. Almost everyone has human relations, been complaining about shortfalls in not to the production these key areas for years, and these are of surplus value. the only areas in which employment is growing in industrialized countries. They 9 // A new concept of work: This social-eco- must be kept public, not surrendered to logical and feminist offensive is also the market. This would simultaneously about a new definition and distribution contribute to the greening of our mode of the understanding of socially necessary of production (since working with people work5—through reduction of waged itself is minimally destructive ecologically), labour time, the expansion of collective,

MARIO CANDEIAS 15 something like an individual »drawing right« 6 for autonomous periods (alone or in groups) for the purpose of idiosyncratic projects and inventions, research, art, etc., that create space for creative and innovative development (including the necessary minimum resources and trial phases, unless it is a question of dangerous procedures), without necessarily requiring collective consent. Equally, individual drawing rights can also be imagined in the form of sabbaticals not directly tied to socially necessary labour in the narrow sense (such as for travel, leisure, excess, and experimentation). Drawing rights for child-raising and care times, as they partially exist at present (at least in some countries), will by contrast London, Hackney Wick, flickr/hogre become largely redundant, insofar as the publicly funded work, oriented towards reproductive work itself will be a central reducing consumption of energy and raw part of socially necessarily everyday materials, measured on its contribution work—but when desired, entirely to human development, and to the wealth possible. To this extent, the collective of multi-faceted human relations, not to definition, configuration, and division of the production of surplus value. Feminist socially necessary work remains in the and degrowth movements, the service foreground, but is also combined with the industry unions, left parties can come possibility of temporary exit-options for together about points such as these. individuals, and collectively guaranteed Socially necessary work is to be autonomous spaces. understood as common self-care, as a 10 // Less is more (sometimes): Reorien- collective determination of what will be tation towards reproductive needs goes achieved, of what use will be made of our hand in hand with a focus on internal collective time and resources. However, markets and production, the development this will include far-reaching scope for of new (socio-ecological) innovations individual autonomy within work, as and new productive forces for material well as voluntarily associated/dissociated production. Global production chains work, according to personal inclination: have been over-expanded for a long

16 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE time, wasting resources. This is not a corresponding resistance to this) will be question of a »naive anti-industrialism« unavoidable. Certain areas will have to (Hans-Jürgen Urban), but rather of an shrink (e.g. resource-intensive areas of alternative production, of regional cycles industrial production), while others will of production and reproduction. Let us correspondingly grow (e.g. the entire care push the debate around a progressive economy), though relatively decoupled relationship between selective »de-globali- from growth in material terms. This zation« and »solidary alter-globalization« for instance applies to mobility: the (also relevant to the European question) a conversion from individual transport bit further, instead of the present debate using internal combustion engines to about globalization versus regression to collective, smart public transport based the nation state, which just reproduces on renewable energies will require the opposition between neoliberals and the development and production of the far right. A tendency to de-globaliza- new products, a massive expansion of tion and regionalization of the economy infrastructures, staff growth, and much will also help to reduce current account more. imbalances and export fixation. Certain Such qualitative growth will be political competences would actually be necessary on a transitional basis, not taken »back’« from the international or least because of the deficits in many European level, like the organization areas of reproduction, but also for of public services, while others, such the sake of developing an alternative as the guarantee of (global) social and industrial production—this applies environmental rights or the regulation above all to countries of the global of financial markets, would have to be South. Here, a blunt opposition between tackled trans- or internationally. This pro-growth and post-growth positions is would mean a new relation of decentrali- counterproductive. Debates in the global zation with transnational and transversal South about Buen Vivir and social- mediations (»Vermittlungen«, see the ecological paths of development beyond points on democracy and subsidiarity Western lifestyles point beyond concepts above). On this basis, it is possible to of growth and modernization. Here, contemplate a new internationalism and too, false oppositions should be avoided. many new internationals, which will The problem is not »development« in make global solidarity practical, yet locally itself, not »modern« civilization, but anchored. a specific form of capitalist (or state- If transformation is consistently socialist) development, and specific carried out, a liquidation of old industries social relations of nature. In the medium and destruction of fossil capital (and term, a reproductive economy will

MARIO CANDEIAS 17 mean that needs and the economy competition is going to increase in develop qualitatively, but no longer grow the face of rising global over-capacity, quantitatively or in terms of deployed promoting centralization and threatening material. whole production sites and jobs. 11 // Just transition and universally Restructuring will shape a completely guaranteed employment: Positive perspec- new face of that industry—the keywords tives are needed for those who are worst are Chinas shift to e-mobility, the loss affected by the climate crisis, as well as in jobs due to the production of e-cars for those employees, communities and (instead of traditional, much more countries hit by rising costs (e.g. the complicated motorization), scandals energy transition) and restructuring (e.g. about the manipulation of emission due to the conversion of industries or de- limits for diesel vehicles, the so-called commissioning, such as the armaments »digitalization«, and »autonomous industry). In this sense, just transition cars« and the new competition from initiatives attempt to bring climate justice tech-giants like google. Representatives and the workers’ movement together. of the car industry are already nervous Failing that, means repetitious play- and unsettled. As a preventive measure, ing-out of »social« against »ecological« state capital aid should be tied in interests, or that taking the interests with alternative paths of development of the lower classes seriously (better and to shares for public property or environmental conditions and more even full socialization of companies. conscious consumption and good jobs) Public shareholding would have to be will remain external, pure lip service. combined with expanded participation by Criteria for such a just transition to a employees, trade unions, environmental green socialism could be: all measures to associations, and the people of the be taken must be evaluated according to region, for example by creating regional whether they: 1. significantly contribute to councils, which would decide on concrete the reduction of green house emissions, steps towards converting the respective 2. to the reduction of poverty and vul- automotive group into an ecologically nerability, 3. to the reduction of income, oriented producer for public mobility. gender and other inequalities, 4. promote Automotive workers threatened with employment and good work and 5. makes unemployment would discuss, develop, real participation in democratic decision and participate in decision-making making possible for everyone. processes regarding how a conversion This can be made clearer using of their industries and a just transition the example of the automotive industry. could be organized. Thus various affected The already enormous pressure of people within a company or region

18 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE would be able to become protagonists For employees, this will not always of the change. The transition in mean being able to remain in the same mobility will have to be enforced against company or in the same industry. In corporate interests, but in co-operation order to prevent fear from socio-ecological with employees and their families: transformation (or even reactionary they too have an immediate interest in struggles against it by the people affected), the »compatibility« of adequate living guarantees are needed alongside positive standards, time for family and friends, perspectives and participation. Alexandra and liveable natural environments. The Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie Sanders have end of the combustion engine by 2030 thus, in their suggestions for a Green and largely car-free inner cities via massive New Deal (cf. Bozuwa in this issue), expansion of (free) public transport also adopted Roosevelt’s job guarantee. correspondent infrastructure in cities The transformation is going to demand and in rural areas would be the concrete massive amounts of labour power. Everyone medium-term goal. who wants work should have the right to Workers already know that publicly funded, collectively bargained transformation is on its way. It would be job with »short full time« (meaning useful to link to their productive pride on between 28 and 32 hours per week).7 the use value of their work: Are we capable At the same time, such a guarantee to realize a socio-ecological transformation would better distribute the work, and of this industry? And are we capable of moreover break capital’s power to dictate a just transition that is securing lots of labour conditions, putting an end to jobs (especially in metal industries) and precarization. a future for this planet? After all even 12 // A new economy: A form of economy with a reduction of car production by that no longer revolves around profit, but half until 2030 manifold elements of rather around the sun of the satisfaction alternative production are needed: the of needs, has a different concept of development and expansion of e-bus- wealth, and opens onto the prospect of systems (trolley systems, autonomous car an existence beyond the rat race—of services etc.), minibuses and paratransit, wealth in terms of time, of people being specialized utility vehicles (fire services, able to develop and vary their activities, ambulance etc.), rail vehicles (metros, city of multi-faceted relationships and and intercity railways, freightliner etc.), leisure, of a democratic and solidary smart transport management systems, way of life. But who is going to pay for construction of battery, energy and railway all this? Apart from a drastic redistribu- infrastructure, development of light tion in order to correct the enormous weight construction material and so on. inequalities, effected by means of diverse

MARIO CANDEIAS 19 flickr/Tom Woodward forms of taxation and expropriation, it is they are regarded as derivative: value is also going to be a question of a different supposedly created in the private/capitalist understanding of economy. sector, then skimmed off by the state in order to cover its costs in investment and …a different social wages. Of course, the state can take out accounting system, loans, but these too must be paid off at one which is user- and some point through taxation, and hence demand-oriented and the absorption of surplus value. According that takes social and to this model, the state can essentially natural resources as its only spend what it later siphons off from starting point. the production of private value through a value transfer—which means we remain Capitalist economies are based on the in the sphere of redistributive policies. production of commodities for the There are only a few contemporary realization of surplus value, generated approaches that admit that social by the labour power which creates more production has its own specific economic value than it costs to reproduce. The fields quality. Exceptions are, for example, of public services or state-owned material approaches to »public value« (Mazzucato/ infrastructures are thus the presuppo- Ryan-Collins 2019) or »social economy« sitions for the reproduction of capital (Müller 2005 and 2010). If, however, we (think of the role of transport networks apply a different social accounting system, and school education), but economically one which is user- and demand-oriented

20 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE and that takes social and natural resources rapid transitions, then, socialist positions as its starting point, the question then can make a strong argument—but becomes how and to what end we wish it should be a matter of participatory to use the resources that we have. In any planning (Williamson 2010). This is the case, we need a more thoroughly planned only way that socialized ownership will deployment of resources in order to be able to break with the old forms of drastically reduce their consumption. This power and property relations. In view of applies not only to material resources, but negative experiences with authoritarian- also to labour power. The social accounting centralist planning, regional experiments of existing and needed resources would could function as a starting point. The provide a basis, independent of capitalist democratization and decentralization of value transfer, for social production. This existing supra-regional planning processes brings us directly to the next point. in the health system, in network planning 13 // Participatory planning: The neces- in the energy and rail sectors, and in sity that rapid structural changes be education could provide further points implemented under time pressure, will from which to proceed. Global planning require elements of participatory plan- of materials and resources will doubtless ning processes, consultas populares and prove more difficult—the experiences of people’s planning processes, decentralized international organizations, or the gigantic democratic councils (regional councils archives of logistical experience contained were already under discussion during the in the transnational corporations, are debate about the automotive and export hardly going to be easy to democratize. industries crisis, cf. IG Metall Esslingen (What would socialization along the entire 2009) and/or »different layers of plan- transnational production chains actually ning« (Gindin 2019), as well as cycles of look like?) Interrupted experiments in reciprocal coordination, adjustments and cybernetic democratic planning (in Chile new checks-and-balances (what role could under Allende) should be evaluated commodity markets play in this?). and reassessed in light of the present Imperatively rapid processes of moment. New productive forces and digital transformation were also brought about capabilities for planning should be used by means of planning in the past (e.g. (without overestimating them). Capacities in the USA in the 1930s and 40s). Even for planning, and their implementation Joseph Schumpeter (1942, 193ff), ardent in administration and enterprise, need supporter of what he called capitalism’s to be expanded and strengthened, e.g. »creative destruction«, spoke of the in housing: the construction of new »superiority of the socialist blueprint« apartments or schools currently suffers for rapid transformation. On the issue of from reduced administrative capacities,

MARIO CANDEIAS 21 and indeed precisely from cutbacks of solidarity must take sides against in planning staff, but also from a lack authoritarianism and neoliberalism, of appropriate building materials which also means for a more radical left (there being only a few oligopolistic route. In a period of Interregnum where suppliers)—here, in addition to more different possibilities remain open, but public sector employees, we would also are already starting to close, now is the need public factories, producing, for time to decide. Barbarism has once more example, ecologically- and aesthetically- become thinkable—and is the normal developed serial (panel) buildings with case in transformations to a new societal new materials (VEB Platte 3.08), and project (whether or not capitalist). A international architectural contest/ socialist project can thus at the same exhibition around affordable and green time appeal to necessity, on the grounds living in the city—what might a popular of unsolved and escalating problems of entry-project look like? humanity and the danger of barbarism, as well as being fueled by wishes/longings FOR THE FREE DEVELOPMENT OF EACH for the future and for concrete utopia. What is crucial is that all the elements list- A socialist »narrative« is important—at ed aim for the blossoming of the collective the same time it has to be as concrete as ability to act, empowering individuals to possible, further developed from the basis become protagonists of their own history. of socialist interventions. The adjective Marx already got to the heart of the matter: »socialist« refers to praxis, not to a a society »in which the free development finished blueprint. of each is the condition for the free development of all.«9 It is possible that we are already in a situation having to take a decision: the break with the old neo-liberal and the 1 The debate about the history and future of socialism is a long-time priority for the Rosa-Lux- new authoritarian politics will become a emburg-Stiftung since the beginning in 1990, necessity in the face of global inequality, combing the good and bad experiences both from the ecological crisis, migrational movements, real-existing socialism in Eastern Europe as well as socialist movement and parties in Western Europe. global authoritarianism, and fascization. 2 See M. Brie and M. Candeias, »Revolutionary Real- A more serious economic downturn politik«, LuXemburg, August 2019, www.zeitschrift-lux- emburg.de/revolutionary-realpolitik/, and Luxemburg, would only exacerbate the situation. The R., 1903: Karl Marx, in: GW, 1.2, 369−377; english: »middle way« of post-ideological openness Marxist Theory and the Proletariat (1903), https://www. and left-liberal critique will no longer be marxists.org/archive/luxemburg/1903/03/14-abs.htm. 3 See M. Brie, »Karl Polanyi and discussions viable. Forces intervening to maintain on a renewed socialism«, in Culture, Practice & liberal freedoms and minimal standards Europeanization, 2019, Vol. 4, No. 1, 116−134.

22 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE 4 On the dominant division of labour and feminist-so- Gindin, Sam, 2019: We need to say what Socialism will cialist transformation, new forms of cooperation and uto- look like, in: Jacobin, March, www.jacobinmag. pia, see M. Candeias, http://ifg.rosalux.de/files/2011/05/ com/2019/03/sam-gindin-socialist-planning-models feministisch-sozialistischeTransformation1.pdf LuXemburg, 2017: New Class Politics, ed. by M.Candeias, 5 Frigga Haug’s »4-in-1 perspective«; with contributions from Anne Steckner, Barbara see LuXemburg 2/2011. Fried, Bernd Riexinger, Volker Woltersdorf, Markus 6 A. Supiot (ed.), Beyond Employment. Wissen, Bernd Röttger, M.Candeias, www.zeitschrift- Changes in Work and the Future of Labour Law luxemburg.de/lux/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/ in Europe, Oxford University Press, 1999. LUX-Special-New-Class-Politics-E-Paper.pdf 7 The concept of a flexible »short full time« for all is Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels, 1848: Manifesto of the developed by the co-head of the party of DIE LINKE, see Communist Party, Online, e.g., www.marxists.org/ Lia Becker and Bernd Riexinger, For the many not the few. archive/marx/works/download/pdf/Manifesto.pdf Gute Arbeit für Alle! Vorschläge für ein Neues Norma- Mazzucato, Mariana, 2013: The Entrepreneurial State: larbeitsverhältnis, in: Sozialismus, supplement to Np.9. debunking public vs. private sector myths, London 8 VEB: Volkseigener Betrieb (Publicly Owned Mazzucato, Mariana, and Josh Ryan-Collins, 2019: Enterprise), the main legal form of industrial enterprise Putting value creation back into »public value«. From in East Germany; such enterprises produced (among market-fixing to market-shaping,UCL Institute for other goods) the materials for the Plattenbau, the Innovation and Public Purpose, Working Paper No. 5 German version of large-panel system buildings. Müller, Horst, 2005: Sozialwirtschaft als 9 K. Marx and F. Engels, »Proletarians and Commu- Systemalternative, in: Das PRAXIS-Konzept im nists«, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1888 (1848). Zentrum gesellschaftskritischer Wissenschaft, edited by Horst Müller, Norderstedt, 254–89, IpkW- BIBLIOGRAPHY Onlinetext Becker, Lia, and Bernd Riexinger, 2017: For the many Müller, Horst, 2010: Zur wert- und not the few. Gute Arbeit für Alle! Vorschläge für ein reproduktionstheoretischen Grundlegung Neues Normalarbeitsverhältnis, in: Sozialismus, und Transformation zu einer Ökonomie des supplement to No. 9 Gemeinwesens, in: Von der Systemkritik zur Brie, Michael, »Karl Polanyi and discussions on a renewed gesellschaftlichen Transformation, edited by Horst socialism«, in Culture, Practice & Europeanization, Müller, Norderstedt, 157–228, IpkW-Onlinetext 2019, Vol. 4, No. 1, 116-34 Müller, Nadine, 2010: Reglementierte Kreativität. Brie, Michael, and Mario Candeias, »Revolutionary Arbeitsteilung und Eigentum im computerisierten Realpolitik«, in LuXemburg, August 2019, https:// Kapitalismus, Berlin www.zeitschrift-luxemburg.de/revolutionary- Ohm, Christoph, u. Manfred Bürger, 2015: Ausblicke auf realpolitik/ Industrie4.0 und ihr Kybertariat, in: Das Argument Candeias, Mario, 2015: Kollektive Kreativität. 311, 57. Jg., H.1, 17-31 Produktivkräfte und Produktionsverhältnisse im PAQ—Projekt Automation und Qualifikation, 1987: digitalen Kapitalismus, in: LuXemburg, No.3, www. Widersprüche der Automationsarbeit, Hamburg zeitschrift-luxemburg.de/kollektive-kreativitaet/ Schumpeter, Joseph, 1942: Capitalism, Socialism and Candeias, Mario, 2008: Prekarisierung als Kampf um Democracy, London and New York, 1994 soziale Rechte und Perspektiven feministisch- Supiot, Alain (ed.), 1999: Beyond Employment. Changes sozialistischer Transformation, in: R.Klautke u. B. in Work and the Future of Labour Law in Europe, Öhrlein (Ed.), Globale Soziale Rechte, Hamburg, 175- Oxford 205, http://ifg.rosalux.de/files/2011/05/feministisch- Weyer, Johannes, 1997: Die Risiken der sozialistischeTransformation1.pdf Automationsarbeit. Mensch-Maschine-Interaktion Fried, Barbara, 2017: »Feminism is for everyone«. und Störfallmanagement, in: Zeitschrift für Perspectives for a feminist Class Politics, in: Soziologie, 26.Jg., H.5, 239−57 LuXemburg, special edition on »New Class Politics«, Williamson, Thad, 2010: Democratic Social Planning and 24−37, www.zeitschrift-luxemburg.de/lux/wp- Worker Control, in: LuXemburg-online, October, content/uploads/2017/10/LUX-Special-New-Class- www.zeitschrift-luxemburg.de/thad-williamson- Politics-E-Paper.pdf democratic-social-planning-and-worker-control/

PREFACE 23 THE PATH THAT I CALL DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM

BERNIE SANDERS

We are in the midst of a defining and and authoritarianism in which a small pivotal moment for our country and number of incredibly wealthy and our planet. And, with so many crises powerful billionaires own and control a converging upon us simultaneously, it is significant part of the economy and exert easy for us to become overwhelmed or de- enormous influence over the political life pressed — or to even throw up our hands of our country. in resignation. But my message to you On the other hand, in opposition to today is that if there was ever a moment oligarchy, there is a movement of working in the history of our country where de- people and young people who, in ever spair was not an option, this is that time. increasing numbers, are fighting for If there was ever a moment where we justice. They are the teachers taking to the had to effectively analyze the competing streets to make certain that schools are political and social forces which define adequately funded and that their students this historical period, this is that time. get a quality education. If there was ever a moment when we They are workers at Disney, Amazon, needed to stand up and fight against the Walmart and the fast food industry stand- forces of oligarchy and authoritarianism, ing up and fighting for a living wage of at this is that time. least $ 15 an hour and the right to have a And, if there was ever a moment union. They are young people taking on when we needed a new vision to bring our the fossil fuel industry and demanding people together in the fight for justice, policies that transform our energy system decency and human dignity, this is that and protect our planet from the ravages time. of climate change. They are women who Today the United States and the refuse to give control of their bodies to lo- rest of the world face two very different cal, state and federal politicians. They are political paths. On one hand, there is a people of color and their allies demanding growing movement towards oligarchy an end to systemic racism and massive

24 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE racial inequities that exist throughout our In the USA society. They are immigrants and their today the very rich live allies fighting to end the demonization of on average undocumented people and for compre- 15 years longer than the hensive immigration reform. poorest Americans.

WALL STREET LOVES SOCIALISM After decades of policies that have encour- When we talk about oligarchy, let us be aged and subsidized unbridled corporate clear about what we mean. Right now, in greed, we now have an economy that is the United States of America, three fami- fundamentally broken and grotesquely lies control more wealth than the bottom unfair. Even while macroeconomic num- half of our country, some 160 million bers like GDP, the stock market and the Americans. The top 1 % own more wealth unemployment rate are strong, millions of than the bottom 92 % and 49 % of all new middle class and working people struggle income generated today goes to the top to keep their heads above water, while 1 %. In fact, income and wealth inequality the billionaire class consumes the lion’s today in the United States is greater than share of the wealth that we are collectively at any time since the 1920s. creating as a nation. And when we talk about oligarchy, In the midst of a so-called booming it is not just that the very rich are getting economy real wages for the average worker much richer. It is that tens of millions of have barely risen at all. And despite an working-class people, in the wealthiest explosion in technology and worker pro- country on earth, are suffering under ductivity, the average wage of the Ameri- incredible economic hardship, desperately can worker in real dollars is no higher than trying to survive. it was 46 years ago and millions of people Today, nearly 40 million Americans are forced to work two or three jobs just to live in poverty and tonight, 500,000 survive. people will be sleeping out on the streets. And here is something quite About half of the country lives paycheck to incredible that tells you all you need to paycheck as tens of millions of our people know about the results of unfettered are an accident, a divorce, a sickness or a capitalism. All of us want to live long, layoff away from economic devastation. happy, and productive lives, but in the USA While many public schools through- today the very rich live on average 15 years out the country lack the resources to longer than the poorest Americans. In adequately educate our young people, we 2014, in McDowell County, West Virginia, are the most heavily incarcerated nation one of the poorest counties in the nation, on earth. life expectancy for men was 64 years. In

BERNIE SANDERS 25 Fairfax County, Virginia, a wealthy county, These leaders meld corporatist economics just 350 miles away, life expectancy for men with xenophobia and authoritarianism. They was nearly 82 years, an 18-year differential. redirect popular anger about inequality and The life expectancy gap for women in the declining economic conditions into violent two counties was 12 years. rage against minorities—whether they are In other words, the issue of unfettered immigrants, racial minorities, religious capitalism is not just an academic debate, minorities or the LGBT community. And to poverty, economic distress and despair are suppress dissent, they are cracking down on life-threatening issues for millions of work- democracy and human rights. ing people in the country. While the rich In the United States, of course, we get richer they live longer lives. While poor have our own version of this movement— and working families struggle economically which is being led by President Trump and often lack adequate health care, their and many of his Republican allies who are life expectancy is declining for the first attempting to divide our country up and time in modern American history. attack these same communities. How sad it Taken together, the American Dream is that President Trump sees these authori- of upward mobility is in peril. In fact, if tarian leaders as friends and allies. we don’t turn things around, our younger This authoritarian playbook is not generation will, for the first time in living new. The challenge we confront today as memory, have a lower standard of living a nation, and as a world, is in many ways than their parents. This is not acceptable. not different from the one we faced a little Globally, the situation is even more less than a century ago, during and after shocking with most of the world’s wealth the Great Depression in the 1930s. Then, as concentrated among a very few, while now, deeply-rooted and seemingly intracta- billions of people have almost nothing. ble economic and social disparities led to Today, the world’s richest 26 billionaires the rise of right-wing nationalist forces all now own as much wealth as the poorest 3.8 over the world. billion people on the planet—half of the In Europe, the anger and despair world’s population. But the struggle we are was ultimately harnessed by authoritarian facing today is not just economic. demagogues who fused corporatism, Across the globe, the movement to- nationalism, racism and xenophobia into a ward oligarchy runs parallel to the growth political movement that amassed totalitarian of authoritarian regimes—like Putin in power, destroyed democracy, and ultimately Russia, Xi in China, Mohamed Bin Salman murdering millions of people—including in Saudi Arabia, Rodrigo Duterte in the members of my own family. But we must re- Philippines, Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, and member that those were not the only places Viktor Orbán in Hungary among others. where dark forces tried to rise up. Today,

26 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE we are all rightly repulsed by the sight of Like today, the quest for transformative neo-Nazis and Klansmen openly marching change was opposed by big business, Wall in Charlottesville, VA, and we are horrified Street, the political establishment, by the by houses of worship being shot up by right- Republican Party and by the conservative wing terrorists. But on February 20, 1939, wing of FDR’s own Democratic Party. over 20,000 Nazis held a mass rally—not in And he faced the same scare tactics then Berlin, not in Rome, but in Madison Square that we experience today—red baiting, Garden, in front of a 30-foot-tall banner xenophobia, racism and anti-Semitism. of George Washington—bordered with In a famous 1936 campaign speech swastikas—in New York City. Roosevelt stated, »We had to struggle with But back then, those American the old enemies of peace—business and extremists could not replicate the success financial monopoly, speculation, reckless of their authoritarian brethren across the banking, class antagonism, sectionalism, ocean because we in the United States, war profiteering. They had begun to thankfully, made a different choice than consider the government of the United Europe did in responding to the era’s States as a mere appendage to their own social and economic crises. We rejected affairs. We know now that government the ideology of Mussolini and Hitler—we by organized money is just as dangerous instead embraced the bold and visionary as government by organized mob. Never leadership of President Franklin Delano before in all our history have these forces Roosevelt, then the leader of the progressive been so united against one candidate as wing of the Democratic Party. Together they stand today. They are unanimous in with organized labor, leaders in the African their hate for me—and I welcome their American community and progressives hatred.« inside and outside the Party, Roosevelt led Despite that opposition, by rallying a transformation of the American govern- the American people, FDR and his ment and the American economy. progressive coalition created the New Deal, won four terms, and created an economy They had begun to that worked for all and not just the few. consider the government of Today, New Deal initiatives like Social the United States as a mere Security, unemployment compensation, appendage to their own the right to form a union, the minimum affairs. We know now that wage, protection for farmers, regulation government by organized of Wall Street and massive infrastructure money is just as dangerous improvements are considered pillars of as government by American society. But, while he stood up organized mob. for the working families of our country, we

BERNIE SANDERS 27 can never forget that President Roosevelt the prison industrial complex and giant was reviled by the oligarchs of his time, agri-businesses. who berated these extremely popular They are the entities with unlimited programs as »socialism.« Similarly, in the wealth who surround our nation’s capitol 1960s, when Lyndon Johnson brought with thousands of well-paid lobbyists, who about Medicare, Medicaid and other to a significant degree write the laws that extremely popular programs, he was also we live under. viciously attacked by the ruling class of Today, we have a demagogue in the this country. White House who, for cheap political And here is the point. It is no exag- gain, is attempting to deflect the attention geration to state, that not only did FDR’s of the American people away from the re- agenda improve the lives of millions al crises that we face and, instead, is doing of Americans, but the New Deal was what demagogues always do—and that is enormously popular politically and helped divide people up and legislate hatred. This defeat the radical far-right. For a time. is a president who supports brutal family Today, America and the world are separations, border walls, Muslim bans, once again moving towards authoritari- anti-LGBT policies, deportations and voter anism—and the same right-wing forces suppression. of oligarchy, corporatism, nationalism, racism and xenophobia are on the march, SOCIALISM AS FIGHTING WORD pushing us to make the apocalyptically It is my very strong belief that the United wrong choice that Europe made in the States must reject that path of hatred and last century. divisiveness—and instead find the moral Today, we now see a handful of conviction to choose a different path, a billionaires with unprecedented wealth higher path, a path of compassion, justice and power. We see huge private monopo- and love. It is the path that I call democrat- lies—operating outside of any real dem- ic socialism. ocratic oversight and often subsidized Over eighty years ago Franklin by taxpayers—with the power to control Delano Roosevelt helped create a govern- almost every aspect of our lives. They ment that made transformative progress are the profit-taking gatekeepers of our in protecting the needs of working health care, our technology, our finance families. Today, in the second decade of system, our food supply and almost all the 21st century, we must take up the of the other basic necessities of life. They unfinished business of the New Deal are Wall Street, the insurance companies, and carry it to completion. This is the the drug companies, the fossil fuel unfinished business of the Democratic industry, the military industrial complex, Party and the vision we must accomplish.

28 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE In order to accomplish that goal, it As Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. said, means committing ourselves to protect- »Call it democracy, or call it democratic ing political rights, to protecting civil socialism, but there must be a better rights—and to protect economic rights of distribution of wealth within this country all people in this country. As FDR stated for all of God’s children.« To realize this in his 1944 State of the Union address: vision, we must not view America only as »We have come to a clear realization a population of disconnected individuals, of the fact that true individual freedom we must also view ourselves as part of cannot exist without economic security »an inescapable network of mutuality, and independence.« tied in a single garment of destiny,« as Today, our Bill of Rights guaran- Dr. King put it. In other words, we are in tees the American people a number of this together. We must see ourselves as important constitutionally protected part of one nation, one community and political rights. And while we understand one society—regardless of race, gender, that these rights have not always been re- religion, sexual orientation, or country of spected and we have so much more work origin. This quintessentially American to do, we are proud that our constitution idea is literally emblazoned on our coins: guarantees freedom of religion, freedom E Pluribus Unum—from the many, one. of expression, freedom of assembly, a And, I should tell you, it is enshrined free press and other rights because we in the motto of our campaign for the understand that we can never have true presidency—Not me, Us. American freedom unless we are free from authoritarian tyranny. But it’s not just Wall Street Now, we must take the next step for- that loves socialism— ward and guarantee every man, woman when it works for them. and child in our country basic economic rights—the right to quality health care, Let me be clear. I do understand that I and the right to as much education as one other progressives will face massive attacks needs to succeed in our society, the right from those who attempt to use the word to a good job that pays a living wage, the »socialism« as a slur. But I should also tell right to affordable housing, the right to a you that I have faced and overcome these secure retirement, and the right to live in attacks for decades—and I am not the a clean environment. We must recognize only one. Let us remember that in 1932, that in the 21st century, in the wealthiest Republican President Herbert Hoover country in the history of the world, claimed that Franklin Roosevelt’s New economic rights are human rights. That Deal was, »a disguise for the totalitarian is what I mean by democratic socialism. state.« In 1936 former Democratic New

BERNIE SANDERS 29 York Governor and presidential candidate they called farm price supports. Socialism Al Smith said in a speech about FDR’s is what they called bank deposit insurance. New Deal policies, »Just get the platform Socialism is what they called the growth of the Democratic Party and get the of free and independent labor organiza- platform of the Socialist Party and lay them tions. Socialism is their name for almost down on your dining-room table, side by anything that helps all the people.« side.« When President Harry Truman Now let’s be clear: while President proposed a national health care program, Trump and his fellow oligarchs attack us the American Medical Association hired for our support of democratic socialism, Ronald Reagan as their pitchman. The they don’t really oppose all forms of social- AMA called the legislation that stemmed ism. They may hate democratic socialism from his proposal »socialized medicine« because it benefits working people, but claiming that White House staff were, they absolutely love corporate socialism »followers of the Moscow party line.« In that enriches Trump and other billion- 1960, Ronald Reagan in a letter to Richard aires. Let us never forget the unbelievable Nixon wrote the following about John F. hypocrisy of Wall Street, the high priests of Kennedy: »Under the tousled boyish hair- unfettered capitalism. In 2008, after their cut is still old Karl Marx.« In the 1990s, greed, recklessness and illegal behavior then Congressman Newt Gingrich claimed created the worst financial disaster since President Bill Clinton’s health care plan the Great Depression—with millions of was »centralized bureaucratic socialism.« Americans losing their jobs, their homes The conservative Heritage Foundation and their life savings—Wall Street’s reli- has claimed that the Children’s Health gious adherence to unfettered capitalism Insurance Program (CHIP) was »a step suddenly came to an end. Overnight, Wall towards socialism.« Street became big government socialists Former Speaker of the House John and begged for the largest federal bailout Boehner claimed the stimulus package, in American history—some $700 billion the omnibus spending bill and the budget from the Treasury and trillions in support proposed by President Barack Obama from the Federal Reserve. were »all one big down payment on a new But it’s not just Wall Street that loves American socialist experiment.« socialism—when it works for them. It is In this regard, President Harry the norm across the entire corporate world. Truman was right when he said that: The truth is corporate America receives »Socialism is the epithet they have hurled hundreds of billions of dollars in federal at every advance the people have made in support every single year, while these same the last 20 years…Socialism is what they people are trying to cut programs that called Social Security. Socialism is what benefit ordinary Americans.

30 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE If you are a fossil fuel company, whose car- country has socialism for the rich, rugged bon emissions are destroying the planet, individualism for the poor.« you get billions in government subsidies And that is the difference between including special tax breaks, royalty relief, Donald Trump and me. He believes in funding for research and development and corporate socialism for the rich and pow- numerous tax loopholes. erful. I believe in a democratic socialism If you are a pharmaceutical company, that works for the working families of you make huge profits on patent rights this country. for medicines that were developed with What I believe is that the American taxpayer funded research. people deserve freedom—true freedom. If you are a monopoly like Amazon, Freedom is an often used word but it’s owned by the wealthiest person in Ameri- time we took a hard look at what that word ca, you get hundreds of millions of dollars actually means. Ask yourself: what does it in economic incentives from taxpayers to actually mean to be free? build warehouses and you end up paying not one penny in federal income taxes. For an economic If you are the Walton family, the bill of rights wealthiest family in America, you get massive government subsidies because Are you truly free if you are unable to your low wage workers are forced to rely go to a doctor when you are sick, or face on food stamps, Medicaid and public financial bankruptcy when you leave the housing in order to survive—all paid for by hospital? Are you truly free if you cannot taxpayers. afford the prescription drug you need to If you are the Trump family, you stay alive? Are you truly free when you got $885 million worth of tax breaks and spend half of your limited income on subsidies for your family’s housing empire housing, and are forced to borrow money that is built on racial discrimination. from a payday lender at 200 % interest When Trump screams socialism, rates. Are you truly free if you are 70 years all of his hypocrisy will not be lost on the old and forced to work because you lack a American people. Americans will know pension or enough money to retire? Are that he is attacking all that we take for you truly free if you are unable to go to granted: from Social Security to Medicare attend college or a trade school because to veterans health care to roads and your family lacks the income? Are you tru- bridges to public schools to national parks ly free if you are forced to work 60 or 80 to clean water and clean air. When Trump hours a week because you can’t find a job attacks socialism, I am reminded of what that pays a living wage? Are you truly free Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. said, »This if you are a mother or father with a new

BERNIE SANDERS 31 born baby but you are forced to go back to »› The right to a clean environment work immediately after the birth because »› The right to a secure retirement you lack paid family leave? Are you truly Over the course of this election my free if you are a small business owner or campaign has been releasing—and will family farmer who is driven out by the continue to release—detailed proposals monopolistic practices of big business? addressing each of these yet to be realized Are you truly free if you are a veteran, who economic rights. We will also address the put your life on the line to defend this attacks that are being launched each day country, and now sleep out on the streets? against the civil rights and civil liberties of To me, the answer to those questions, in our people. the wealthiest nation on earth, is no, you And let me be absolutely clear: dem- are not free. ocratic socialism to me requires achieving While the Bill of Rights protects political and economic freedom in every us from the tyranny of an oppressive community. government, many in the establishment And let me also be clear, the only would like the American people to submit way we achieve these goals is through a to the tyranny of oligarchs, multinational political revolution—where millions of corporations, Wall Street banks, and people get involved in the political process billionaires. and reclaim our democracy by having the It is time for the American people courage to take on the powerful corporate to stand up and fight for their right to interests whose greed is destroying the freedom, human dignity and security. This social and economic fabric of our country. is the core of what my politics is all about. At the end of the day, the one percent In 1944, FDR proposed an economic may have enormous wealth and power, bill of rights but died a year later and was but they are just the one percent. When never able to fulfil that vision. Our job, 75 the 99 percent stand together, we can years later, is to complete what Roosevelt transform society. These are my values, started. That is why today, I am proposing and that is why I call myself a demo- a 21st Century Economic Bill of Rights. A cratic socialist. At its core is a deep and Bill of Rights that establishes once and for abiding faith in the American people to all that every American, regardless of his peacefully and democratically enact the or her income is entitled to: transformative change that will create »› The right to a decent job that pays a shared prosperity, social equality and true living wage freedom for all. »› The right to quality health care »› The right to a complete education Speech at George Washington University, »› The right to affordable housing June, 12, 2019.

32 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE photo: flickr/tetedelacourse

BERNIE SANDERS 33 THERE IS AN ALTERNATIVE

SARAH LEONARD

In 2010, it was shocking enough to say for whom capitalism, not communism, we were socialists. Before the Occupy was the obvious oppressor. Capitalism no movement, young socialists in America longer meant freedom, but its opposite: were scattered here and there among small debt, precarious work, the highest rate of political magazines, lonely chapters of so- incarceration in the world. Many of the cialist organizations in decline, and unions participants in Occupy were downwardly whose leaderships were inevitably to their mobile young people who had done what right. The rise of Occupy was part of a wave parents and politicians had told them to of social movements dominated by young do, and they were furious first that society people that began with Occupy in Zuccotti had not held up its end of the bargain and Park in 2011 and continued through the second, that when they protested, police Black Lives Matter movement beginning attacked them. in 2013, Bernie Sanders’s 2016 Democrat- ic-Socialist election campaign, and now the Sanders may have been a global movement against climate change. white, rather old man… Occupy popularized the language of but his base is more working the 99 percent, which put class struggle class, younger, and more into a language that class-averse Americans diverse. could identify with. It named its villain: Wall Street. And it brought all the individu- This experience with policing encour- als harboring rebellious political opinions, aged solidarity between those who had but were alone, into community. It began organized during Occupy with the Black to solidify a denser network of leftists in Lives Matter movement, which activists America. organized in response to the unpunished It was almost natural that socialism murders of black people by vigilantes would appeal to a generation that came and police. BLM was and remains a to political consciousness after 1989, and movement of many organizations host to

34 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE a range of political positions, some being Climate Strike Day in Washington DC, September 2019, anti-capitalist. photo: flickr/Stephen Meklisethian It was the 2016 Sanders primary after the Sanders campaign, from a few campaign against Hillary Clinton and its thousand nationwide to about 50,000. The aftermath that brought a loosely defined organization has proved itself effective in socialism to a national stage. Sanders may electoral campaigns; candidates are willing have been a white, rather old man, but to gamble on calling themselves socialists he ran away with the youth vote during to get the door knocking power of DSA. the primary. Liberal opponents derided The Democratic primary for the 2020 him for representing an old working class election will prove a testing ground for past and for having little to say about race the next phase of socialism in the United and gender. On the latter point, they were States. Sanders’s two major opponents are sometimes right. But following his ex- Joe Biden, a popular warmed-over centrist traordinary campaign, he endorsed several Democrat prone to gaffes, and Elizabeth candidates who were young women of Warren, the populist senator and Harvard color, including Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Law professor from Massachusetts. It is Today, the growing ranks of elected social- the latter candidate who raises fundamen- ists are young, diverse, and partly thanks tal questions about how we use the term to Sanders, unafraid to run as socialists. »socialism« in the United States. The Democratic Socialists of America (who Warren and Sanders are allies in roughly share Sanders’s politics, but of the Senate and share many of the same which he is not a member) grew massively policies. While Sanders was the electoral

SARAH LEONARD 35 Bernie Sanders with supporters in Ames, Iowa, closer to Sanders and some more radical. July 2019, photo: flickr/Gage Skidmore Using the term socialism broadened the expression of waves of radicalism starting Overton Window; for years, Republicans in 2011, Warren represents the degree to had described any social welfare policy as which the radicalism of the last decade has socialist, and Democrats had shrunk in become accepted in mainstream politics. fear. Using the term restored confidence Some political analysts said that Sanders to anyone left of the party, and some should accept that she has assumed his people in it, and that confidence lent mantle and step aside. Socialists have charisma to political positions that had bristled at this because, while Sanders has been marginal. Now, when confronted identified as a socialist for his entire career, with a capitalist-identified candidate who Warren describes herself as »capitalist to looks similar on paper, socialists use the my bones«. How do two candidates with term »socialism« not just as a counterpoint these radically different identifications to »casino capitalism,« as Sanders does, agree on so much? but to describe a plan and a vision that is Until now, both Sanders and Ameri- distinctly socialist. ca’s young socialists have offered a flexible definition of socialism. Sanders refers to While Sanders has identified the New Deal and often calls for a return to as a socialist for Keynesian economics with a vague North his entire career, Star of socialism. The young generation of Warren describes herself socialists has a range of tendencies, some as »capitalist to my bones«.

36 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE Constituency concerns, theories of are increasingly finding their way to a change, and a long-term vision for more antagonistic politics that articulates organizing society shape the contours of movement building as the necessary 21st century socialism, as articulated in precondition for defeating capitalists, not the presidential race. First, the question making them more ethical. of constituency: socialists have pointed Though efforts to articulate the out that Sanders’s base is more working difference between Sanders and Warren class, younger, and more diverse, while have forced us to discuss what sort of Warren’s base is more educated, profes- socialist future we want. Subtle dif- sional and white. Building a long-term ferences in the candidates’ plans have socialist movement needs a movement forced a discussion about whether social that looks like the one at Sanders’ back. goods like education should be more Some have noted, though, that the accessible or entirely decommodified. A left would do well to remember that socialist future has to reject the entire downwardly mobile professionals—from framework of »preserving the middle teachers to social workers to indebted law class,« an idea that has always rested on school graduates—increasingly share the ideas of aspirational self-improvement, interests of more traditional sectors of the and investment in property and educa- working class, and will be a necessary and tion. Instead, socialists are demanding, valuable part of any strong movement. and must demand, that social goods be Movement building is bound up taken off the market entirely, and that we with the candidates’ theories of political eschew the confusing idea of the middle change: Sanders has an antagonistic rela- class—that seemingly virtuous class tionship with the existing party leader- without antagonists—in favor of the idea ship, would be likely to seriously renovate that everyone deserves to flourish. and reshape the party, and would bring By using the term socialism, we have outsiders into the White House. If his moved politics to the left, and we have put candidacy is any sign, he would recognize a stake in the ground. Now that the word that a mobilized mass movement is the is popular, and many of our policies, like only way to fight capital and make gains. Medicare for All, are absorbed by the Warren, whose populism is expressed Democratic Party, we can flesh out our through detailed policies and expertise, politics further and insist that we aim and who has a good relationship with higher than America at mid-century. That party leaders, condemns »corrupt« finan- many young people are resisting attempts ciers but believes that business deserves to turn socialism into something more a seat at the table in solving crises like palatable to capitalists is a sign that global warming. Socialists in America socialism is still a politics on the rise.

SARAH LEONARD 37 REVOLUTION MEANS TAKING CARE OF THE FUTURE

VERÓNICA GAGO

Thinking a socialist future implies The struggles now unfolding in Chile imagining what this future might look and across the globe against neoliberal like, and then asking how we can get there. privatization, the destruction of wel- Utopia, as conceived by revolutionary fare provisions, and the progressive theory, implies a pragmatic aspect relating commodification of our lives stand in a to the question of transition. Transition is largely inverse relation to such a revolu- a challenge. History has shown that it is tionary temporality. Their project is less not linear: no direct path leading from one future-orientated than it is invested in point to another exists. Instead, we need to defending something lost or something consider transition as a process. Feminist perceived as under threat. These are body politics aimed at dismantling rigid struggles for the commons, struggles norms of gender and sexuality show that to confront ongoing dispossession, or revolutions take time. The temporal space demanding the return of stolen wealth: created by this, however, opens up a field struggles showing that our utopias need for exploration and experimentation, a foundations to turn into a reality. We terrain on which contradictory forces clash. need functioning structures of care and Is it possible to walk such a transitional self-care to find the energy to fight in the path without knowing where it will lead? first place. Should this lead us to conclude that these struggles are more conserva- This political movement is tive, or backward-looking than they are founded on a temporality utopian? No. They entail a utopian thrust that is directed toward the in their knowledge of the conditions from production of the present. which they initiate transformation. For We can see that revolutionary this reason, these are now decisive and desire requires a solid indispensible struggles. Taking self-de- infrastructure in order fence as a starting point, they spawn the to come to fruition. possibility of something new; they bring

38 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE to light something that has not existed. In their determination and radical nature, They found this political movement on contemporary feminisms are initiating a temporality that is not nostalgic or radical breaks—in our bodies, on the archaic, but directed toward producing streets, in bed, and in the household. the present. We can see that revolutionary The slogan of the feminist movement desire requires a solid infrastructure to in Argentina sums them up: »We want come to fruition. to change everything!« With the most Rosa Luxemburg coined the concept recent revolts in Chile, this claim has of a revolutionary realpolitik to grasp been further sharpened, with the femi- transition with greater precision, as a nist revolution positing that »We have a process in which day-to-day struggles for programme: We want everything!«. There concrete improvements take place against is no space, no social relations that remain the horizon of a radical reorganization of untouched by this dynamic of rupture and society, and in which struggles in the here revolt. The time of revolution lies in the and now, in grassroots politics, pave the here and now, its energized force linking it way for the steps to follow. The teleology to the perspective of a liberated future. of an ultimate revolutionary »goal« shifts. From its origins in Latin America, Not because it no longer exists or loses the energy of the transnational feminist importance, but because the temporal strike has spread to over 50 countries. In relation to everyday politics has changed. Chile, the masses have taken up many of We can and must question every act, the slogans and practices of the feminist whether it is imbued with revolutionary strike and have assumed even greater dynamism or not. force as a plurinational general strike. The experience gained in various movements »We want to change over recent years has made it possible everything!« to change even the way we struggle, the organizational forms, the political I consider this concept helpful for perspectives, and the historical alliances. sharpening the revolutionary perspective In this context, two central mechanisms of current feminisms. What are their of domination are being attacked: the goals? What utopian energies do they burden of debt being placed on subaltern unleash? To what extent can we see them subjects, and the expropriation this brings as a revolutionary realpolitik of the future with it, both of which have rendered even when they do not have a stable idea impossible a self-determined future for of what their goal is? In what way, do they large parts of the population. revolutionize the present and create the As a financial obligation, debt conditions for a different future? colonizes our future. It chains us to ex-

VERÓNICA GAGO 39 ploitation with a tightly-knit dispositif of the devastation and desertion of entire moralizing admonishment and individu- regions, militarization and the crimi- alization. Conservative neoliberalism has nalization of borders, and scapegoating thoroughly recolonized the Latin America »internal enemies«. financially. These are the conditions under which an indebted, and thus highly Feminist revolution creates disciplined, younger generation has a site of political antagonism grown up, its lack of independence inten- by fighting for the means of sified by the centrality of the hetero-patri- the production of life. archal family. The struggle against debt is about re-appropriating our future and These are struggles that question the making it our own, creatively shaping it role of property. In doing so, the feminist on an individual and a collective level, revolution creates a site of political antag- and finding new subjectivities that can onism by fighting for means of producing escape such a »debt relation«. life wherever neoliberal exploitation takes The graffiti and slogans of the root. In this respect, feminism as a quo- Chilean protests express this all. On the tidian revolution is significant, because facades of banks in Chile, home of the it poses the question of whether the sites Chicago Boys and the highest per capita at which the accumulation of capital is debt in the entire region, it says: »They opposed might determine the direction of owe us a life.« This statement reverses transformation. the question of who owes what to whom. Today, even the bodies of young Considering surging living costs, or, to be people are sites of contestation where more precise, counting the progressive capital is attempting to expand its value extraction of value from daily practices of creation, to mould them into obedient social reproduction, this slogan points to workers who obediently accept precariza- the possibility of financial disobedience— tion, debt, and the nuclear family—even the #EvasionMasiva movement is a prime if the latter is imploding and brimming example. with violence. In these bodies, the Current feminist movements go feminist revolution has planted the desire even further, formulating a concrete and for revolution, the promise of a future pointed critique of the multiple and new not regulated by capital—opening up the forms of predatory exploitation by which concrete production of utopia. capital reaches ever further into our lives. Bodies are fighting shoulder to shoulder on many fronts: those of household debt Translation by Lisa Jeschke and Joel Scott and precarization, neo-extractivism and for Gegensatz Translation Collective

40 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE Protest against the price increases in public transport in Santiago de Chile, October 2019. This and all images on the following pages were taken by the photo collective © Migrar Photo

VERÓNICA GAGO 41 A SOCIALISM FOR THE 21. CENTURY FOUR ASSUMPTIONS

ETIENNE BALIBAR

1 // Extrapolating Marx’s statements, Lenin alized as »degrowth«. These contradictions characterized the revolutionary transition are asymmetrical: they confront power with as a non-state state. This compound of a counter-power that is not only different contradictions made it possible to describe in character, but works otherwise. This is a paradox: strengthen state power to shatter where we meet the opportunities and risks bourgeois positions and start the transition of revolutionary experiments. to a communist association of producers. It referred to a revolutionary institution: the Planning will be even »Soviet« or workers’ council that existed more necessary if its aim across Europe. Even if Lenin’s invention is not to accelerate never came into effect, we can assume that industrial development, the non-state state continues to describe but to organize a the essence—and the difficulty—of any »de-industrialization« transition beyond structures of social that is not accompanied domination. In all later revolutionary by a collapse in living stages—but also in the socialization conditions. experiments of the 20th century, which did not question the capitalist framework—the 2 // The revolutionary contradictions noted problem of the »transition« also concerns are not independent of one another. We can the contradictory compound of a non-mar- assume, for instance, that a non-market ket market; or, a permanent constraining will not be possible without state interven- of market autonomy in favour of a politics tion or support, to plan, which requires an that does not do away with capitalism but administrative body and corresponding merely »reigns it in«. And in the context of legislature. Planning will be even more the ongoing environmental catastrophe, we necessary if its aim is not to accelerate need to think the contradiction of a non-in- industrial development, but to organize dustrial industry, which might be conceptu- a »de-industrialization« unaccompanied

42 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE by a collapse in living conditions. Also, An alternative 20th-century experiments with planning depends on whether, hardly touched on the financial structures in the years ahead, of the credit and money economy. And world politics will tend the issue at hand also changes with the to one or another form transition from a national to a global scale. of socialism. But what might the corresponding forms of democratic participation or mass mobiliza- 4 // With the realization that environmental tion be? We get a sense of this problem in catastrophe is already underway, and the notion of a »global civil society«, with irreversibly so, we need to drop the ideology its networks of associations and campaigns of progress elaborated nowhere more dy- of solidarity. namically than by socialism. Yet it is not the 3 // Political developments are unpredict- idea that progress is necessary that is in »de- able. They depend on situations in which cline«, rather only the idea that all progress highly different strains of action come is ideologically inscribed in a totalizing evo- together, each with their own temporality. lution that coincides with the progression of Theory can only describe and evaluate the history as such. However we do not seek to »actors« that contribute to change. In con- replace this ideology with that of a collapse temporary theory, this problem has often that leads to the end of history—a nihilist been conceptualized as one of the conver- version of the conclusions drawn by some gence of different interests and of choosing regarding the final triumph of a liberalism between different »hegemonies« that underpinned by self-regulated markets. We hierarchize these interests. Ernesto Laclau are instead looking for alternatives that are and Chantal Mouffe have done significant always present within a negative process. work in this respect. But their But their A process which, though unstoppable, can idea of an »empty signifier« has benefitted take on more or less threatening forms. The a »populism« easily appropriated by thesis argued for here is that the possibility nationalism, unfortunately. The heart of the of an alternative depends on whether, in the matter lies not only in social interests but years ahead, world politics will tend to one also in the modalities of political action (or or another form of socialism. This is what agency) that could shape a socialist project. both the reorganization of societies depends By referring to the elements of programme, on and the opportunity to force capitalism to regulation, insurrection, and utopia, I want address priorities other than the maximi- to clarify that these forms of action differ zation of profits. This means that a shift in qualitatively in terms of the level they are the changes in humanity’s relationship with situated on, their institutional form, and the nature requires an acceleration of changes »subjects« that they construct. in the relations between human beings.

ETIENNE BALIBAR 43 WHY AND WHICH SOCIALISM? WHY SOCIALISM? HERE’S WHY! AND HERE’S HOW!

INGAR SOLTY

Imagine socialism freed from everything that bothers you

Ask yourself who would be especially bothered by it then No one but him is and remains really your enemy (Erich Fried)

1 // Why Socialism?« was the title of mankind ended. In the 1930s, capitalism an essay written by an exiled German had descended into its worst crisis to date, intellectual which appeared in the very first sweeping aside young liberal democracies issue of the US socialist magazine Monthly almost everywhere, and resulting in the Review. The author’s name? Albert rise of extreme right-wing forces in Ger- Einstein—physicist, inventor of the theory many set on fomenting a new world war to of relativity, and committed socialist. In his facilitate the colonization of new territories essay, the man responsible for revolution- in Eastern Europe to take control of izing science set out why he believed the resources, markets, and land. Because of future had to be socialist (Einstein, 1949). this war, remaining the deadliest to date, Four years prior, the most horrific in which up to 80 million lost their lives— catastrophe and crime in the history of the majority of whom were civilians. The

44 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE country which Einstein, as a German Jew both countries, and thus both nations’ had been forced to flee, began the war. communist parties developed into huge In this war, Nazi Germany murdered six parties of the masses with enormous million Jews on an industrial scale, and influence on the population. In the United in the socialist Soviet Union in particular, Kingdom, a very left-wing social-demo- German fascism waged its war of conquest cratic government came to power and set as a systematic war of annihilation. The about founding the British welfare state. German »Generalplan Ost« (Master Plan In Greece, a civil war raged with a strong for the East) foresaw the displacement and communist presence. In Eastern Europe, murder of at least 30 million Slavic people socialists had taken (and then consoli- through execution, forced starvation, and dated) power in the course of the Soviet death by forced labour. By the end of the march on Berlin: one third of the world war, 27 million Soviet citizens were dead. was part of the international communist Only as a result of an tense combined ef- movement at that time. fort was the Soviet Union able to overcome In Germany, too, the socialist spirit the German onslaught and go ahead to was once again on the rise: in the western liberate the concentration and extermina- occupied zones, for example, the 1947 tion camps in Eastern Europe. The USA’s state constitution of Hesse was based on entrance into the war contributed to the the most progressive and anticapitalist Allies’ ultimate defeat of Nazi Germany. In constitutions that had emerged through retribution, Germany’s civilian popula- the 1930s and 1940s, including the Soviet tion was subject to a remorseless Allied constitution of 1936, the new US Bill of bombing campaign and the destruction of Rights proposed as part of the New Deal, many German cities (see Deppe, Salomon and the new post-war constitutions drawn and Solty 2011, 27−41). up in France and Italy (cf. Canfora, 2006, After the war, capitalism found 259−82). The Hesse constitution planned itself discredited. In the Far East, a for the extensive implementation of communist revolution succeeded in 1949 socialist policies. The anti-capitalist mood in China—which had suffered the most was evident even among the Christian brutal of occupations at the hands of conservative movement, specifically in imperial Japan—and quickly spread to the the »Ahlen Programme« put forward by Korean peninsula and toward Vietnam. the CDU in 1947, which stated that »the Meanwhile, in a decimated continental capitalist economic system has failed to Europe, anti-capitalist forces were operate in favour of the political and social gathering strength. In Italy and France, interests of the German people. The only the international communist movement possible answer to the terrible political, had sustained liberation movements in economic, and social collapse brought

INGAR SOLTY 45 © Migrar Photo endeavours in these regions, a process variously described by historians and social about by a criminal, power-driven form of scientists as »enforced capitalism«, an politics, is a fundamental reorganization. »impeded reorganization«, and »restoration The content and goal of this new social in West Germany« (see Schmidt 1971; and economic order can no longer be Schmidt and Fichter 1978; and Huster et al. based on the capitalist pursuit of power 1994; Dahn 2010, 37−44). and profit, but must instead ensure the In East Germany, however, things welfare of our people. Through an eco- proceeded differently. In the Soviet-occu- nomic system based on public ownership pied zones, the economic structure that (eine gemeinwirtschaftliche Ordnung), the had laid the foundations for fascism was German people shall obtain an economic thoroughly dismantled: the big landowners and social charter that corresponds to the who, as military aristocracy, had supported rights and the dignity of human beings, Hitler and brought him to power before one that will serve the moral and material spearheading the Wehrmacht’s war of regeneration of our people and guarantee annihilation, were summarily disempow- peace both at home and abroad« (CDU ered; now it was »Junker lands in farmers’ Zone Committee of the British Zone, 1947, hands«, as the slogan had it. The Nazis 15). It was only the acceleration of the Cold had sought to solve agricultural problems War and the integration of the entirety of through settler-colonialism, sending the West Germany into the sphere of US-dom- older siblings of estates that were barely inated capitalism that put a stop to socialist economically viable and no longer able to

46 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE be further divided as settlers to occupied that the SPD’s post-war goals were now Eastern Europe (»Lebensraum in the East« actually being implemented (Dahn 2010, for the »people without space«), instead of 38). Here, under the protection of the intervening to deprive the Junkers of some USSR, victims of Nazi fascism returning of their economic and social power. In from concentration camps or exile took addition, German war plans had envisaged over political power. resettling a further four to 12 million Ger- mans in depopulated regions of the Soviet The result of these Union. Now, the situation had radically developments is an changed: a destitute rural population was oligarchy of private capital, finally able to stake out their own patch— the enormous power of and not via imperialist means. This merely which cannot be changed when, for reasons of productivity effectively checked and the necessities of building socialism, even by a democratically land finally became public property organized political society. during the collectivization of East German (Einstein) agriculture, providing rural workers with heavy agricultural machinery as well as The links between capitalism, its brutal cri- vacation time. ses, the rise of fascist forces, and world war, At the same time, the major industrial the connections between Kapitalismus, concerns in Soviet-occupied zones which Krise und Krieg (capitalism, crisis, and had supported Hitler and profited from the war, cf. Gill and Solty, 2013)—were etched war were expropriated and transferred into into the minds of the post-war population. public ownership. In a referendum held Einstein was far from alone in thinking in the state of Saxony in June 1946, 77.7 the reconstruction to take place following percent of the population voted in favour crisis, fascism, and war could only do so of large-scale socializations. The nationali- within a socialist framework. The phrase zation processes agreed upon in December »socialism or barbarism«, first formulated 1918 during the German Revolution by by Karl Kautsky and Rosa Luxemburg the moderate social-democratic Imperial before the outbreak of World War I, now Congress of the »workers’ and soldiers’ enjoyed common currency. Barbarism was councils« (see Schütrumpf, Sonnenberg already experienced first-hand. and Solty 2019) and supported, at that Einstein was clear in his conviction that the time too, by the general populace, had also capitalist private sector should be replaced formed the core of the SPD’s projected with planned, socialist public enterprise, post-war programme in West Germany; because under capitalism »[p]rivate capital ironically, it was in East Germany, at least, tends to become concentrated in few hands,

INGAR SOLTY 47 partly because of competition among the homeland was divided into the Federal Re- capitalists, and partly because technological public of Germany (FRG) and the German development and the increasing division Democratic Republic (GDR). The existence of labor encourage the formation of of two German states did not reflect an larger units of production at the expense of internal German border; instead, both smaller ones. The result of these develop- functioned as outposts of two nuclear su- ments is an oligarchy of private capital, perpowers struggling for global supremacy the enormous power of which cannot be (Fülberth 2007). The partition of Germany effectively checked even by a democratically and the Cold War entailed that the short organized political society. This is true period of workers’ self-management in since the members of legislative bodies are the Soviet-occupied Zone and young GDR, selected by political parties, largely financed which had emerged when local capitalists or otherwise influenced by private capitalists fled from the Red Army and expropriation who, for all practical purposes, separate (taking their patents, databases of custom- the electorate from the legislature. The ers and some engineers with them), was consequence is that the representatives of also terminated (Roesler 1978; Fülberth the people do not in fact sufficiently protect 2007, 31−46). The conceptions of an inde- the interests of the underprivileged sections pendent German path towards socialism, as of the population. Moreover, under existing they are associated with the name of Anton conditions, private capitalists inevitably con- Ackermann (2005) were never realized. trol, directly or indirectly, the main sources In the late 1960s and early 1970s, of information (press, radio, education). It is socialism gained traction around the world thus extremely difficult, and indeed in most as part of a broader left-wing movement cases quite impossible, for the individual cit- sweeping the globe. Its three pillars— izen to come to objective conclusions and to labour movements in the West, »real make intelligent use of his political rights« socialism« in the East, and anti-colonial (Einstein 1949). For Einstein, socialism socialist liberation movements in the concerned the realization of true democracy. Global South—were enjoying a period of particular strength, while the West found SOCIALISM’S IDEOLOGICAL CRISIS itself descending into another deep crisis, (1989–2007) that of Fordist capitalism (cf. Harvey 2007, After 1949 history followed a different 39−63; Deppe et al. 2011: 41−56). direction to the one Einstein had hoped Unfortunately, the Western ruling classes’ for. In West Germany, the advent of the project of »neoliberal globalization« suc- Cold War snuffed out the socialist hopes cessfully pushed back against this leftward and aspirations of the post-war period. The shift. At home, they seriously weakened same year Einstein published his essay, his the trade-union movement, which was

48 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE then forced to adopt a highly defensive consider postmodern thought as the ideo- position, while abroad they were able to logical expression of neoliberal capitalism maintain control over newly-independent (Harvey 1990, 44−46; Callinicos 2003, countries in the Global South via the debt 11-22; Wolin 2004; Amin 2004; Sanbon- crisis, which forced these countries to in- matsu 2005). As early as 1991, the British tegrate themselves into the capitalist world political scientist and Trotskyist Alex market and conform to the neoliberal Callinicos noted that Fukuyama’s »end of conditions set out by the credit-lending history« thesis was »merely a variation on West—including the abolition of protec- one of the dominant cultural themes of tive tariffs, the privatization of publicly the 1980s…« (Callinicos 1991, 9). owned enterprises, and the deregulation Thus were the bourgeois Western of markets. At around the same time, real intellectuals able to claim victory—and socialism in the East was beginning to a very profitable one for them at that— stagnate (cf. Deppe et al. 2011, 57−67). although the central questions that the The 1991 collapse of (state) socialism socialism of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Eastern Bloc seemed to herald the had sought to answer remained as urgent end of a socialist alternative to capitalism. as ever, particularly given the existence of In 1992, the socialist intellectual Perry a now globalized form of capitalism (An- Anderson wrote that »[t]he historical derson 1993, 170; Bobbio 1994, 88–90). potential of socialism as a whole ap- This was true with respect to the social pears to be entirely exhausted in ways question and rising inequality, the spatial- similar to that of liberalism fifty years ly divergent development of market-driven ago« (Anderson 1993, 169). After the societies (both within individual nation events of 1989/1990, bourgeois Western states and their cities as well as between intellectuals proclaimed the »end of global capitalist centres and the periph- history«: according to Francis Fukuyama’s ery), the democratic question, and the now-famous essay, there is no alternative metabolic interaction between humanity beyond a capitalist market economy and and nature, among other things (see also liberal democracy (Fukuyama 1992). On Hobsbawm 1996, 558−85). university campuses, even representatives Ultimately, many seemed resigned of the left were in agreement with the to the idea that there was no alternative to prevailing mood when many of them capitalism. The British intellectual Mark drew on the French philosopher Lyotard Fisher, who died well before his time, (1986) and the U.S. American intellectual named this »capitalist realism« (Fisher Richard Rorty and their postulation of the 2013), where we live in a world in which it »end of grand narratives«, leading some is easier to imagine the end of the world Marxism-oriented critical intellectuals to than the end of capitalism.

INGAR SOLTY 49 Bourgeois-liberal opinion-makers such as CIA, the democratically elected socialist Milton Friedman, Fukuyama, Thomas L. government of Salvador Allende, to use Friedman, and Samuel Huntington had as- the South American country as a test lab serted that capitalism—particularly in the for the enforcement of the »free market« specific form of financialized neoliberal (Klein 2008, 56−152). From this strain capitalism—allows for stability, innovation, of thought now emerged the ideology of and efficiency, and that the superiority of alternativelessness, neatly summarized market-capitalist organization in compar- by Margaret Thatcher’s dictum »There ison with all other organizational forms is No Alternative« (TINA) which Angela would also lead to a process of democra- Merkel echoed in 2011, at the peak of the tization (see for example Friedman 2002, Eurozone crisis, when she called for a 30−45). The superiority of the combination »market-compliant democracy« in Angela of liberal capitalism with representative Merkel’s demand for a »market-compliant democracy would end all alternatives. democracy« (quoted from Brunkhorst These notions covered up the fact that, 2017). during the 1920s and 1930s, economic This TINA ideology became so perva- liberalism had been willing to form sive that after 1989 it was able to subsume coalitions with fascism to protect capitalist the erstwhile social-democratic opposition private property from popular socialization to bourgeois-liberal capitalist parties in the measures. For instance, in his classic text West. The crisis of state socialism broad- »Liberalism«, economic liberalism’s key ened to envelop the whole left, and classic intellectual Ludwig von Mises argued that social-democratic parties saw themselves »Fascism and similar movements aiming transformed into neoliberal ones, with at establishing dictatorships are full of the examples including the New Democrats, best intentions«, insofar as they »suppress New Labour, and the »New Centre« (see socialist ideas and (…) persecute the people Candeias 2004, 329−41; Solty 2007 and who spread them«; and Mises praised 2008; and Nachtwey 2009). Their key fascism as an »intervention« that had intellectuals adopted right-wing economic »saved European civilization. The merit doctrine under the moniker of »common that Fascism has thereby won for itself will sense«, as if it were suddenly »beyond live on eternally in history« (Mises 2005, left and right« (Giddens 1997). Margaret 29−30). The neoliberal creed covered up Thatcher hit the nail on the head when the fact that neoliberalism’s single most-in- she said that her greatest achievement was fluential thinker Milton Friedman and his a New Labour led by the neoliberal Tony »Chicago Boys« themselves formed a pact Blair, because »[w]e forced our opponents with General Pinochet’s fascism in Chile, to change their minds« (quoted from which had overthrown with the help of the Burns 2008).

50 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE CAPITALISM’S IDEOLOGICAL CRISIS and the reorganization of Keynesian (2007—2020) welfare states into punitive workfare insti- Capitalism’s promise for the future, tutions meant the expansion of low-wage however, went up in smoke with the global sectors that eroded social security, spread financial crisis. The idea that capitalism fears of unemployment and downward provided economic and political stability, social mobility right through to the middle innovation, and efficiency had long predom- classes, and led to a breakdown in solidar- inated, but by the time of the crisis in 2007, ity (Dörre 2008). The implementation of at the latest, it had begun to lose credibility, these unpopular measures resulted in a particularly in the Global South. Firstly, crisis of representation, as evidenced in the notion that financialized neoliberal declining voter turnout, decreased voter capitalism leads to stability was shown to share for the old major parties, and the be absurd by the constant economic and rise of extreme right-wing parties, as well financial crises that neoliberal capitalism as the emergence of new left-wing parties produced. Whether through the New York (see Solty and Gill 2013; Solty 2016b, banking crisis of 1987, the Mexican crisis Candeias 2018). At the same time, this of 1994–1995, the Asian financial crisis of splintering of the party-political system 1997–1998, the crisis in Russia from 1998– has also made it more difficult to manage 1999, the Argentinean crisis (1998–2002) the crises efficiently. Right at a moment the dot-com crash (2000–2002) in the that calls for strong parties with the ability USA, or the global financial crisis that has to show leadership (Poulantzas 1974, 75), persisted since 2007, neoliberal capitalism these parties turn into apparatuses entirely has shown itself to be immensely unstable absorbed by particular interests and tac- (Huffschmid 1999; Brenner 2002; McNally tical manoeuvring (Solty 2019e). Around 2010). The bank bailouts and policies of the world, we see liberal democracy losing austerity that followed the global financial its stronghold, with charismatic authori- crisis proved to be extremely unpopular tarian leadership figures—such as Donald and resulted in large protest movements Trump in the USA, Lalit Modi in India, emerging all around the world (Mason Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, Rodrigo Duterte 2012; Gallas et al. 2012; Schmalz and in the Philippines, Jarosław Aleksander Weinmann 2013; Candeias and Völpel Kaczyński in Poland, and Viktor Orbán in 2014; Solty 2014). Hungary—taking power around the world Gone, secondly, is the notion that lib- (Beck and Stützle 2018; Candeias 2019). eral capitalism provides political stability. It is the hour of »strongmen« (Rilling Declared to be lacking in alternatives, and 2017). Simultaneously, liberal capitalism implemented in the name of competitive- has itself become even more authoritarian ness, the deregulation of labour markets (Deppe 2013; Bruff 2014). The best exam-

INGAR SOLTY 51 ple of this is the European Fiscal Compact, big money has also made it plutocratic and which required that EU states make cuts to ungovernable, as Einstein identified, has social services, with the decline of Greece become widespread, particularly in the merely the tip of the iceberg (Oberndorfer USA (see Solty 2013, 68−71). Meanwhile, 2013; Ryner 2016; Streeck 2016, 113−42). Fukuyama advances the thesis that »US Another example is the brutal repression democracy has little to teach China«, while of the social protest movements against a the peak of the global financial crisis the pension cuts enforced by the govern- Thomas L. Friedman, who is a real seismo- ment of Emmanuel Macron in France. graph of the sentiments of the bourgeoisie, Even neoliberals admit that the democracy wished that the USA could be »China for supposed to follow hot on the heels of mar- one day« (Friedman 2009, 429–455)—that ket liberalization processes currently finds is, to be able to command the same power itself in a state of retreat (Kurlantzick 2013; and state resources in order to be able Przeworski 2019). And even Wolfgang to efficiently manage the crisis. These Streeck, erstwhile advisor to Third Way neoliberal mouthpieces of yore look at the social democrats in Germany, postulated Chinese one-party system almost with en- the end of democratic capitalism (Streeck, vy, a system which not least in the Global 2016, 73−94). South is increasingly (fearfully) admired as a result of its developmental successes These neoliberal (Jacques 2009, 151−63; Kronauer 2019, mouthpieces of yore look at 23−44), including bringing 770 million the Chinese one-party people out of poverty and into the waged system almost with envy. middle classes (Ding 2019, 4). China’s capacity for innovation has At this point, however, the question undermined the notion that liberal market of the political form of capitalism, of why capitalism is especially innovative. During contemporary crisis capitalism has not in the Asian financial crisis, the nations least fact led to more democracy, of the »forms affected were those that had most strongly of bourgeois rule« (Kühnl 1971) and of opposed the »Washington Consensus« authoritarian state forms in capitalism of market liberalization and the idea of (Neumann 1986) takes on a new signifi- the private sector being superior to the cance (see Solty 2018b). state sector. Moreover, China transformed In reality, even liberal market democ- itself from the low-wage workshop of the racy’s mouthpieces no longer hold firm to world to the USA and the West’s main their own formerly-held beliefs. The idea high-tech rival not despite but because of that capitalism has become oligarchic, and its strong system of state interventionism that the growing influence of lobbyists and (Ten Brink 2013, 113−92; Schmalz 2018,

52 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE 108−19; Yang 2019, 12−15). This is clear © Migrar Photo in the Global South and has led to a crisis of neoliberal orthodoxy, even though it no sense that things could be different. continues to dominate Western university »The societies in which we live,« as Axel economics departments. But even in the Honneth wrote two years ago, are »defined West the belief in the innovative strength by an extremely irritating dichotomy that of capitalist markets has abated, not least is difficult to explain«. On the one hand, because influential publications such as »anxiety around the socio-economic The Entrepreneurial State by economist situation, around economic relations and Mariana Mazzucato has demonstrated that working conditions, has grown enor- essentially all of the innovation that has mously in recent years«. Since the end occurred under digital capitalism can be of the Second World War, it is likely that directly traced back to public (research) there have »never been so many people investment, which is then simply patented simultaneously appalled by the social and by Silicon Valley and then cannibalized by political consequences unleashed world- financial capital (Mazzucato 2013). wide by the capitalist market economy.« Capitalism finds itself today in a deep However, it seems that »this mass outrage ideological crisis in this context. Although lacks a guiding sense of direction, a feel dissatisfaction with crisis capitalism is for a conclusion to its critique, which widespread for quite some time, there is means that this outrage remains curiously

INGAR SOLTY 53 mute and inwardly directed; it is as if this increased currency in the »West«, rampant anxiety lacks the ability to think particularly among the younger gener- beyond what currently exists and imagine ations in countries most affected by the a society beyond capitalism (…)« (Hon- crisis. In the parliamentary elections in neth, 2017, 15) the United Kingdom in December 2019, The global financial crisis and the 18-to-24-year-olds voted overwhelmingly climate crisis, however, have put the in favour of Labour’s programme of (re-) question of fundamental alternatives to socialization, so much so that the victo- present financialized neoliberal capitalism rious Conservative Party would not have back on the agenda. Throughout the West, won a single seat had this age group been the political landscape is undergoing the only one voting. Meanwhile, in the a process of fragmentation along stark USA, »democratic socialist« presidential ideological lines: the eroding (neo)liberal candidate Bernie Sanders’s campaign is centre is being challenged by authoritar- supported by a broad and primarily young ian nationalist, proto-fascist, and straight mass movement, one whose demographic up-fascist forces from the right and polls indicate has long preferred »social- neo-socialist and communist groups from ism« to »capitalism« (Solty 2019c). In the left. In the USA, for example, this Germany, too, socialism is experiencing polarisation is embodied in the way that a concrete ideological renaissance in the cross-party (neo)liberalism of Hillary the form of new debates around prop- Clinton, Jeb Bush, or Joe Biden has been erty ownership: in summer 2019, the challenged by authoritarian conservatism »Expropriate Deutsche Wohnen et al.!« in the form of Trump, or neo-socialism in campaign, with its goal of (re-)socializing the form of Bernie Sanders. In essence, large profit-oriented real-estate compa- what we are seeing is the repolarization nies, alongside debates prompted by the of the political called for in recent years SPD’s youth organization leader Kevin by Chantal Mouffe (Mouffe 2005: −69 76), Kühnert, who created a controversy by which Mouffe considered to be a neces- calling for the socialization of BMW and sary antidote against right-wing populism, other big corporations and by stating that and the emergence of a new left populism no one should own homes beyond the one which Mouffe promotes as the alternative they are living in, led to a dramatic shift to right-wing populism after its ascent in the terms of debate around property (Mouffe 2018). ownership, and revealed the widespread Yet dissatisfaction with the current popularity of socialist measures of this state of things is increasingly being kind (Nuss 2019, 9−17). In the words of articulated on the left using the language US playwright Tony Kushner, »history… of »socialism«, currently enjoying crack[ed] wide open« (Kushner 1993, 112).

54 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE Against the backdrop of capitalism’s defend itself against the destructive powers tendencies towards crisis, even Fukuyama of liberalism and unleashed market forces and Jeffrey Sachs, the economist who (Polanyi 2002). orchestrated the shock privatisation of But liberalism has no answer to the former Soviet Union and carries this major crisis of capitalism and its six responsibility for the »Russian Mortality dimensions. In contrast, it seems that the Crisis« (1992−1994) with seven million larger the crisis becomes, the narrower »premature deaths« (see Azarova et al. and less visionary the answers become. 2017), expect—and explicitly welcome—a As Klaus Dörre points out: »In a period of return to »socialism« in the future, at least deep societal transformation, it does not in terms of a strong social-democratic suffice to merely tamper with symptoms. redistributive welfare state (Sachs 2012; Instead, it necessitates to defeat the Fukuyama, 2018). sickness and correct systemic errors (…).« In short, we are today witnessing the Because, as the British historian Eric end of the »end of history« and experienc- Hobsbawm had warned us as early as ing the end of the »end of grand narra- 1994: »The alternative to a changed society tives«. Through its descent into crisis, is darkness (…)« (Hobsbawm 1996, 585). liberalism has brought about its antitheses: nationalism and fascism, but also the LIBERALISM’S LACK OF VISION IN THE hopeful portent of socialism. FACE OF THE MULTIPLE CRISIS Yet, liberals in power react to the economic 2 // THAT’S WHY! crisis by postponing it. Scrappage pro- The return of socialism isn’t a surprise. grams and rebates on electric cars, actions Capitalism today finds itself not only in aimed at gaining competitive advantages its deepest crisis since the 1930s; what’s by further exploiting workers stimulate car more, in the course of 250 years of indus- sales (for a detailed analysis of this in a US trialization, capitalism has brought the context, see Solty 2013, 15−71). The explicit world to the brink of a crisis of civilization, goal here is market expansion, for example one which threatens to signify the end of by increasing car exports to emerging humanity. This was something that Perry economies and particularly to China, home Anderson anticipated in 1992, when he to today’s largest middle class because wrote: »Once the liberal paradigm (…) is of its aforementioned success story. The applied, a future rehabilitation of socialism answer to the economic crisis is thus to cannot be precluded (…)« (Anderson 1993, deepen the ecological and climate catastro- 169). The excesses of liberalism do not phe (Solty 2018a). necessarily bring about the gravediggers Meanwhile, reigning liberalism reacts of capitalism, but they compel society to to the crisis of social cohesion either with

INGAR SOLTY 55 tech optimism or not at all. Under capital- and expanded emergency powers, a further ism, revolutions in technology, which— delegation of citizens’ sovereign rights were they democratically controlled and to transnational forms of statehood that not driven by capitalist interests—could are not democratically accountable (such unleash enormous emancipatory potential, as the European Union, the European freeing humans from physical drudgery Fiscal Compact, and trade and investment or alienating work, instead befall humans agreements such as the TTIP, the TTP, almost like natural disasters (Dyer-With- CETA, and so on). eford, Kjosen and Steinhoff 2019; Solty Reigning liberalism reacts to the 2019a). The precarization that turns the crisis of world order and the rise of China loss of a job into panicked fear of social with economic warfare supported by mili- exclusion and lays the foundation for the tary action, plunging the world into a new rise of right-wing populism (Butterwegge global arms race. Crucial resources for and Hentges 2008; Lühr 2010) is seen as the struggle against the economic, social, inevitable. As a result, however, the social democratic and climate crises are instead causes of (pre)fascism are once again used to build weapons that when exported widespread, with destructive effect. The destabilize the world and force people to anti-fascism of left-leaning liberal elites flee war and violence, which gives impetus remains powerless and helpless as long as to extreme right-wing forces at home (see it does not tackle the social origins of (neo) Solty 2016a, 44−54). fascism (Solty 2015). Finally, reigning liberalism reacts With the crisis of social reproduction, to the environmental and climate crisis reigning liberalism reacts with calls for with greenwashed sham alternatives such individual responsibility: all over the as individual e-mobility or the chimera burden of raising and caring for those of »green growth«. This occurs although not yet or no longer capable of work is history shows all emissions reductions increasingly being placed on families. In resulting from technological innovation place of legally-enshrined pension rights, have not only been neutralized by the there is now (obligatory) private provision, sheer need for expansion, but that the even when wage and salary levels make endless growth which capitalism depends it unaffordable, while they outsource the on as its condition sine qua non has crisis of care onto cheaper care workers drastically increased the strain placed from foreign countries. on carbon sinks and accelerated climate As for the crisis of representation and change across a finite planet more broadly. democracy, reigning liberalism reacts to The reason for this is that capitalism’s it with more authoritarianism of its own: problem is not merely one of the rate more surveillance, stricter security laws of growth, but—as David Harvey (2017,

56 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE 172−210) has argued by drawing on Marx’s end of human life on earth if it continues »Capital, Volume 3«—also and especially unabated. The Nobel Prize winner wrote one of the »mass of growth,« which his essay after one of the world’s worst doubles every quarter of a century. catastrophes, just as the socialist aspira- Capitalism and real-existing liber- tions in Europe following the First World alism, its ideological mask and self-con- War—including the 1917 October Revolu- sciousness, are thus pushing the world tion—also followed in the wake of a terrible to the brink of civilizational catastrophe catastrophe, the »primal catastrophe« of the and perhaps even beyond. Some word it 20th century. The question we must now even more bluntly: Swiss social scientist ask ourselves is: must such terrible catastro- Jean Ziegler is right when he says that phes and their attendant world wars first »either we destroy capitalism now or it occur before humanity comes to realize that will destroy us« (Ziegler 2019). Calling the fundamental alternatives to the status quo entire system into question can no longer are required? Can we not begin discussing be avoided; as British journalist George social, democratic, and environmental Monbiot says, »Dare to declare capitalism alternatives to the present situation before dead—before it takes us all down with reaching a point of no return? it« (Monbiot, 2019). What comes across The goal of the following section is to as overly sweeping and almost insipid in make the case for a fundamentally different these injunctions is the realization that economic and social order, one capable of there are no compartmentalized answers staving off the impending catastrophes. to capitalism’s multiple crisis. We are This will involve a consideration of alterna- forced to be as radical as reality demands; tives to capitalism as it exists today, before in the words of Erich Fried, »Whoever the current tendencies towards de-democra- wants the world to remain as it is does not tization, barbarism, and fascism metabolize want it to remain at all« (Fried 1995, 87). into real forms of barbarism and fascism, The world order that CDU-starlet Friedrich before the preparations for new world wars Merz, in his critique of Greta Thunberg taking place as part of the global arms race and Fridays For Future, seeks to defend develop into real world wars, and before the on behalf of his employer BlackRock, the trend towards climate collapse culminates world’s largest capital investment manage- in a real climate apocalypse. ment corporation, is in fact no order at all; For lack of a better word, this alternative is it is chaos (Solty 2019d). still none other than socialism. Yet, because Einstein’s essay appeared in 1949. of the historic experiences of socialism, Seventy years later, we find ourselves in and because of the tremendous changes capitalism’s greatest crisis since the 1930s, in and with global capitalism, »socialism« a six-dimensional crisis that could spell the must be imbued with new life and new

INGAR SOLTY 57 In this spirit, the present paper sees itself as an invitation to return to socialism and start thinking about it in totally new ways. What follows is not presented as an end, but rather as a starting point. It is an invitation to think systematically and collectively about what a better world would look like: socially just, economically stable, more democratic, more humane, with gender equality, peaceful within and between communities, and environmen- tally sustainable, while also warding off climate catastrophe.

3 // BUT HOW, EXACTLY? Socialism is defined in different ways: does socialism entail a starkly delineated economic and social (re-)ordering? Or does socialism refer to the movement that strives beyond capitalism towards an alternative society? Both definitions exist © Migrar Photo (Fülberth 2010). substance. It must learn from its historic One thing is clear: socialism cannot mistakes, and cannot be permitted to be designed from scratch. In the history of stop addressing the crimes that were political thought, intellectuals have time committed in its name—in the same way and again tried to design the »ideal state«, that also liberalism and conservatism whether it be Thomas More’s »Utopia« ought to come to terms with their own (1516), Tommaso Campanella’s »City of respective histories of misery and death the Sun« (1602), or Bacon’s »New Atlan- (see Losurdo 2011). Finally, the socialism tis« (1627). At the turn of the 19th century, of tomorrow must also be conceived these were supplemented by the blue- and discussed in a way that is relevant prints for alternative societies devised by and up-to-date. And it will have to be early socialists such as Gracchus Babeuf, devised, build, developed and improved Charles Fourier, Henri de Saint-Simon, in a collective effort of all people, because Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, and Robert Ow- socialism, when it comes, will be demo- en. Ultimately, these ideas mainly suffered cratic or not at all. due to the contrast between what should

58 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE be and what is, a distinguishing feature of trusts). However, this tendency towards the tradition of idealist thought. monopolization, the creation of ever-great- The revolutionary aspect of the ideas of er units of capital, lays the foundations, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels was that in their account, for communization, they sought to identify the historical laws the transformation of these major of motion and their counteracting causes corporations into communal property. (counter-tendencies) using the method of It is not socialism, they emphasize, that dialectical materialism and showed how expropriates the independent producers; socialism (and communism) develops out the biggest motor of expropriation is in of the real movement of history. In doing fact capitalism itself. In addition, Marx so, according to Engels, their scientific and Engels see it as capitalism’s historical socialism differentiated itself from the mission to create the wealth that can serve utopian socialism of their predecessors the development of the potential for free- (Engels 1891). And this is also the dom latent in society: radical reductions specifically democratic nature of Marx and in working hours, a plenitude of freedom Engels’ socialism compared to its utopian with more time for that which makes variants (see Sunkara 2019, 46−7). us human, more time to meet friends, to learn to play an instrument or speak Socialism is on the cards another second language, more time for when, during major active cultural production, more time capitalist crises, it is for social life, and so on (see extensively paradoxically this Solty 2020 as well as Dath 2008, 81−94; accumulation of great Ringger 2011, 119−33 and Haug 2011). wealth—excess capital in As they see it, socialism is on the cards need of being invested— when, during major capitalist crises, that threatens to plunge it is paradoxically this accumulation of capitalism into a state great wealth—excess capital in need of of barbarism. being invested—that threatens to plunge capitalism into a state of barbarism. In According to Marx and Engels, capitalism such situations, the capitalist laws of creates the conditions for a socialist motion are merely supposed to create society through its »tendential« laws, such the objective conditions for socialist as the general law of capitalist competi- transformation, however: preventing that tion and accumulation, as these tend to capitalism’s forces of production turn result in the increasing concentration and into forces of destruction necessitates an- centralization of capital among fewer and ti-capitalist action. Capitalism, they argue, fewer people (and later corporations and will not collapse of its own accord, but

INGAR SOLTY 59 must instead be overcome by a movement emancipation from imperialist exploitation comprising the wage-dependent working from the capitalist centre—still needed class (see Harvey 2010, 260); as it says in to occur in these countries, under the the Communist Manifesto, the »common worst of conditions and with much social ruin of the contending classes« is equally suffering to come along with it (Kossok possible (Marx and Engels 1848, 462; 2016). Lenin therefore argued that socialist Sweezy 2000). revolutionary situations would in fact arise in places where the »imperialist chain« of …the realization that there dependency had its weakest link (Lenin are no compartmentalized 1915, 268). The fact that in January 2015 answers to capitalism’s during the Euro crisis the socialist left multiple crisis. would come to power in Greece of all We are forced to be as places serves to further emphasize this radical as reality demands. (see Sablowski 2015). Lest this be taken as universal law, however, it is worth noting Marx and Engels long assumed that that in recent years capitalist centres such socialism would first be realized in coun- as the USA and the UK have also seen tries where capitalist development had the possibility of governmental takeover proceeded to its furthest extent—England, by forces proposing radical and even the USA, or Germany. It was not until the somewhat socialist change (Panitch and end of their lives that they recognized that Gindin 2018, 55−6). socialism would perhaps instead prevail Against this backdrop of real history on the peripheries of internationalized in constant flux, it is crucial to recognize capitalism, in societies dependent on the that socialism cannot simply be thought wealthy centre and where scope for the up out of nowhere. It was this insight that kind of distribution of wealth that would led Marx and Engels to view any attempt satisfy the populace is narrower. Historical- to sketch out socialist society in detail with ly, socialist revolutions have succeeded in skepticism. As in the past, those who today countries which have remained depend- strive to position socialism as an alterna- ent on larger capitalist centres, were tive to capitalism do not get to choose the underdeveloped, and whose economies conditions under which such a transforma- were still primarily rural-agrarian, such tion will occur. as Russia in 1917, China in 1949, and For the reasons mentioned above, Cuba in 1959. These are places where the preconceived images of socialism were conditions for the realization of socialism rare in the socialist labour movement were thought to be least conducive, in that based on the ideas of Marx and Engels. industrialization—a prerequisite for their The concrete realization of socialism

60 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE would, as Marx and Engels themselves also ownership of the means of production that put it, depend on the level of development, existed under capitalism, meaning they on internal and external relationships of are now held in common by the broader (class) forces. »Socialism in one country«, population. as decreed by Stalin following the failure As previously mentioned, the concept of socialist revolutions in the West after of socialization has enjoyed consistent 1923, cannot, they thought, ultimately popularity in Germany following periods exist. Capitalist states would mobilize of capitalist catastrophe. In today’s Federal all available resources to bring about the Republic of Germany, the Basic Law is in downfall of socialism, just as in 1871 the force. The public property held by the GDR ruling classes of France and Germany was privatized by the Treuhand govern- joined forces to crush the Paris Commune mental agency after 1990 (see Köhler by military force, just as capitalist states 2011; Dahn 2019, 35−44; Kowalczuk 2019, after 1917 and then 1941 »crusaded« 110−36); in joining the Federal Republic, against the Soviet Union (see Mayer the GDR was forced to accept its system 1989), just as the USA and the capitalist of property ownership. A reunification West worldwide supported military coups founded on a new constitution did not and mass murder against democrati- take place in 1990. Thus, the German cally elected socialist governments and Basic Law, which was only ever intended to communist movements, from Iran in 1953 have remained valid until precisely such a and Indonesia in 1965–1966 through to »reunification«, was now applied to both Chile in 1973, or sought to assassinate the of the formerly separate German states leaders of socialist revolutions, as Fidel (Kowalczuk 2019, 65−82). It was with Castro in Cuba after 1959 or Thomas San- this Basic Law as premise that Marburg kara in Burkina Faso in 1987. The truth, School constitutional law expert and therefore, is always concrete. The socialist political scientist Wolfgang Abendroth, in movement acts in a concrete historical his debate with ex-Nazi and now leading context and under conditions that is has liberal Ernst Forsthoff, author of the 1933 not chosen. book »The Total State«, put forward his case for a constitutionally appropriate THE SYSTEM path towards socialism. The Basic Law, he Nevertheless, the term socialism does also argued, particularly article 15, allows for designate a clearly defined conception of the transition to an alternative economic a new ordering and configuration of the order based on public enterprise (Ge- economy and society. By »socialism« we meinwirtschaft) (see Abendroth 1954; generally understand an economic and so- Forsthoff 1968). This interpretation is still cial structure that has socialized the private powerful enough that the free-market Free

INGAR SOLTY 61 Democratic Party (FDP) was unsuccessful stake in most companies, but that market in its attempt to fend off the debate about principles are otherwise adhered to. Even »Expropriate Deutsche Wohnen et al.!« critics here acknowledge the inarguable with an appeal to eliminating article 15. achievements in terms of development and Still, simply because it would be legal and the fight against poverty, but question how constitutional, this does not answer the such market forces and levels of wealth question what a transition to a socialist inequality, now unleashed, can once again economic order might look like? be brought under control (Cohen 2010, 65; Wemheuer 2019, 231−37). The diverse range of The diverse range of interpretations interpretations of what of what socialism can be is no drawback, socialism can be is no however. We find ourselves today at the drawback, however. beginning of socialism’s rebirth as an alter- We find ourselves today native to capitalism and at the beginning at the beginning of of the corresponding debate and reapprais- socialism’s rebirth. al of socialist theory and socialist concepts. This includes the question of who does or The obvious question, of course, is what should own property under socialism (Brie people mean by socialism in the context 1990). Which forms of property ownership of the idea’s current renaissance. The make sense at which points in social various conceptions of socialism currently development? How should we conceive of floating around share a common critique the relation between state-owned property, of capitalism, but otherwise vary from worker-managed companies (coopera- one another greatly. For example, many tives), and private property? Are market Americans understand socialism to be the structures necessary within a socialist Scandinavian model of the welfare state, economy? Or do technological advances, i.e. a highly redistributive system with computerization, and big data allow for a large amounts of public investment, a centrally-planned economy on a scale that strong union presence, free education and was inconceivable for the state-socialist health insurance, and a strong social safety countries of the 20th century? In essence, net with provisions for unemployment, the do we now have the technological means inability to work, and old age. In China, on to solve the socialist calculation problem the other hand, »Socialism with Chinese that Austrian School neoliberal economist Characteristics« means a mixed economy Ludwig von Mises posed as an issue for in which the state retains control over in- the Soviet economy in the 1920s? Does terest and exchange rates, land remains in the option of cybernetic planning beyond public ownership, and the state has a large the market exist? The answers to these

62 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE questions may vary depending on nation company they were working for as a core and region. What is clear, however, is that part of their wage, the basic idea here a range of models will emerge that will be being that they would, in time, become able and will have to cooperate with one the company’s owners. In this scenario, another. The vital question to be answered pension funds are also managed by the un- today is whether we will be able to con- ions. In time, the capitalist owners would struct what Michael Brie calls with regards become redundant. Hitherto capitalist to China a common discursive space for private companies thus come under the such conversations about urgent questions control of self-organized workers’ commit- of future and futuring which are founded tees. At the same time, however—and this on the recognition that various ways can is where the question of whether it would lead to those goals. make sense resurfaces—the market would be preserved, as the cooperatively-run PRODUCTION UNDER SOCIALISM companies would still compete on the Whoever wants to discuss socialism today world market and be subject to its rules, must resolve the issue of the reorganiza- for as long as it continued to exist. tion of production first. Here exists a broad spectrum of conceptions of socialism Anyone who wants to that require re-evaluation. The list begins discuss socialism today with the classic social-democratic ideas must firstly resolve the issue of socialism, which ultimately amount to of the reorganization of »economic democracy«. Bernie Sanders’ production. understanding of socialism (see the Here exists a broad relevant contribution in this brochure) spectrum of conceptions essentially corresponds to this model, one of socialism. based on a combination of reinvestment in employee funds that mirror those put Socialist frameworks that are more exten- forward by Swedish union economist sive than Sanders’ approach while also Rudolf Meidner and union-based worker perhaps remaining complementary are participation models such as those that those that take Rudolf Hilferding’s ideas were implemented in West Germany and repurpose them to better suit the pres- following the Second World War. These ent moment. Hilferding was a political and new Meidner funds are the most radical economic theorist and social-democratic point at which Sanders seeks to go beyond politician who, on behalf of the workers’ capitalism. Meidner’s notion was that and soldiers’councils, put forward the con- wage-dependent workers working in the cept of a democratization of society via a private sector would receive shares in the mixed economy«at the National Congress

INGAR SOLTY 63 of Councils in 1918. Hilferding’s belief was service providers in order to obtain control that society as a whole must obtain control over the automotive and other manufac- over capital investment. To this end, It was turing industries. Had this happened, the necessary to identify »mature industries«, production of (highly profitable) SUVs and meaning those economic sectors whose more importantly unsustainable individu- continued possession by the private sector alized vehicles could have been halted and was causing particular damage to society. the automotive industry reshaped to focus In his time, Hilferding believed that socie- on the development of environmentally ty would obtain control over investment by friendly mobility solutions (Albo, Gindin nationalizing the coal and steel industry. and Panitch 2010, 109−14; Wright 2019, Society would allocate coal and steel, at 77−78). prices not determined by the market, to The »economic democracy« and industrial firms that would further process »Hilferding 2.0« conceptions of socialism it, and in that way be able to control which were formerly part of the classic ideological investments would count as socially useful underpinning of social-democratic parties and which not. Ultimately, society would before their neoliberal shifts. Those that go thereby direct its own further development beyond these are conceptions of socialism via the state apparatus (Hilferding 1918). that draw upon newer ideas of democratic In today’s world, Hilferding’s concept planning or cybernetic socialism. would need to be adapted to the conditions Cybernetic socialism proceeds of transnational financial market capi- from the assumption that Ludwig von talism and thus radically reconstructed. Mises’ critique of the Soviet economic Another crucial discussion point would be model was plausibly correct. In his essay how a democratic society would succeed »Economic Calculation in the Socialist in initiating the necessary investments Commonwealth«, published in 1920, required to effectively manage the climate Mises’ had argued that a socialist economy crisis. In 2019, which economic sectors could not be efficient, as an efficient mode would be the »mature« ones? The steel of production was dependent on a large and coal industry of yesteryear would today number of ways of bringing the factors surely be the finance industry. During of production—labour power, technology, the crisis that began in 2007, the point etc.—together. For this reason, it would at which the major banks were rescued be unable to compete with the capitalist with taxpayer money in order to avert market economy and its presumably more total financial meltdown was surely a efficient allocation of those factors (Mises missed opportunity. What the state should 1981, 110−23). have done was convert these banks—the In reality, the world does not function »mature« companies—into publicly owned according to the mathematical and ahistor-

64 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE ical models proposed by the neoclassical discursive framework delineated by posi- orthodoxy. The real-existing human being tions such as a Sandersesque economic does not behave like an atomized factor democracy, a socialist market economy, of production and simply does not, as a mixed economy, democratic planning, neo-classical economics suggests, perma- and data-driven socialism. Also worth con- nently leave his family, friends and homes sidering, however, are the ultimate limits behind in order to move to where there to socialist discussion that will persist as are job opportunities (Solty 2018), and it long as private ownership of the means of is likewise fanciful to reduce the environ- production is left undisturbed. Every new ment to a commodity. Climate change may socialist discussion must grapple with the well be the biggest market failure in world constraints and problematiques of these history. People live in a concrete and real discourses. society and a delicate ecosystem. For the exact same reason, the capitalist market THE FIVE CONSTRAINTS AND tends not towards equilibrium and »spon- PROBLEMATIQUES OF CONTEMPORARY taneous order« (Hayek 1991, 83−85) but SOCIALIST DISCUSSION instead to its exact opposite: economic and The first constraint and problematique regional imbalances, pervasive economic concerns redistribution and regulation. inequality and anarchic market chaos. This constraint applies primarily to Despite this, today’s proponents of conceptions of socialism that understand data-driven socialism concede that the »socialism« essentially along the lines of socialist calculation problem was a real the Scandinavian model, i.e. as a left-wing issue. Nowadays, they argue, the advent of social-democratic model. Under capitalist computers means that it would however conditions where the means of production be possible to precisely and efficiently are privately owned, not only are the pre- produce whichever consumer goods were conditions for the anarchy of the market« democratically deemed necessary. Modern produced, but constraints on the extent to computing systems are, they say, capable which the »right to the whole product of of efficiently planning for the production labour« (Menger 1891) can be organized of well over 100 million commodities. In also emerge. As long as the institution of short, the technological requirements and private property is left undisturbed, a part algorithms for the democratically planned of the value created by wage-dependent production of societally useful and sustain- labour (surplus value) will continue to be able commodities essentially already exist appropriated by private actors. At the same (Cockshott and Cottrell 1993). time, these models brush up against the Contemporary discussions of constraints set by private control of capital, socialism can thus be located within a which is able to evade social control

INGAR SOLTY 65 (through the relative flexibility of capitals, ownership and has continually been able for example). Conceptions of »socialism« to re-absorb them into its territory, i.e. that—like the one espoused by Bernie reintegrate them into the capitalist system Sanders—rely heavily on redistributive (Röttger 2010; Novaes and Dagnino 2011). measures such as taxes on the rich, The fourth constraint and problema- national job guarantees, large-scale un- tique of socialist discussion concerns the ionization and public investments as well issue of transnationalization. Marx and as regulatory concepts such as protection Engels identified the capitalist laws of against unfair dismissal at work, must also accumulation and competition as being at some point raise the issue of how the vehicles for socialism because they expe- structural power of capital, its mobility, can dited the expropriation of smaller units of be overcome (see Solty 2019a and 2019f). property by consolidating it in increasingly The second constraint and problem- larger capitals. The artisan is superseded atique is that of infinite capitalist growth by the small business, and the small on a finite planet. As radical as Sanders’ business is then superseded by the large Meidneresque socialism may sound, it corporation; the farmer is superseded by ultimately falters when it comes to the the agrocorp; the small shop proprietor is question of how to organize a post-growth superseded by the department store, which economy. Even if large companies are is then superseded by the online shopping managed by their workers, they are still monopolies. In the same vein, anarchic subject to the competition enforced by competition between small property the globalized capitalist market. Surplus owners is superseded by the centralized value is no longer appropriated by private planning present within capitalist oligopo- owners as profit, but in order to provide lies and monopolies. Ultimately, socialism the members of the »cooperative« with a also means democratizing the economy reasonable standard of living, such com- by converting this private planning into panies must still compete and grow in the centralized, democratic planning. (global) marketplace. Here discussions of In the second half of the 20th socialism must also reckon with their third century capitalism went transnational. The constraint and problematique: that coop- supply chains embodied by transnational eratives, in contrast to the beliefs of John corporations now extend beyond national Holloway (2002) and others, do not in fact borders (Panitch and Gindin 2012). pave the way for socialism, and are not a Despite this, capitalism remains organized suitable strategy for gradually overthrow- along nation-state lines, and the forms of ing capitalism. This is because capitalism transnational statehood that exist, such has historically always existed in parallel as those found in the European Union, with such non-capitalist forms of property are extremely undemocratic and serve the

66 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE interests of large corporations much more than they act as instruments of democratic control and decision-making from below (see Apeldoorn 2000; Bieling 2006; Solty and Werner 2016: 280−84; Greenwood 2017). The central issue is thus how socialism can achieve its goals under these conditions: will a future socialism (have to) develop new forms of global statehood? Will transnational corporations need to be transferred into the hands of transnational worker-led management structures by means of Meidner funds or other means? Are existing concepts and practices of union organizing along the transnational supply chain perhaps the building blocks for a transnational socialism? And which elements of global statehood are © Migrar Photo necessary to control these internally democratized transnational cooperatives from an external position to ensure they position regarding the extortion of nation benefit global society as a whole? states by »system relevant« banks was The fifth and final problematique simply »break up the banks«. In reality, lies in the natural monopolies that this meant that crises resulted in even exist under digital capitalism and their more concentration and more of »too big concomitant market power. In contrast to fail«, which led Marxist economists to to Marxism, classic conceptions of propose the following maxim: »too big institutional political economy (those put to fail = too big to be private« (Brenner forward by John Stuart Mill, Max Weber, 2009). John M. Keynes, Kenneth Galbraith, As a result of digitalization—the Joseph Stiglitz, Paul Krugman) as well as »fourth industrial revolution«—capitalist those held by German ordo-liberalism, platforms have emerged which are believed that the tendency towards mo- very particular kinds of monopolies. nopolization could be managed through These platforms function like natural the dismantling of large monopolies. The monopolies and therefore present a answer provided by many economists specific challenge: if, for example, the and politicians occupying this ideological purpose (from a consumer point of

INGAR SOLTY 67 view) of Amazon Marketplace, Facebook, food. Discussions need to be had around WhatsApp, Twitter, or Google is to whether today’s transnationalized system connect and network as many people of food production, which for example as possible and ultimately all of earth’s makes blueberries from Peru and rasp- inhabitants, then ultimately only one of berries from Morocco available in Ger- these providers needs to exist. Bernie many in winter, makes sense on a social Sanders’ recommendation to break up level, an issue which can only be briefly these large platforms, or Jeremy Corbyn’s touched upon here. This discussion will proposal to create a publicly-owned need to be tied to the question of decen- alternative to Facebook, are thus false tralizing agricultural economic cycles. In alternatives that misunderstand the contrast to the problems caused by digital core problem, with the demand for the platforms, the disbanding of transna- socialization of data centres being much tional agricultural corporations seems a more important (Morozov 2015; Morozov much more meaningful solution in this and Bria 2017). Ultimately, however, the context. In the Global South, particularly issue of the socialization of these natural on the African continent, the issue of monopolies with globalizing tendencies decentralization will almost certainly take is connected with the question of how place within the framework of a re-agri- they can be democratically controlled culturalization process (Banchirigah and on a transnational level without the Hilson 2010) and an at least temporary existence of a global state, as well as the »de-linking« from the capitalist centres extent to which such control by a global of the EU and the USA (Amin 1990; state could be made radically democratic Bello 2005, 59−70). to avoid the possibility of the global state At the same time, any future misusing the data. discussion of socialism must also address how modes of living will need to At the same time, change alongside modes of production; any future discussion of so- for example, which forms of property cialism must also address ownership (particularly in the context of how modes of living will housing) continue to be reasonable. The need to change alongside spectrum of the discussion in Germany modes of production. seems to range from the model of (re-)communalizing major real estate FOOD—HOUSING—CARE companies (the »Expropriate Deutsche 21st century socialism will involve a reor- Wohnen et al.!« campaign), in which the ganization of the means of production of state fulfils the role of providing afforda- not just industrial commodities but also ble housing for all, to the suggestions

68 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE put forward by Kevin Kühnert which care and aspect of the »commons« made fundamentally reject the idea that people available for free to anyone who wishes should own more residential property to utilize it. The answer to the question than they need for their own private use, as to which is more desirable seems in turn rejecting the idea that people quite obvious. should be able to earn an income simply by renting residential property to others BEING MOBILE—LOOKING, SEEING—BEING rather than working. At heart, Kühnert WARM—LEARNING—CREATING (2019) is arguing for the implementation Human beings do not live from food, of the Cuban model, where, following consumer goods, and housing alone. Other the revolution, ownership of residential areas of social life pose similar questions to property was essentially transferred by those mentioned above. In terms of digital decree to those who inhabited it. Of communication, the necessity of open course, a socialist approach to housing access to a strong telecommunications must decide how it wants to deal with infrastructure is already apparent. What the real spatial segregation along class about mobility, however? The question lines that occurs under capitalism, and here is which forms of mobility can replace the resulting divergent development of individual car-based mobility and the areas designated for the rich and the pseudo-alternative presented by e-mobility. poor and regions which have experienced The simple answer is the construction prosperity and poverty respectively. and expansion of a free public transport A further important issue to address network and the relocation of the transport is obviously that of social reproduction. of goods and people from the street to the The main question for society here railway track. An environmentally sustain- seems to be whether it wishes to actually able society is one that is eco-socialist and delineate reproductive and value-conserv- entails a scaling back of the automotive ing labour into individually measurable industry. The question which remains tasks—shopping, cooking, washing, unanswered however is how society will cleaning, child-raising, caring for the respond to the capitalist production of elderly, and so on—which are then space as in the case of suburbanization and correspondingly remunerated as social- de-urbanization, which, as things stand, ly-necessary tasks, or whether socialism can hardly be efficiently integrated into should instead—as under a state socialist train and underground networks. system—mean that the state should The supply of energy is the next key undertake this reproductive labour via issue to be addressed. Thinking about public services (free childcare, free elder this in an eco-socialist manner means care, etc.), i.e. as a form of fundamental contemplating how to expand storage

INGAR SOLTY 69 capacity for renewable energy sources but teaching because we have an answer to also figuring out how energy can be used in everything. Could we not, in the interests a more decentralized way. This may also of propaganda, draw up a list of questions be an area in which localized structures that appear to us completely unsolved?« of communal self-management play a (Brecht 2001, 18). major role. Ultimately, however, thinking THE MOVEMENT beyond the provision of basic necessities One truth is irrefutable: A socialist primarily means expanding access to ordering of the world as has been education and culture. The desegregation briefly sketched above can only come into of class society presents socialism with existence through a movement that strives complicated challenges, particularly to bring about this change in the name of with respect to education. New forms of »socialism«. A post-capitalist economy and schooling shaped by the needs of local order will not come about by seemingly communities may be the right approach, neutral technological advances such as but the way that different areas of cities digitalization and without agency, as this have experienced divergent levels of has been suggested by Paul Mason (2018; development will mean that socialist see the critique in Fischbach 2017). The politicians will have to overcome signif- central question concerning socialism in icant challenges in order to be able to the 21st century is its actors. Which ones implement socialist educational policies. have an objective interest in the realization What is clear, however, is that education of such an order and are therefore the and culture under socialism will need to natural standard-bearers of the socialist be anchored to a robust understanding movement? Which alliances will lead to of »the commons«, i.e. the conception a socialist politics? What is the concrete of education as a free public good and political strategy of socialist parties? guaranteed funding for vibrant forms of What is the relationship between a new cultural production that serve to stimu- form of class politics and a savvy form of late human creativity. left-wing populism (Solty, 2019b)? What It is needless to say that there exist are the stages and concrete battlegrounds well-funded answers to all these issues of building socialism in the 21st century? sketched above, although the list of Is there a direct path forward to ecological unanswered questions may be equally socialism? Or, given the current weakness long for obvious reasons. However, as of union-based class organization in the Bertolt Brecht once had his Herr Keuner »West«, is such a transition only conceiv- character articulate: »I have noticed able via the route and detour of a »Green (…) that we put many people off our New Deal«? What are the basic approaches

70 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE to transitioning into a post-capitalist Translation by Ryan Eyers & Marc Hiatt for society, is it going to be a dismantling, a Gegensatz Translation Collective rebuilding or a taming of capitalism or a combination thereof, which can lead BIBIOGRAPHY to an erosion of capitalism, as suggested Abendroth, Wolfgang, 1954: Zum Begriff des by Erik Olin Wright (2019, 40−61)? Is demokratischen und sozialen Rechtstaats im the old revolution/reform dichotomy Grundgesetz der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, in: Ders., Gesammelte Schriften, Bd.2, Hannover 2008, the correct way to address the issue of 338−357 post-capitalism or are we better advised Ackermann, Anton, 2005: Der deutsche Weg zum to think through a transformation which Sozialismus, Berlin. Albo, Greg, Sam Gindin u. Leo Panitch, 2010: In and Out shifts international relationships of of Crisis, Oakland forces and constantly creates new room Amin, Samir, 1990: Delinking. Towards a Polycentric for manoeuvring (Panitch and Gindin World, Zed Books Amin, Samir, 2004: The Liberal Virus, New York 2018, 95)? What is the timeframe for a Anderson, Perry, 1993: Zum Ende der Geschichte, Berlin socialist alternative to global capitalism Apeldoorn, Bastian van, 2000: Transnational Class Agency and its six-dimensional crisis? How will and European Governance. The Case of the European Round Table of Industrialists, in: New Political the socialist movement deal with the fact Economy, 5:2, 157−181 that socialism is deeply necessary but Azarova, Aytalina, u.a., 2017: The effect of rapid privatisation on mortality in mono-industrial towns that the path towards it is long—too long, in post-Soviet Russia. A retrospective cohort study, in: given the few remaining years available to The Lancet, 2:5, 231−238 humanity to bring climate change under Banchirigah, Sadia Mohammed, u. Gavin Hilson, 2010: De-agrarianization, re-agrarianization and local control? In the words of socialist political economic development, in: Policy Sciences, 43:2, scientist Leo Panitch, what would be re- 157−180 quired to bring about socialism in a world Beck, Martin, u. Ingo Stützle, Hg., 2018: Die neuen Bonapartisten. Mit Marx den Aufstieg von Trump und that resembles that of Blade Runner? Co. verstehen, Berlin The answers to the questions of a Bello, Walden, 2005: De-Globalisierung, Hamburg socialist movement and of the shape a Bieling, Hans-Jürgen, 2006: Europäische Staatlichkeit, in: Bretthauer, Lars, u.a., Hg., 2006: Poulantzas lesen, socialist future might take can only be Hamburg, 223−239 provided by socialists themselves. The Bobbio, Norberto, 1994: Rechts und Links. Gründe und Bedeutungen einer politischen Unterscheidung, crisis of civilization that capitalism in its Berlin current form has led us towards means Brecht, Bertolt, 1967: Gesammelte Werke, Bd. 12, that their number will only increase. Frankfurt/Main Brenner, Mark, 2009: Too Big to Fail? Take it Over, in: Socialism is an objective necessity— Labor Notes, 20.3., https://labornotes.org/2009/03/ whether it is realized will depend on its too-big-fail-take-it-over subjects, will depend on the propertyless Brenner, Robert, 2002: Boom & Bubble. Die USA in der Weltwirtschaft, Hamburg who have an objective interest in it, will Brie, Michael, 1990: Wer ist Eigentümer im Sozialismus?, depend on all of us. Berlin

INGAR SOLTY 71 Bruff, Ian, 2014: The Rise of Authoritarian Technik, Sozialismus, Frankfurt/Main Neoliberalism, in: Rethinking Marxism, 26:1, Deppe, Frank, 2013: Autoritärer Kapitalismus. 113−129 Demokratie auf dem Prüfstand, Hamburg Brunkhorst, Hauke, 2017: Europa am Abgrund. Deppe, Frank, Salomon, David, Solty, Ingar, 2011: Zwölf Jahre Merkel, in: Blätter für deutsche und Imperialismus, Köln internationale Politik, 62:7, 55−62 Ding, Xiaoqin, 2019: Die Risiken von Sozialistischer Burns, Conor, 2008: Margaret Thatcher’s greatest Marktwirtschaft, Staatskapitalismus und achievement—New Labour, in: Conservative neoliberalem Kapitalismus, in: isw-Report Nr. 119, Home Centre Right (online), 11.4., https:// 3−8 conservativehome.blogs.com/centreright/2008/04/ Dörre, Klaus, 2008: Prekarisierung der Arbeit. Fördert making-history.html sie einen neuen Autoritarismus?, in: Butterwegge, Butterwegge, Christoph, u. Gudrun Hentges, 2008: Christoph, u. Gudrun Hentges, Hg., 2008: Rechtspopulismus, Arbeitswelt und Armut. Rechtspopulismus, Arbeitswelt und Armut, Befunde aus Deutschland, Österreich und der Opladen, 241−253 Schweiz, Opladen Dörre, Klaus, 2019: Neosozialismus oder: Acht Thesen Callinicos, Alex, 1991: The Revenge of History. Marxism zu einer überfälligen Diskussion, in: ders. u. and the East European Revolutions, University Christine Schweickert, Hg., 2019: Neosozialismus. Park, PA Solidarität, Demokratie und Ökologie vs. Callinicos, Alex, 2003: Ein Anti-Kapitalistisches Kapitalismus, München, 17−32 Manifest, Hamburg Dyer-Witheford, Nick, Atle Mikkola Kjosen u. James Candeias, Mario, 2004: Neoliberalismus— Steinhoff, 2019: Inhuman Power. Artificial Hochtechnologie—Hegemonie. Grundrisse einer Intelligence and the Future of Capitalism, London transnationalen Produktions- und Lebensweise, Einstein, Albert, 1949: Why Socialism, in: Monthly Hamburg Review, 1 (5), wiederveröffentlicht in 61 (1), 55−61 Candeias, Mario, 2018: Den Aufstieg der radikalen Engels, Friedrich, 1891: Die Entwicklung des Rechten begreifen. Dimensionen einer Sozialismus von der Utopie zur Wissenschaft, in: verallgemeinerten Kultur der Unsicherheit, Marx-Engels-Werke, Bd.19, Ostberlin 1973, 177−228 in: ders. (Hg.), Rechtspopulismus, Radikale Fischbach, Rainer, 2017: Die schöne Utopie. Paul Rechte, Faschisierung. Bestimmungsversuche, Mason, der Postkapitalismus und der Traum vom Erklärungsmuster und Gegenstrategien, RLS, grenzenlosen Wachstum, Köln Berlin, 33−60, www.rosalux.de/publikation/ Fischer, Mark, 2013: Kapitalistischer Realismus ohne id/39174/rechtspopulismus-radikale-rechte- Alternative?, Hamburg faschisierung/ Forsthoff, Ernst, Hg., 1968: Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Candeias, Mario, 2019: Aufstieg des globalen Sozialstaatlichkeit, Darmstadt Autoritarismus. 19 Thesen zu Ursachen und Fried, Erich, 1995: Gedichte, 3.A., München Bestimmungsmomenten, RLS, www.rosalux. Friedman, Milton, 2002: Kapitalismus und Freiheit, de/publikation/id/40834/aufstieg-des-globalen- Frankfurt/Main autoritarismus/ Friedman, Thomas L., 2009: Hot, Flat, and Crowded. Candeias, Mario, Völpel, 2014: Plätze sichern! Why We Need a Green Revolution—and How It Can ReOrganisierung der Linken in der Krise, Hamburg Renew America, Toronto u.a. Canfora, Luciano, 2006: Kurze Geschichte der Fülberth, Georg, 2007: Finis Germaniae. Deutsche Demokratie. Von Athen bis zur EU, Köln Geschichte seit 1945, Köln Cockshott, Paul W., u. Allin Cottrell, 1993: Towards a Fülberth, Georg, 2010: Sozialismus, Köln New Socialism, Nottingham Fukuyama, Francis, 1992: The End of History and the Cohen, G.A., 2010: Sozialismus warum nicht?, München Last Man, New York Dahn, Daniela, 2010: Wehe dem Sieger! Ohne Osten Fukuyama, Francis, 2011: US democracy has little to kein Westen, Reinbek bei Hamburg. teach China, in: Financial Times, 17.1., http:// Dahn, Daniela, 2019: Der Schnee von gestern ist die www.ft.com/cms/s/0/cb6af6e8-2272-11e0-b6a2- Sintflut von heute, 4.A., Reinbek bei Hamburg 00144feab49a.html#axzz1BIHTXYAb Dath, Dietmar, 2008: Maschinenwinter. Wissen, Fukuyama, Francis, 2018: »Socialism ought to come

72 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE back«. Interview mit George Eaton, in: The New Kowalczuk, Ilko-Sascha, 2019: Die Übernahme. Wie Statesman, 17.10., https://www.newstatesman.com/ Ostdeutschland Teil der Bundesrepublik wurde, culture/observations/2018/10/francis-fukuyama- München interview-socialism-ought-come-back Kronauer, Jörg, 2019: Der Rivale. Chinas Aufstieg Gallas, Alexander, Jörg Nowak u. Florian Wilde, Hg., zur Weltmacht und die Gegenwehr des Westens, 2012: Politische Streiks im Europa der Krise, Hamburg Hamburg Kühnert, Kevin, 2019: »Was heißt Sozialismus für Sie, Giddens, Anthony, 1997: Jenseits von Links und Rechts, Kevin Kühnert?« Interview mit Jochen Bittner Frankfurt/Main u. Tina Hildebrandt, in: DIE ZEIT, 1.5., https:// Gill, Stephen, Solty, Ingar, 2013: Die organischen Krisen www.zeit.de/politik/deutschland/2019-05/kevin- des Kapitalismus und die Demokratiefrage, in: kuehnert-spd-jugendorganisation-sozialismus Juridikum, 25:1 51−65 Kühnl, Reinhard, 1971: Formen bürgerlicher Herrschaft. Greenwood, Justin, 2017: Interest Representation in the Liberalismus—Faschismus, Reinbek bei Hamburg European Union, 4.A., London Kurlantzick, Joshua, 2013: Democracy in Retreat. The Harvey, David, 1990: The Condition of Postmodernity, Revolt of the Middle Class and the Worldwide Oxford u.a. Decline of Representative Government, Ithaca, NY Harvey, David, 2007: A Brief History of Neoliberalism, Kushner, Tony, 1993: Angels in America. Part One: Oxford u.a. Millennium Approaches, New York Harvey, David, 2010: The Enigma of Capital and the Lenin, 1916: Der Imperialismus als höchstes Stadium Crises of Capitalism, London/New York des Kapitalismus, in: ders., Werke, Bd. 16, Harvey, David, 2017: Marx, Capital and the Madness of Ostberlin, 189−309 Economic Reason, London Losurdo, Domenico, 2011: Freiheit als Privileg. Eine Haug, Frigga, 2011: Die Vier-in-einem-Perspektive, Gegengeschichte des Liberalismus, Köln Hamburg Lühr, Thomas, 2010: Prekarisierung und Hayek, Friedrich August, 1991: The Fatal Conceit. The Rechtspopulismus. Lohnarbeit und Errors of Socialism, Chicago Klassensubjektivität in der Krise, Köln Hilferding, Rudolf, 1918: Sozialisierung des Lyotard, Jean-Francois, 1986: Das postmoderne Wissen, Wirtschaftslebens, in: Braeg, Dieter, u. Ralf Graz u.a. Hoffrogge, 2018: Allgemeiner Kongress der Marx, Karl, u. Friedrich Engels, 1848: Manifest der Arbeiter- und Soldatenräte Deutschlands: Kommunistischen Partei, in: Marx-Engels-Werke, Stenographische Berichte, Berlin, 459−470 Bd.4, Ostberlin, 459−493 Hobsbawm, Eric, 1996: The Age of Extremes. A History Mason, Paul, 2012: Why It’s Kicking Off Everywhere, of the World, 1914−1991, New York London/New York Holloway, John, 2002: Die Welt verändern, ohne die Mason, Paul, 2018: Postkapitalismus. Grundrisse einer Macht zu übernehmen, Münster kommenden Ökonomie, Berlin Honneth, Axel, 2017: Die Idee des Sozialismus, Berlin Mayer, Arno J., 1989: Der Krieg als Kreuzzug. Das Huffschmid, Jörg, 1999: Politische Ökonomie der Deutsche Reich, Hitlers Wehrmacht und die Finanzmärkte, Hamburg »Endlösung«, Reinbek bei Hamburg Huster, Ernst-Ulrich, Gerhard Kraiker u.a., 1994: Mazzucato, Mariana, 2013: The Entrepreneurial State, Determinanten der westdeutschen Restauration London 1945−1949, Frankfurt/Main McNally, David: The Global Slump: The Economics and Jacques, Martin, 2009: When China Rules the World. Politics of Crisis and Resistance, Oakland The Rise of the Middle Kingdom and the End of the Menger, Anton, 1891: Das Recht auf den vollen Western World, London u.a. Arbeitsertrag, Stuttgart Klein, Naomi, 2008: The Shock Doctrine. The Rise of Mises, Ludwig von, 1981: Socialism. An Economic and Disaster Capitalism, Toronto u.a. Sociological Analysis, Indianapolis Köhler, Otto, 2011: Die große Enteignung. Wie die Mises, Ludwig von, 2005: Liberalism. The Classical Treuhand eine Volkswirtschaft liquidierte, Berlin Tradition, Indianapolis Kossok, Manfred, 2016: Sozialismus in der Peripherie, Monbiot, George, 2019: Dare to declare capitalism Berlin dead—before it takes us all down with it, in: The

INGAR SOLTY 73 Guardian, 25.4., https://www.theguardian.com/ Methoden und Ergebnisse der Wirtschaftsplanung commentisfree/2019/apr/25/capitalism-economic- in der zentralgeleiteten volkseigenen Industrie system-survival-earth während der Übergangsperiode vom Kapitalismus Morozov, Evgeny, 2015: Socialize the Data Centres!, in: zum Sozialismus, Berlin New Left Review 91, 1/2015, 45−66 Röttger, Bernd, 2010: Konversion!? Strategieprobleme Morozov, Evgeny, u. Francesca Bria, 2017: Die smarte beim Umbau kapitalistischer Produktion, in: Stadt neu denken. Wie urbane Technologien LuXemburg – Gesellschaftsanalyse und linke Praxis, demokratisiert werden können, Rosa-Luxemburg- 2:3, 70−79 Stiftung, Berlin, www.rosalux.de/publikation/ Rorty, Richard, 1989: Contingency, Irony and Solidarity, id/38134/die-smarte-stadt-neu-denken/ Cambridge u.a. Mouffe, Chantal, 2005: On the Political, London/New Ryner, Magnus, 2015: Europe’s ordo-liberal iron cage. York Critical political economy, the euro area crisis and its Mouffe, Chantal, 2018: For a Left Populism, London/ management, in: Journal of European Public Policy, New York 22:2, 275−294 Nachtwey, Oliver, 2009: Marktsozialdemokratie. Sablowski, Thomas, 2015: Die Etappenschlappe, in: Die Transformation von SPD und Labour Party, junge Welt, 18.7., https://www.jungewelt.de/ Wiesbaden artikel/268762.die-etappenschlappe.html Neumann, Franz, 1986: Demokratischer und autoritärer Sachs, Jeffrey, 2012: The Price of Civilization, New York Staat, Frankfurt/Main Sanbonmatsu, John, 2004: The Postmodern Prince. Novaes, Henrique T., u. Renato Dagnino, 2011: Critical Theory, Left Strategy, and the Making of a Arbeiterorganisation in wieder angeeigneten New Political Subject, New York Fabriken, in LuXemburg, H.3., 88−93, www. Schmalz, Stefan, 2018: Machtverschiebungen im zeitschrift-luxemburg.de/lux/wp-content/ Weltsystem. Der Aufstieg Chinas und die große uploads/2009/09/LUX_1103_03_KOMP. Krise, Frankfurt/New York pdf#page=90 Schmalz, Stefan, Weinmann, Nico, 2013: Nuss, Sabine, 2019: Keine Enteignung ist auch keine Gewerkschaftliche Kampfzyklen in Westeuropa. Die Lösung: Die große Wiederaneignung und das Jahre 1968 bis 1973 und seit 2008/09 im Vergleich, vergiftete Versprechen des Privateigentums, Berlin Supplement der Zeitschrift »Sozialismus«, H.7−8, Oberndorfer, Lukas, 2013: Vom neuen, über den Hamburg autoritären, zum progressiven Konstitutionalismus? Schmidt, Eberhard, 1971: Die verhinderte Neuordnung, Pakt(e) für die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und die 1945−1952. Zur Auseinandersetzung um die europäische Demokratie, in: Juridikum, 25:1, 76−86 Demokratisierung der Wirtschaft in den westlichen Panitch, Leo, u. Sam Gindin, 2012: The Making of Global Besatzungszonen und in der Bundesrepublik Capitalism, London/New York Deutschland, Frankfurt/Main Panitch, Leo, u. Sam Gindin, 2018: The Socialist Schmidt, Ute, u. Tilman Fichter, 1978: Der erzwungene Challenge Today. Syriza, Sanders, Corbyn, London Kapitalismus. Klassenkämpfe in den Westzonen, Polanyi, Karl, 2001: The Great Transformation. The 1945−1948, Westberlin Political and Economic Origins of Our Time, 2.A., Schüttrumpf, Jörn, Sonnenberg, Uwe, Solty, Ingar, 2019: Boston Wer weitergeht, wird erschossen! Warum die soziale Poulantzas, Nicos, 1974: Fascism and Dictatorship, Revolution 1918−19 scheiterte, in: LuXemburg – London Gesellschaftsanalyse und linke Praxis, 10:3, 8−15 Przeworski, Adam, 2019: Crises of Democracy, Schumpeter, Joseph,1993: Kapitalismus, Sozialismus und Cambridge u.a. Demokratie, 7.A., Tübingen/Basel Rilling, Rainer, 2017: Strongmen, politische Krieger und Solty, Ingar, 2007: Transformation des deutschen Empire, in: LuXemburg – Gesellschaftsanalyse und Parteiensystems und europäische historische linke Praxis Spezial »Weltordnungskonflikte«, 16−23 Verantwortung der Linkspartei, in: Das Argument – Ringger, Beat, 2011: Maßt euch an! Auf dem Weg zu Zeitschrift für Philosophie und Sozialwissenschaften einem offenen Sozialismus, Münster 271, 49:3, 329−347 Roesler, Jörg, 1978: Die Herausbildung der Solty, Ingar, 2008: The Historic Significance of the New sozialistischen Planwirtschaft in der DDR. Aufgaben, German Left Party, in: Socialism and Democracy,

74 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE 22:1, 1−34 autoren/der-freitag/die-ordnung-die-sie-meinen Solty, Ingar, 2013: Die USA unter Obama. Charismatische Solty, Ingar, 2019e: Terror mit Ankündigung, in: der Herrschaft, soziale Bewegungen und imperiale Freitag, 6.11., https://www.freitag.de/autoren/der- Politik in der globalen Krise, Hamburg freitag/terror-mit-ankuendigung Solty, Ingar, 2014: Is the Global Crisis Ending the Solty, Ingar, 2019f: We Should Be Free to Say »Fuck You« Marriage between Capitalism and Liberal to the Boss, in: Jacobin, 11.12., https://jacobinmag. Democracy?, in: Maximilian Lakitsch, Hg., Political com/2019/12/say-fuck-you-boss-full-employment- Power Reconsidered: State Power and Civic Activism guarantee between Legitimacy and Violence, Peace Report Solty, Ingar, 2020: Menschliche Freiheit/kapitalistische 2013, Wien u.a., 2014, 161−204 Unfreiheit. Einführung in die Grundbegriffe des Solty, Ingar, 2015: Ohnmächtiger Antifaschismus und Marxismus, in: Forum Kritische Psychologie (i.E.) gegenmächtiger Antifaschismus, in: Blickpunkt Solty, Ingar, Gill, Stephen, 2013: Krise, Legitimität und die WiSo, 20.10., https://www.blickpunkt-wiso. Zukunft Europas. Skizze eines Forschungsansatzes, de/post/ohnmaechtiger-antifaschismus-und- in: Das Argument – Zeitschrift für Philosophie und gegenmaechtiger-antifaschismus--1682.html Sozialwissenschaften 301, 55:1−2, 82−94 Solty, Ingar, 2016a: Exportweltmeister in Fluchtursachen. Solty, Ingar, Werner, Alban, 2016: Der indiskrete Die neue deutsche Außenpolitik, die Krise und linke Charme des Linkspopulismus, in: Das Argument – Alternativen, Berlin Zeitschrift für Philosophie und Sozialwissenschaften Solty, Ingar, 2016b: Die politische Artikulation der 301, 58:2, 273−285 globalen Krise heute. Politische Polarisierung, Streeck, Wolfgang, 2013: How Will Capitalism End?, »dritter Pol«, Sanderismus und Corbynismus, in: Z. London/New York Zeitschrift Marxistische Erneuerung, Nr. 107, 27:3, Sunkara, Bhaskar, 2019: The Socialist Manifesto. The 8−18 Case for Radical Politics in an Era of Extreme Solty, Ingar, 2018a: Rechtsautoritärer Nationalismus oder Inequality, New York autoritär-imperialer Neoliberalismus? Die USA unter Sweezy, Paul, 2000: Den »gemeinsame Untergang« Donald Trump im globalen Beggar-thy-neighbor- verhindern, in: Eric Hobsbawm u.a.: Das Manifest – Kapitalismus, in: Zeitschrift für Internationale heute, 2.A. Hamburg, 206−208 Beziehungen, 25:2, 199−223 Ten Brink, Tobias, 2013: Chinas Kapitalismus. Solty, Ingar, 2018b: Der 18. Brumaire des Donald J. Entstehung, Verlauf, Paradoxien, Frankfurt/New Trump. Überlegungen zum Sieg des Autoritarismus York in den Vereinigten Staaten, in: Beck, Martin, u. Wemheuer, Felix, 2019: Chinas große Umwälzung. Ingo Stützle, Hg., Die neuen Bonapartisten, Berlin, Soziale Konflikte und Aufstieg im Weltsystem, Köln 74−92 Wolin, Richard, 2004: The Seduction of Unreason. The Solty, Ingar, 2019a: Die Welt von morgen. Szenarien Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche unserer Zukunft zwischen Katastrophe und to Postmodernism, Princeton, NJ Hoffnung, in: LuXemburg, H.3, 36−45, www. Wright, Erik Olin, 2019: Linker Antikapitalismus im 21. zeitschrift-luxemburg.de/die-welt-von-morgen- Jahrhundert, Hamburg szenarien-unserer-zukunft-zwischen-katastrophe- Yang, Hutao, 2019: Das chinesische Modell aus und-hoffnung/ Perspektive staatlicher Handlungsfähigkeit, in: isw- Solty, Ingar, 2019b: Für die verbindende, neue report, Nr. 119, 12−15 Klassenpolitik und für einen klugen linken Ziegler, Jean, 2019: »Entweder wir zerstören den Populismus, RLS-Standpunkte 12/2019, https:// Kapitalismus jetzt oder er zerstört uns«. Interview, www.rosalux.de/fileadmin/rls_uploads/pdfs/ in: Süddeutsche Zeitung, 12.7., https://www. Standpunkte/Standpunkte_12−2019.pdf sueddeutsche.de/wirtschaft/kapitalismus-ziegler- Solty, Ingar, 2019c: Why Is There Now Socialism in korruption-1.4520780?reduced=true the United States?, in: The Bullet, 6.6., https:// Zonenausschuß der CDU, Hg., 1947: Ahlener socialistproject.ca/2019/06/why-is-there-now- Programm, in: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, socialism-in-the-united-states/ https://www.kas.de/c/document_library/ Solty, Ingar, 2019d: Die Ordnung, die sie meinen, in: get_file?uuid=76a77614-6803-0750-c7a7- der Freitag, Nr. 40, 4.10., https://www.freitag.de/ 5d3ff7c46206&groupId=252038

INGAR SOLTY 75 SOCIALISM AND ACCOUNTABILITY

ALEX DEMIROVIĆ

History teaches us nothing, so said Social It is not a question of »what might have Democratic Party (SPD) leader Andrea been?«, but of concrete decisions, of victo- Nahles, to justify discontinuing the SPD’s ries and defeats, of real alternatives. It also Historical Commission. Long ago, Rosa teaches us that once decisions have been Luxemburg took the opposite position: made, they actually result in long-term »history is the only true teacher« (GW 4: developments. 480). Perhaps history really doesn’t teach us how we should act immediately in our OUR PRESENT IS EMBEDDED IN A current situation. This is true in general, SPECIFIC HISTORY and also in very specific circumstances. The different attempts made to realize so- Were we not convinced that the tradition cialism, many of which proved to be wrong of critical fascist analysis would give us the or senseless, which failed or were defeated, concepts to resist developments in capi- are all a part of our present’s history. talist society that tend towards an erosion Because of these previous attempts, many of democracy, towards authoritarian and things associated with the name socialism exceptional state forms which drastically are now considered historically obsolete, worsen the prospects of emancipation? out-dated, or discredited. There are several Didn’t we believe that, equipped with this reasons why this is the case. Socialism was knowledge, with all our »historical interro- associated with practices that contradicted gations«, we would be better able to resist and discredited socialism’s emancipatory and defeat right-wing forces? It appears ambitions. In many cases it is doubtful not to be the case. But history teaches that those who acted and spoke in the us something much more fundamental, name of socialist objectives were pursuing namely that our present moment is the anything more than the selfish interests of present of a history. In this present, the individual functionaries. Yet it would be a struggles and the missed opportunities of false consolation to think that an idea that the past are condensed in a special way. was good in itself was merely abused.

76 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE Indeed, the ideas and concepts of social- According to this claim, socialism is the ism are the subject of discussion and only social form through which contra- conflict. Understood in this way, there is dictions are consciously lived and worked no definition of socialism which is valid a out. This is why Karl Korsch was able to priori; rather there are a range of sugges- say that socialist society needs to be more tions for how to define it. In many cases, skilled at processing contradictions, or the term encompassed particular social in other words, that socialism is actually groups who (for a time rightly) believed more complex than the capitalist form of that they embodied the general will, but social organization. This is because it no who did not understand that the concept of longer denies the contradictions and con- socialism in whose name they were acting signs them to anonymous social processes, was a compromise that enjoyed the support such as the conflict between consumers of many people only due to the circum- and producers over products and product stances prevailing at that moment. They quantities, over working hours or shares wanted to cling to this moment and this in the overall productive output, or over claim to universality, and enforce stability. ecological consequences. In this context, Unable to adapt to the changes in the social Marx’s unique contribution to the socialist constellation, they denounced different tradition was to take the objective existence ways of life, perspectives, or contradictions of contradictions seriously, to articulate as deviations, or pathologized their critics. and analyse them, but without moralizing, In this way, socialism was not an open, free sugar-coating, or erasing them through the social organization of collective life, but state’s claims to universality, or to suppress rather remained limited to certain social them by administrative means. If there are groups and their life situations (certain differences and contradictions between groups of industrial workers, special modes the claims to universality and the various of production, for example large industrial social groups, their interests, and needs, factories in urban regions, and related then there is a need for forms which forms of work organization), which claimed can mediate contradictions and tensions to be universal. between the universal and the particular. Democracy is the process through which …that socialist society this happens. It is a regulated process needs to be more skilled in which individuals debate about what at processing contradictions, can be considered universal in a specific or in other words, that situation. Negotiations about universal socialism is actually more interests impact the direction in which complex than the capitalist society as a whole develops. This can form of social organization. involve all aspects of society, including its

ALEX DEMIROVIĆ 77 © Migrar Photo on power, so that universal interests were products, its work processes, educational not defined through open discussion, but and qualification processes, forms of rather by the most powerful working-class housing and town planning, nutrition, party. The workers did not make decisions and gendered and familial divisions of on matters that affected them. There labour. Whether due to a lack of effort or were no experiments with other forms of other reasons, state socialisms failed to democratic coordination (such as those democratically regulate these processes discussed throughout the history of the of reconciling universal interests with the socialist movement) which would have diverse interests or particular groups. Al- enabled the workers and the members of though the socialist states saw themselves society to participate in defining claims to as democratic people’s republics, hardly universality. any democratic processes of mediating The bourgeois class can allow its between different interest groups were internal differences to find expression initiated. Though they often held onto by distributing power among several the political form of parliaments and competing parties and political institu- parties, the internal logic of these forms tions. The left has so far contributed little was blocked in order to maintain the to the development of a conception of communist or socialist parties’ monopoly the limitation of political power, or what

78 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE Michel Foucault called a socialist art of given reality. Socialism is the name given government or governmentality. This is to those internal tendencies in capitalist certainly one aspect that has contributed society that are necessary to solve the large to its defeat. For when it comes to gather- problems of social development. ing together many different groups and interests under one concept of universal- Socialism is the real ity, then it is also necessary that all those movement of this society, involved are able to remove themselves not a value or norm that from this alliance without being subjected would might be added to negative consequences. They must be externally to a given reality. able to anticipate this and expect to be able to present a modified, perhaps even These large problems are historically different concept of the universal. new in this form, because humanity only comes to observe and understand itself NO CAPITALISM WITHOUT SOCIALISM as a collective actor under capitalism. It is a very curious thing when people People can analyse the exploitation of say that socialism has been discredited. nature and the disturbance of the Earth’s Socialism occupies one of the deepest metabolism. For example, they know layers of modern society itself. A modern all about fish numbers, oil reserves, the society based on capitalist methods of extent of rainforests or whale populations. production would not exist without social- They are able to understand that economic ism. This society cannot be separated into crises that lead to unemployment, hunger, an objective reality on the one side and or migration are not due to unexpected different ideologies and political tenden- natural processes like a bad harvest, cies on the other, which would include not but are caused by humanity itself; they only liberalism and conservatism but also understand that inequality is the result socialism, which, after it has destroyed its of disparities in education and skills. reputation, can then simply be cast aside. Humanity is aware of genocides, the Even if there may have been socialisms global trafficking of human beings, the before modern socialism—just as there approximate number of slaves and sexual was class rule and the appropriation of the violence. Each of these major problems surplus product by those who did not pro- calls for concrete solutions: not merely duce it—it was only constituted in modern for incremental improvements here and capitalist society through a series of there, but for the problems in each case disputes. It is an aspect of the real move- individually to be »surpassed«. We need to ment of this society, not a value or norm reach a point where we no longer need to that would might be added externally to a search for solutions, because the problems

ALEX DEMIROVIĆ 79 have simply become superfluous, since work and income, earning too little, or they ultimately no longer occur. ruining our own ability to work and being unable to actually enjoy our lives. NO LIBERATION WITHOUT OVERCOMING WAGE LABOUR The socialist project Why lump all these efforts together under bears responsibility and one single name, the name of »social- must be held accountable ism«? For historical reasons—so as not for what is tried and what to obstruct access to all the experiences fails in its name. and attempts made at emancipation; so as The same does not apply not to remain naive in the face of all the to capitalism. decisions that have led to the present and which have all contributed to making life If socialism appears to be discredited better and worse at the same time. But today, then we must count this as a defeat. also because socialism refers to a specific In light of this, the question arises as to moment in modern history. It is the key- why anyone is happy that this is the case. stone of the whole that holds everything Because the failure of socialism means the together, since it is constitutively at the failure of the project of the Enlightenment beginning of the constellation of the itself. Understood in this way, it is a matter modern, capitalist way of life: wage labour, of people finding the courage to free them- which makes it possible to produce the selves from their self-inflicted immaturity, historically unique form of social wealth that is, from conditions that they create in a specific way—money, commodities, through their own actions and that con- means of production, company shares, front them again and again with the same assets, real estate. The wage form is the problems at ever higher levels. Everything social form which makes it possible to progresses except the whole is how Adorno reproduce all other forms of exploitation describes this circumstance. In fact, there and domination. It is impossible to change is something malicious to criticisms of capitalist relations without also changing socialism, since they often misjudge these forms; in other words, without socialism’s historical significance. One of overcoming wage labour, which refers to socialism’s decisive characteristics is its the fact that human labour is a commod- claim to rationality. The contradictions that ity that must be moulded for the labour permeate society can be openly expressed market and must strive to find someone and, by consciously addressing them, can who has a need for this commodity at be avoided, overcome, or transformed into market prices. This entails all the risks for differences and otherness. On the basis of individuals, including being left without this claim to rationality, all mistakes, all

80 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE contradictions, all dysfunctions that arise ice caps, or if they are, we all are. When it during a transformation of the way of life comes to explaining the causes, everything of a society can be attributed to socialism. seems to dissolve into a plethora of Yet this transformation is confronted with details: fossil fuels and related industries, extreme forms of nonsynchronism: with agriculture, the automobile industry, regards to people’s level of knowledge container ships, and cruise liners. It all and education, their needs, regional seems fragmented, unplanned, random, developments, the state of production and uncoordinated—the trans-intentional re- services, ecological destruction, as well sult of many different chains of action for as the production of new, rational cycles which there is no primary cause. Anyone of production and consumption. The who tries to identify causes and protag- temporal horizon of socialist transfor- onists, however, is portrayed as lacking mation is more expansive than that of nuance or even influenced by conspiracy capitalist processes: this applies both to the theories. But the processes are internally past and to the distant future. The socialist interlinked, coordinated, complement project bears responsibility and must be each other, and form a constellation. Yet held accountable for what is tried and what the capitalist reproduction process appears fails in its name. The same does not apply to be an anonymous systemic process for to capitalism. Admittedly, social criticism which everyone and no one, and perhaps (particularly that of a left-wing and socialist even the majority—the subalterns—bear stripe) attempts to attribute many of our responsibility. society’s problems to capitalism. But these In the socialist tradition, Marx efforts struggle to gain traction; and this is managed to address this perspective not because there are a host intellectuals most seriously. Despite the fact that via fighting against such an attribution, who liberal ideas of equality and freedom, of work to prevent the formation of such an autonomy and the will to justice, a moral »empty signifier« in which violence, wars, criticism of owners of capital is quite and genocides, the destruction of human plausible and had often been proposed, lives, exploitation, ecological catastrophes, Marx emphasized that it was mistaken to the sexist and racist denigration of human attempt to morally reproach individual beings is symbolically condensed into entrepreneurs, capital owners, or politi- the ultimate, morally debased antagonist. cians. For it is precisely the immorality of Rather the defenders of capitalism point to social processes that provides the impetus the complexity of our society, which makes for demanding a transformation of the it difficult to attribute these social evils to overall context that is consciously shaped any one cause. Nobody seems responsible by all. With his remarks, Marx was also for the melting of the glaciers and polar able to make it clear that anonymity is not

ALEX DEMIROVIĆ 81 so anonymous after all, since different Luxemburg (GS 4: 536f). It is necessary degrees of freedom already exist in to reflect further on this claim. Strangely bourgeois, capitalist society. The bourgeois enough, for Luxemburg it is not a tragic class is far more capable of determining circumstance, where an unrelenting logic capitalist relations, of maintaining itself necessarily leads to a hopeless situation. as a social group amidst these relations The course of history is driven by its neg- which it is always reshaping, and of main- ative side. Defeat is everything that does taining and changing the relations in its not contribute to a change in conditions favour than is possible for people who do in the sense of a change in the mode of not possess capital and do not have access production. Accordingly, victory is by no to bourgeois consensus-building events means the triumphant victory in a battle, such as the World Economic Forum, who as is sometimes imagined, but the process are not able to determine public opinion of implementing a free organization of through their media and their cultural cooperation, the elements of which are industry, who are not included in political always already present. In this respect, a decision-making processes, but who are historical failure is always a moment in an above all objects of administration and ongoing evolution of understanding and useful instruments for the enrichment of shaping social relations. This enables of fewer and fewer. It is a characteristic the freedom of others, an increase in indi- of developed modern domination that vidualization, where the free development the wealth of the rich and the power of of each person is enabled by the freedom the powerful appear to be the incidental of all, thus creating a dynamic of a con- result of the implementation of practical tinual evolution of freedom, rather than necessities that supposedly serve the good the kind of zero-sum game of freedom of all. Only complex conceptual abstrac- that liberalism imagines, under which tions and statistical studies shed light on the freedom of one person can only come the systematic relationships. at the expense of other people. Such a socialist idea of freedom is only conceiva- FAILURE: ONE MOMENT IN ble on the basis of cooperation. For only in A PROCESS OF CHANGE cooperation—that is, under conditions of Is it even possible for socialism to be a sophisticated division of labour—can in- defeated and to fail? In her final text, dividuals achieve more and greater things written after the January uprising in 1919 than would ever be possible by themselves and shortly before her assassination, alone. Rosa Luxemburg answers this question in the negative. The whole path of social- Translated by Hunter Bolin and Joel Scott for ism will be littered with defeats, writes Gegensatz Translation Collective

82 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE © Migrar Photo

ALEX DEMIROVIĆ 83 VERÓNICA GAGO is teaching political the- AUTHORS ory, economy and sociology at the Uni- versities of Buenos Aires and San Martín in Argentina. She was a member of the ÉTIENNE BALIBAR is a French philoso- activists research collective Situaciones, pher and well-known Marxist. He was a she is active at NiUnaMenos and in the student of Louis Althusser, with whom movement for an international feminist he later worked. The review LuXemburg strike. She published books like Neoliber- published several of his writings in Ger- alism from Below: Popular Pragmatics and man. This text is an excerpt from »Thèses Baroque Economies (2017) or The Femi- pour un socialisme du 21éme siècle: nist Revolution (2020). régulations, insurrections, utopies«, in: Étienne Balibar, Histoire interminable: SARAH LEONARD is a feminist, publicist D’un siècle à l’autre, Paris 2020 (forth- and activist. She lives in New York, and coming). Translated by Lisa Jeschke and she writes and works as editor for several Joel Scott for Gegensatz Translation journals like The Nation or Dissent. Sarah Collective is part of the movement for an internation- al feminist strike and for reproductive jus- MARIO CANDEIAS is the director of tice and active member of the Democratic the Institute for Critical Social Analysis Socialists of America (DSA). She is cur- at the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung and rently Fellow at Institute for Critical Social co-founder of the LuXemburg Magazine. Analysis at the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung. He is working on socialist transformation strategies. His work is closely connected BERNIE SANDERS is running for presiden- to the left party DIE LINKE. tial candidate for the Democratic Party in the US for the elections in 2020, a decisive ALEX DEMIROVIĆ is a philosopher and election between authoritarianism and social scientist and one a well-known barbarism or a democratic and socialist and one of the most politically engaged alternative. intellectuals in Germany. He is teaching at the Universities of Frankfurt/Main INGAR SOLTY is Senior Fellow for peace and Berlin, was a long-time member of and security policies at the Institute for the scientific board of the Rosa-Luxem- Critical Social Analysis at the Rosa-Lux- burg-Stiftung and now honorary mem- emburg-Stiftung. Among other things he ber of its managing board. He is also a is working on the political developments Fellow at the Institute for Critical Social in the US and on the history and present Analysis. of socialist movements.

84 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE PAST LUXEMBURG ISSUES IN ENGLISH

2019 I SHALL BE Rosa Luxemburg is one of the iconic faces of the socialist movement. Her GESELLSCHAFTSANALYSE UND LINKE PRAXIS I SHALL BE LUTZ BRANGSCH | MICHAEL BRIE | MARIO CANDEIAS | unique way of combining theory and practice, analysis and transformation, DRUCILLA CORNELL | ALEX DEMIROVIĆ | GAL HERTZ | MIRIAM PIESCHKE | TOVE SOILAND | INGAR SOLTY | UWE SONNENBERG | JÖRN SCHÜTRUMPF strategy and active intervention in her life is what the LuXemburg Magazine aspires to, as the mouthpiece of a left-wing project for society. ​We follow her firm conviction that our society can and must change—and her optimism that a future of radical emancipation is possible, even in the face of political defeats: I was, I am, I SHALL BE!

Lutz Brangsch, Michael Brie, Mario Candeias, Drucilla Cornell, Alex Demirović, Gal Hertz, Miriam Pieschke, Tove Soiland, Ingar Solty, Uwe Sonnenberg, Jörn Schütrumpf

Juni 2019

2018 BREAKING FEMINISM Recent years have seen a global wave of feminist protests. The GESELLSCHAFTSANALYSE UND LINKE PRAXIS Breaking Feminism Liz mason-Deese | TiThi BhaTTacharya | gerD reason comes trhough new challenges for feminist politics to WiegeL | BarBara FrieD | Weronika grzeBaLska | eszTer kováTs | AndreA Pető | Alex WischneWski | sOnG | AtlAntA inA Beyer effectively organize against the anti-feminist backlash and to take a clear stand against right-wing authoritarianism as well as neoliberalism. A New Feminist Class Politics can be an important strategy in addressing the intersecting bundle of domination and inequality.

Liz Mason-Deese, Tithi Bhattachatya, Gerd Wiegel, Barbara Fried, Weronika Grzebalska, Eszter Kováts, Andrea Peto, Alex Wischnewski, Song, Atlanta Ina Beyer

September 2018

2017 NEW CLASS POLITICS The concept of new class politics may help forming a »connecting antagonism«. We pose the questions: How can various parts of the class be connected? How can we read precarious labor in traditionally female vocations as a question of both gender relations and class relations? And how can racism be recognized as a form through which one part of the class is pitted against others? new ClAss PolitiCAs Conne Ctive AntAgonism mArio CADienD eilinkeAs | AnneAs PA srtyteC ofkner trAD | beern unionD rie renewXingerA |l bArbArA frieD | AleX DemirovifeminismC | volker is for wolters everyoneDorff | bernD rött- Mario Candeias, Alex Demirović, Barbara Fried, Bernd Riexinger, ger | mArkus wissenthe imPositions of ClAss GESELLSCHAFTSANALYSE UND LINKE PRAXIS CAnvAssing AgAinst DiviDing PolitiCs new ClAss PolitiCs mArio CAnDeiAs | Anne steCkner | bernD Queer feminist ClAss PolitiCs of shAme rieXinger | bArbArA frieD | AleX DemiroviĆ | bernD röttger Bernd Röttger, Anne Steckner, Cerem Turkmen, Markusd Wissen, eCologiCAl ClAss PolitiCs volker wolterDorff | mArkus wissen Volker Woltersdorff

September 2017 4 new ClAss PolitiCs

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With the exception of the articles by Bernie Sanders and Ingar Solty this brochure is a compilation of contibutions from the 3/2019 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE issue of the LuXemburg Magazine.

Translated from German by Gegensatz Translation Collective

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LuXemburg. Gesellschaftsanalyse und linke Praxis, 2019, ISSN 1869-0424

Publisher: Board of the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung Managing Editor: Barbara Fried [email protected] Tel: +49 (0)30 443 10-404

Editorial Board: Harry Adler, Michael Brie, Mario Candeias, Alex Demirović, Barbara Fried, Corinna Genschel, Katharina Pühl, Rainer Rilling, Thomas Sablowski, Hannah Schurian, Ingar Solty, Moritz Warnke, Florian Wilde

Contact: [email protected] Editorial Office:Harry Adler [email protected] Franz-Mehring-Platz 1, 10243 Berlin Telefon: +49 (0)30 443 10-157 Fax: +49 (0)30 443 10-184 www.zeitschrift-luxemburg.de

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Proof reading: Darren Roso

Graphic Design & Layout: Matthies & Schnegg – Ausstellungs- und Kommunikationsdesign www.matthies-schnegg.com

Print: Mediaservice, Berlin, Germany

Title picture: © Sebastian Gündel/RLS Mario Candeias | Bernie Sanders Sarah Leonard | Verónica Gago Étienne Balibar | Ingar Solty Alex Demirović

88 LUXEMBURG 2020 SOCIALISM FOR FUTURE