What is pdf

Continue For other purposes, see Fascism (disbigation). The form of far-right, authoritarian ultra- by (left) and (right), leaders of Italy and respectively, were fascists. Part of the series onFascism Basic Principles of Nationalism Anticommunication Direct Interventionism Social Interventionism Social Order Indoctrination Heroism Statolatria New Man Reactionary Modernism Topics Definitions Economy Fascism Worldwide Symbolism Ideas Class of Cooperation Capitalism National Syndicatedism People Benito Mussolini Adolf Hitler Franco Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera Ante Pavelich Italo Balbo Corneliu Celea Codrean Coreana Coreana Alexander Dugin Gabriele D'Annunzio Giuseppe Bottay Gale Saigo Nakano Sadao Okawa Ikki Ikki Leon DegrellE Eoin O'Duffy Tefik Morja Ferenc Salasi Dawood Monshizade Viskun Kisling Engelbert Dollfuss Dimitrio Lutich Pellio Konstantin Rodzaevsky Abba Ahmeyre Milan Stoedinovich Joseph Tiso Vinayak Damodar Savarcar William Dudley Pelly Gonzalez von Maries Maximiliano Hernandez Martinez zoltan Bucharmuni Maurice Bardech Literature Doctrine of Fascism Fascist Manifesto My autobiography Myth of the Twentieth Century The Last will be russian fascist organizations 1934 Montreux Fascist Conference History March at Rome Beer Hall Putch Aventin Office Of Libya German elections 1932 Incorporating the Law of Austria Civil War Second Italo-Ethiopian War Anticominterns Covenant Italian invasion Albania World War II Fall of in Italy Fall in Germany Lists fascists on the country Options of Austrofaschism Brazilian Christophassism Crypto-fascism Eco fascism phalanx Francoisis Fascist mysticism Feudal fascism French fascism Hindu fascism Hutu Power Islamofasism Japanese fascism Legionism Metaxism Neofasism Parafasism Parafaschism Protofasch Revisionist Maximalism Sh Ava Restoration Tropical Fascism Linked themes of the alt-right Anti-fascism Culture of Fear Fascist (epithet) Glossary fascist Italy Left fascism Palingenetic ultranationalism Excellency Politics portalvte fascism (/ˈfæʃɪzəm/) is a form of extreme right , authoritarian ultranationalism characterized by dictatorial power, the oppressive suppression of the opposition and the strong regiment of society and economy, which have gained notoriety early 20th century . The first fascist movements appeared in Italy during World War I before spreading to other European countries. Against , and anarchism, fascism is on the far right in the traditional left-right spectrum. The Nazis saw World War I as a that brought huge changes to the nature of war, society, the state and technology. The onset of all-out war and the total mass mobilization of society have broken the distinction between civilians and combatants. There was a military citizenship in which all citizens in one form or another participated in military operations during the war. The war has led to the emergence of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines and provide economic production and logistical support to support them, as well as having unprecedented power to interfere in the lives of citizens. The Fascists believe that liberal democracy is outdated and believe that full mobilization of society under a totalitarian one-state is necessary to prepare the nation for armed conflict and to respond effectively to economic difficulties. Such a state is led by a strong leader, such as a dictator and a military government made up of members of the ruling fascist party, to forge national unity and maintain a stable and orderly society. Fascism rejects claims that violence is automatically negative in nature and sees political violence, war and imperialism as a means of achieving national rejuvenation. The Fascists advocate a mixed economy, with the main aim of achieving autarca (national economic self-sufficiency) through protectionist and interventionist economic policies. After the end of World War II in 1945, few parties openly described themselves as fascist, and instead the term is now commonly used by pejorative political opponents. Neo-fascist or post-fascist descriptions are sometimes used more formally to describe far-right parties with ideologies similar or rooted in the fascist movements of the 20th century. Etymology Part series onRevolution Types Bourgeois Color Communist Democratic Nonviolent Permanent Political Proletarian Social Wave Methods Boycott Civil Disobedience Civil War Class Conflict Class Coup d'tat Demonstration Guerrilla War Rebel Rebel Nonviolent Resistance Protest Revolt Revolutionary Terror Samizdat Strike Action Tax Resistance Terrorism Causes Authoritarian Autocracy Capitalism Collaboration Colonialism Subparism Despotism Dictatorship Discrimination Economic Depression Economic Inequality Fraud Election Fascism Feudalism Military Occupation Monarchy Millennials Natural Disaster Nepotism Persecution Political Repression Political Repression Poverty Tyranny totalitarianism Unemployment Examples Examples Commercial English Atlantic American Brabant Liege French Haitian Serbian Greek 1820 1830 Belgian Texas 1848 Hungarian (1848) Philippine 1st Iranian Young Turk Mexican Chinese 1917-1923 Russian German Spanish Guatemalan Chinese Communist Chinese Hungarian (1956) Cuban Rwandan Cultural Nicaragua 2nd Iranian Saur People August Revolution Clove 1989 Velvet Romanian Singing Bolivarian Bulldozer Rose Orange Tulip Kyrgyz Arab Spring Tunisia Egyptian Yemeni Euromaidan 2018-19 Arab protests Sudanese politics portalvte Italian term fascism comes from meaning a bunch of sticks, ultimately from the Latin word fasces. This was the name given to political organizations in Italy, known as fasci, groups similar to guilds or syndicates. According to the Italian fascist dictator Benito Mussolini's own account, The Fascist Action was founded in Italy in 1915. In 1919, Mussolini founded the Italian fasces of Combat in Milan, which became the two years later. The fascists came to associate the term with ancient Roman fasces or fascio littorio -beam of rods tied around the axe,17 the ancient Roman symbol of the authority of the civil magistrate carried his lictors, which could be used for bodily and death execution on his command. The symbolism of the fascia assumed strength through unity: one rod breaks easily, while the beam is difficult to break. Such symbols were developed by various fascist movements: for example, the symbol of Phalanx is five arrows connected by a needle. Definitions Main article: Historians, political scientists and other scholars have long discussed the exact nature of fascism. Each group, described as fascist, has at least some unique elements, and many definitions of fascism have been criticized as too broad or narrow. According to many scholars, fascism, especially in power, has historically attacked communism, and parliamentary liberalism, attracting the support of the far right in the first place. One common definition of the term, often cited by reliable sources as a standard definition, is the definition of historian Stanley G. Payne. It focuses on three concepts: fascist denials: anti-liberalism, anti-communism and anti-conservatism; fascist goals: the creation of a nationalist dictatorship to regulate the economic structure and transform social relations into a modern, self-defined culture and the transformation of the nation into an empire; and fascist style: political aesthetics of romantic symbolism, mass mobilization, positive view of violence and propaganda of masculinity, youth and charismatic authoritarian leadership. [27] [28] Professor Jason Stanley in his book How Fascism Works: Politics Politics and they, noticed that the leader suggests that only he can solve it, and all his political opponents are enemies or traitors. Stanley says recent global events, including the pandemic and protests, have confirmed his concern about how fascist rhetoric manifests itself in politics and politics around the world. Historian John Lukacs argues that there is no such thing as general fascism. He argues that Nazism and communism are essentially manifestations of populism and that states such as Nazi Germany and fascist Italy are different from similar ones. Roger Griffin describes fascism as a kind of political ideology whose mythical core in its various permutations is the paleenetic form of populist ultra-nationalism. Griffin describes ideology as having three main components: (i) the myth of rebirth, (ii) populist ultranationalism and (iii) the myth of decadence. According to Griffin, fascism is a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, and ultimately anti-liberal nationalism, built on a complex range of theoretical and cultural influences. He singles out an interwar period in which he manifested himself in the elite but populist politics of an armed party opposing and liberalism and promising radical policies to save the nation from decadence. In Against the Fascist Creep, Alexander Reed Ross writes about Griffin's point of view: After the Cold War and changes in the organization's fascist methods, a number of scholars have moved on to the minimalist new consensus refined by Roger Griffin: the mythical core of fascism is a populist form of paligenetic ultra-nationalism. This means that fascism is an ideology that relies on old, ancient and even secret myths of racial, cultural, ethnic and national origin to develop a plan for a new human being. Indeed, Griffin himself explored this mythical or eliminatable core of fascism with his concept of post-fascism to explore the continuation of Nazism in the modern era. In addition, other historians have used this minimalist core to study proto-fascist movements. Kas Madde and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser argue that while fascism flirted with populism... in an attempt to gain mass support, it is better seen as an elitist ideology. They refer, in particular, to his elevation of the Leader, race and the state, not the people. They see populism as a subtle-centric ideology with limited morphology that is necessarily tied to fat ideologies such as fascism, liberalism or socialism. Thus, populism can be found as an aspect of many specific ideologies, without necessarily being a defining characteristic of these ideologies. They call the combination of populism, and ultra-nationalism a marriage of convenience. Paxton says that: political behaviour marked by obsessive concern for community decline, humiliation or sacrifice and compensatory cults of unity, energy and purity, in which a massive party of loyal nationalist fighters, operating in uneasy but effective cooperation with traditional elites, renounces democratic freedoms and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restrictions the purpose of internal cleansing and external expansion. Roger Itwell defines fascism as an ideology that seeks a social renaissance based on a holistically-national radical third way, while Walter LaCour views the basic principles of fascism as self-evident: nationalism; ; , the need for leadership, the new aristocracy and obedience; and the negation of the ideals of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution. Racism was a key feature of German fascism, for which the Holocaust was a top priority. According to the historiography of the genocide, in the fight against the Holocaust, it is the consensus of historians that Nazi Germany targeted Jews as a race and not as a religious group. Umberto Eco, Kevin Passmore, John Weiss, Ian Adams and Moira Grant emphasize racism as a characteristic component of German fascism. Historian Robert Susi said that Hitler represented the ideal German society as Volksgemeinshaft, a racially unified and hierarchically organized body in which the interests of individuals would be strictly subordinated to the interests of the nation, or Wolf. Fascist philosophies differ in application, but remain distinct in one theoretical prevalence: all traditionally fall into the far-right sector of any political spectrum, catalyzed by a stricken class identity over conventional social inequality. State in the political spectrum Most scholars are the place of fascism on the far right of the political spectrum. This scholarship focuses on social conservatism and authoritarian means of countering egalitarianism. Roderick Stekelberg puts fascism, including Nazism, which he says is a radical version of fascism, on the political right, explaining: The more one considers absolute equality among all people to be a desirable condition, the farther left he or she will be on the ideological spectrum. The more a person considers inequality inevitable or even desirable, the farther to the right he or she will be. The origins of fascism, however, are complex and include many seemingly contradictory points of view, ultimately centered around the myths of national rebirth from decadence. Fascism was founded during the First World War by Italian national syndicates, who relied on both left-wing organizational tactics and right-wing political views. Italian fascism gravitated to the right in the early 1920s. the far right is its stated aim to promote the right of supposedly superior people to dominate, while purging society from supposedly inferior elements. In the 1920s, Italian fascists described their ideology as right-wing in the political program , stating: We are free to believe that this is the age of power, the century, striving for the right, the fascist age. Mussolini stated that the position of fascism on the political spectrum is not a serious problem for the fascists: Fascism, sitting on the right, could also sit on the mountain of the center... In any case, these words have no fixed and immutable meaning: they have a variable provided by location, time and spirit. We don't care about these empty terminology, and we despise those who are terrorized by these words. Large Italian politically right-wing groups, especially wealthy landowners and big business, feared a revolt by left-wing groups such as shareholders and trade unions. They welcomed fascism and supported its violent suppression of opponents on the left. The placement of political law in the Italian fascist movement in the early 1920s created internal factions within the movement. The fascist left included Michele Bianchi, Giuseppe Bottay, Angelo Oliviero Olivetti, and Edmondo Rossooni, who were committed to promoting national as a substitute for parliamentary liberalism in order to modernize the economy and advance the interests of workers and ordinary people. The fascist right included members of the paramilitary group and former members of the Italian Nationalist Association (ANI). Squadristi wanted to establish fascism as a complete dictatorship, while former ANI members, including Alfredo Rocco, sought to create an authoritarian corporate state to replace the liberal state in Italy, while retaining existing elites. After the deployment of the political right, there was a group of monarchical fascists who sought to use fascism to create an absolute monarchy under King Victor Emanuel III of Italy. Continuing to rely on the support of Germany, Mussolini and the remaining loyal fascists founded the with Mussolini as head of state. Mussolini tried to reradicalize Italian fascism, claiming that the fascist state was overthrown because Italian fascism was undermined by Italian conservatives and the bourgeoisie. Then the new fascist government proposed to create working councils and distribution of profits in the industry, although the German authorities, which effectively controlled the northern these measures have been ignored and not enforced at this stage. A number of fascist movements after The Second World War described themselves as a third position outside the traditional political spectrum. Spanish phalanxist leader Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera said: On the other hand, the right is in favour of maintaining the economic structure, albeit unfair, while the left means trying to undermine this economic structure, even though its undermining would lead to the destruction of what was worth it. Fascist as a pejorative Main Article: Fascist (insult) The term fascist has been used as pejorative, against various movements across the far right political spectrum. George Orwell wrote in 1944 that the word fascism is almost entirely meaningless... almost any English man would take the bully as a synonym for fascists. Despite the history of fascist anti-communism movements, communist states are sometimes called fascist as a general insult. For example, it was applied to Marxist-Leninist regimes in Cuba under Fidel Castro and Vietnam under Ho Chi Minh City. Chinese Marxists used the term to denounce the Soviet Union during the Sino-Soviet division, and also the Soviets used the term to denounce Chinese Marxists and social democracy (chasing a new term in ). In the United States, Herbert Matthews of The New York Times asked in 1946, Should we now place Stalin's Russia in the same category as Hitler's Germany? Should we say she's a fascist? J. Edgar Hoover, a longtime FBI director and ardent anti-communist, wrote extensively about . The was sometimes called fascist in the 1920s. Historian Peter Amann argues that certainly, the clan had some traits in common with European fascism - chauvinism, racism, the mysticism of violence, the assertion of a certain archaic traditionalism - but their differences were fundamental...... KKK never envisaged a change in the political or economic system. Professor Richard Griffiths, from the University of Wales, wrote in 2005 that fascism was the most misused word of our time. Fascist is sometimes applied to organizations after World War II and ways of thinking, which scientists often call neo-fascist. History Additional information: Fascism and ideology of the 19th century roots George Valois, founder of the first non-Italian fascist party , said that the roots of fascism stems from the late 18th century Jacobin movement, seeing in its totalitarian character foreshadowing the fascist state. Historian George Moss also analysed fascism as the heir to the mass ideology and civil religion of the French Revolution, as well as in cruelty of societies in 1914-1918. Historians such as Irene Collins and Howard S Payne see Napoleon III, who ruled the police state and suppressed the media as a precursor to fascism. According to David Thomson, the Italian Risorgymento of 1871 led to a nemesis of fascism. William L Shirer sees continuity from the views of Fichte and Hegel, through Bismarck, to Hitler; Robert Gerwart talks about the direct line from Bismarck to Hitler. Julian Dirkes sees fascism as a particularly brutal form of imperialism. The era of Fin de Ciel and the confluence of morrasism with sorelianism (1880-1914) Historian Seeev Sternhell traced the ideological roots of fascism back in the 1880s and, in particular, in the theme of the Fin de Siel of that time. The theme was based on a revolt against materialism, rationalism, positivism, bourgeois society and democracy. The fin generation supported emotionalism, irrationalism, subjectivism and vialism. They believed that civilization was in crisis, demanding a huge and complete solution. Their intellectual school regarded the individual as just one part of a larger collective, which should not be seen as a numerical sum of atomized individuals. They denounced the rationalist individualism of liberal society and the breakdown of social ties in bourgeois society. The perspectives of the fin de siecle were influenced by various intellectual developments, including Darwinian biology; Wagnerian aesthetic; The racism of Arthur de Gobino; The Psychology of Gustave Le Bon; and the philosophies of Friedrich Nietzsche, Fyodor Dostoyevsky and Henri Bergson. Social Darwinism, which was widely recognized, made no distinction between physical and social life, and viewed the human condition as an incessant struggle for the survival of the fittest. Social Darwinism challenged the assertion of positivism as a deliberate and rational choice as a determining of human behaviour, with social Darwinism focusing on gender, race and the environment. The emphasis of social Darwinism on biogroup identity and the role of organic relationships in societies contributed to the legitimacy and attractiveness of nationalism. New theories of social and political psychology have also rejected the notion of human behaviour governed by rational choice, and instead argued that emotions are more influential in political matters than reason. Nietzsche's argument that God is dead coincided with his attack on the herd mentality of , democracy and modern collectivism; His concept is zbermensh; and his propaganda of will to power as an initial instinct, were a major influence on many of the fin de si'cle generation. Bergson's assertion of the existence of a vital or vital instinct focused on free choice and rejected the processes of materialism and determinism; it defied Marxism. Gaetano Mosca in the work of the ruling class (1896) developed a theory that argues that in all societies an organized minority will dominate and rule over an unorganized majority. Mosca claims that there are only two classes in society: ruling (organized minority) and managed (disorganized majority). He argues that the organized nature of the organized minority makes it irresistible to any person of a disorganized majority. Charles MorrasJorgs Sorel French nationalist and reactionary monarchist Charles Morras influenced fascism. Morras promoted what he called , which called organic unity of the nation, and insisted that the powerful monarch was the ideal leader of the nation. Morras did not trust what he considered a democratic hoax of the people's will, which created an impersonal collective theme. He argued that the powerful monarch was a personified sovereign who could exercise power to unite the people of the country. Morras' integral nationalism was idealized by the Nazis, but changed to a modernized revolutionary form devoid of Morras . The French revolutionary syndicatet George Sorel promoted the legitimacy of political violence in his work Reflections on Violence (1908) and other works in which he advocated radical syndicalistic actions to achieve a revolution to overthrow capitalism and the bourgeoisie through a general strike. In his reflections on violence, Sorel stressed the need for a revolutionary political religion. Also in his work Illusion of Progress Sorel condemned democracy as reactionary, saying that there is nothing more aristocratic than democracy. By 1909, after the failure of the syndical general strike in France, Sorel and his supporters left the radical left and moved to the radical right, where they sought to combine militant Catholicism and French patriotism with their views, promoting anti-republican Christian-French patriots as ideal revolutionaries. Sorel was officially a revisionist of Marxism, but by 1910 he announced his rejection of socialist literature and declared in 1914, using the aphorism of Benedetto Croce, that socialism is dead because of the decomposition of Marxism. Sorel became a supporter of reactionary Moorish nationalism, starting in 1909, which influenced his works. Morras was interested in merging his nationalist ideals with sorely syndicalism as a means of opposing democracy. Morras stated that socialism, freed from the democratic and cosmopolitan element, is well suited to nationalism, and a well-made glove is suitable for a beautiful hand. Enrico Corraini The Confluence of Moorish Nationalism and Soreelian Syndicates influenced the radical Italian Enrico Corraini. Corraini spoke of the need for a nationalist-syndicalist movement led by elitist aristocrats and who share a revolutionary syndicalist commitment to and a willingness to fight. Corraini referred to Italy as a proletarian nation that had to pursue imperialism in order to challenge the plutocratic French and British. Corraini's views were part of a wider range of views in the right-wing Italian Nationalist Association (ANI), which argued that Italy's economic backwardness was caused by corruption in its political class, liberalism and division caused by ignoble socialism. ANI kept connections and influence among conservatives, Catholics and the business community. Italian national syndicalists held a common set of principles: the rejection of bourgeois values, democracy, liberalism, Marxism, internationalism and pacifism; and the promotion of heroism, vitality and violence. ANI argued that liberal democracy was no longer compatible with the modern world, and advocated a strong state and imperialism. They believed that people were naturally predatory, and that peoples were in a constant struggle in which only the strongest would survive. Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, Italian modernist author of the Futuristic Manifesto (1909) and then co-author of the Fascist Manifesto (1919) Futurism was both an artistic and cultural movement and originally a political movement in Italy led by Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, who founded the Futuristic Manifesto (1908), which championed the causes of modernism, action and political violence as necessary elements of politics, denouncing liberalism and parliamentary politics. Marinetti rejected traditional democracy, based on majority rule and egalitarianism, for a new form of democracy, promoting what he described in his work the futuristic concept of democracy as the following: So we can give instructions for the creation and dismantling of numbers, numbers, masses, for we have the number, number and mass will never - as they are in Germany and Russia - the number, number and mass of men incapable and indecisive. Futurism influenced fascism in order to recognize the masculine nature of violence and war as a necessity of modern civilization. Marinetti promoted the need for physical fitness for young people, saying that in men's education gymnastics should take precedence over books. He advocates gender segregation because women's sensitivity should not be part of the education of men, which he said should be alive, belligerent, muscular and fiercely dynamic. Benito Mussolini (here in 1917 as a soldier of the First World War), who in 1914 founded and headed Fasci d'Azione Rivoluzionaria to promote Italian intervention in the war as a revolutionary nationalist action to liberate Italian lands from the Austro-Hungarian first War and Its Consequences (1914-1929) At the beginning of World War I in August 1914, the Italian political left was deeply divided over its position on the war. The Italian Socialist Party (PSI) opposed the war, but a number of Italian revolutionary syndicalists supported the war against Germany and Austria-Hungary on the grounds that their reactionary regimes had to be defeated to ensure the success of socialism. In October 1914, Angelo Oliviero Olivetti formed a pro-interventionist fascio called Revolutionary Fascists of International Action. Benito Mussolini was removed from his post as editor-in-chief of PSI Avanti! for his anti-German stance, joined the interventionist cause in a separate fascio. The term fascism was first used in 1915 by members of mussolini's movement, and on January 24, 1915, the first fascia revolutionary meeting was held, at which Mussolini stated that Europe needed to solve its national problems, including national borders, Italy and other countries for the ideals of justice and freedom for which oppressed peoples must acquire the right to belong to the national communities from which they descended. Attempts to hold mass gatherings were ineffective, and the organization was regularly persecuted by the state authorities and socialists. German soldiers, passing through Lubeck in the days leading up to World War I. Johann Plenge in the concept of Spirit of 1914 defined the beginning of the war as a moment that forged nationalist German solidarity Such political ideas arose in Germany after the beginning of the war. The German sociologist Johann Plenge spoke of the rise of National Socialism in Germany as part of what he called the ideas of 1914, which were the declaration of war against the ideas of 1789 (the French Revolution). According to Plenge, ideas of 1789 such as human rights, democracy, individualism and liberalism were rejected in favor of ideas of 1914 that included the German values of duty, discipline, and the rule of law. Plenge believed that racial solidarity (Volksgemeinschaft) would replace class division and that racial comrades would unite to create a socialist society in the struggle of proletarian Germany against capitalist Britain. He believed that the Spirit of 1914 manifested itself in the concept of the People's League of National Socialism. This National Socialism was a form of state socialism that rejected the idea of limitless freedom and promoted an economy that would serve the whole of Germany under the leadership of the state. This National Socialism was against capitalism because of the components that were against the national interests of Germany, but insisted that National Socialism would strive for greater efficiency in the economy. Penge was a champion of the rational ruling elite develop National Socialism through a hierarchical technocratic state. The consequences of the First World War were seen by the Nazis as bringing revolutionary changes in the nature of war, society, state and technology, as the onset of all-out war and mass mobilization broke the distinction between civilian and combatant, as civilians became an important part of economic production for military efforts and thus created military citizenship in which all citizens were involved in the army in some sense during the war. The First World War led to the emergence of a powerful nation capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines or provide economic production and logistics to support those on the front lines, as well as having unprecedented power to interfere in the lives of citizens. The Fascists viewed the technological development of weapons and the full mobilization of the state of their people in war as symbolizing the beginning of a new era, draining state power with mass politics, technologies and, in particular, the mobilization myth, which, they claimed, triumphed over the myth of the progress and era of liberalism. Members of the Italian Corps (here in 1918 held daggers, a symbol of their group), which was formed in 1917 as a group of soldiers trained for dangerous missions, characterized by refusal to surrender and willingness to fight to the death. Their black uniforms inspired the Italian fascist movement. The influence of the Bolshevik Revolution of the October Revolution of 1917, in which the Bolshevik Communists led by Vladimir Lenin seized power in Russia, greatly influenced the development of fascism. In 1917, Mussolini, as the leader of the revolutionary faction, praised the October Revolution, but later he did not impress Lenin, considering it just a new version of Tsar Nicholas. After World War I, the Nazis usually campaigned on anti-mixist agendas. Liberal opponents of both fascism and the Bolsheviks claim that there are various similarities between them, including their belief in the need for avant-garde leadership, despised bourgeois values and claimed to have totalitarian ambitions. In practice, both usually emphasized revolutionary actions, proletarian national theories, one party states and party armies. Nevertheless, the two make clear distinctions from each other in both purpose and tactics, with the Bolsheviks emphasizing the need for organized democracy participation and an egalitarian, internationalist vision of society, while the fascists emphasize hypernationalism and open hostility to democracy, presenting the hierarchical social structure as necessary for their purposes. With antagonism between anti-interventionist Marxists and fascists completed by the end of the war, the war, both sides became irreconcilable. Fascists presented themselves as anti-Marxists and unlike Marxists. Mussolini consolidated control of the fascist movement known as Sansepolcrismo in 1919 with the founding of the Italian Fasces of Combat. Fascist Manifesto 1919 In 1919, and the leader of the futuristic movement Filippo Tommaso Marinetti created the Manifesto of the Italian Struggle (Fascist Manifesto). The manifesto was presented on June 6, 1919 in the fascist newspaper Il Popolo d'Italia. The Manifesto supported the creation of universal suffrage for both men and women (the latter was only partially implemented at the end of 1925, when all opposition parties were banned or dissolved); Proportional representation on a regional basis; Government representation through the corporate system of national expert councils, selected from professionals and traders elected to represent and have legislative power over their respective areas, including labour, industry, transport, health, communications, etc.; and the abolition of the Italian senate. The manifesto supported the creation of an eight-hour working day for all workers, the minimum wage, representation of workers in industrial administration, equal trust in trade unions, as well as the heads of industrial enterprises and public servants, the reorganization of the transport sector, the revision of the disability insurance bill, the reduction of the retirement age from 65 to 55 years, a strong progressive tax on capital confiscation of religious institutions' property and the abolition of the bishop's property, as well as the revision of military contracts allowing the government to withdraw 85% of profits. It also called for the implementation of expansionist goals in the Balkans and other parts of the Mediterranean, the establishment of a national militia with short services to perform defensive duties, the nationalization of the arms industry and foreign policy aimed at peaceful but also competitiveness. Residents of Fiume welcome the arrival of Gabriele d'Annunzio and his black shirt nationalist raiders, as D'Annunzio and fascist Alceste de Ambris developed the quasi-fascist Italian regency of Carnaro (city-state in Fume) from 19 from 19 to 1920 and whose actions D'Annunzio in The Fiesta inspired the Italian fascist movement. who influenced the fascists in Italy was the raid of Fiume by Italian nationalist Gabriele d'Annunzio and the founding of the Carnaro Charter in 1920. D'Annunzio and De Ambris developed the Charter, which promoted national-syndicalist corporate production along with the political views of D'Annunzio. Many fascists viewed the Carnaro Charter as an ideal constitution for fascist Italy. This behavior of aggression towards Yugoslavia and the South Slavs was persecuted by the Italian fascists with their Slovenians and Croats. Italian fascists in 1920. Mussolini and the Nazis took advantage of the situation by allied with industrial enterprises and attacking workers and peasants in the name of maintaining order and internal peace in Italy. The Fascists identified their main opponents as the majority of the socialists on the left, who opposed the intervention in World War I. The fascists helped the anti-socialist campaign by allied with other parties and the conservative right in mutual efforts to destroy the Italian Socialist Party and labour organizations committed to class identity above national identity. Fascism sought to adapt the Italian conservatives by making major changes to their political agenda - abandoning the former populism, republicanism and anti-clericalism, adopting policies in support of free enterprise and adopting the Catholic Church and monarchy as institutions in Italy. To appeal to the Italian Conservatives, fascism adopted policies such as promoting family values, including policies aimed at reducing the number of working women, limiting the role of women to the role of mother. The Fascists banned birth control literature and increased abortion fines in 1926, declaring both crimes against the state. Although fascism has taken a number of anti-modern positions designed to appeal to people frustrated by new trends in sexuality and women's rights, especially from a reactionary point of view, the fascists sought to preserve the revolutionary character of fascism, and Angelo Oliviero Olivetti said: Fascism would like to be conservative, but it will be revolutionary. The fascists supported revolutionary actions and pledged to ensure law and order in order to appeal to both conservatives and syndicates. Before the placement of fascism in the political right, fascism was a small, urban, northern Italian movement that had about a thousand members. After fascism became a political right, by 1921 the number of members of the fascist movement had grown to about 250,000. In 1922, beginning in 1922, fascist paramilitaries intensified their strategy from attacking socialist offices and houses of socialist leaders to forcibly occupying cities. The fascists met little serious resistance from the authorities and took power to take over several northern Italian cities. The Nazis attacked the headquarters of socialist and Catholic trade unions in Cremona and Trent and Bolzano. After the capture of these cities, the Nazis plan to capture Rome. Benito Mussolini with three of the four quadrumvirs during the (from left to right: unknown, de Bono, Mussolini, Balbo and de Vecchi) on October 24, 1922, the fascist party held its annual congress in Naples, where Mussolini ordered the to take control of public buildings and trains and converge on three points around Rome. The Fascists managed to seize control of several post offices and trains in northern Italy, while the Italian government, led by the left-wing coalition, was internally divided and unable to respond to fascist attacks. King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy took the risk of bloodshed in Rome in response to an attempt to disperse the nazis as too high. Victor Emmanuel III decided to appoint Mussolini as Prime Minister of Italy, and Mussolini arrived in Rome on October 30 to accept the appointment. Fascist propaganda exalted this event, known as the March to Rome, as the capture of power because of the heroic exploits of the fascists. Stanley G. Payne, a historian of fascist Italy, said: Fascism in Italy was primarily a political dictatorship. ... The fascist party itself became almost completely bureaucratic and subordinate, not dominating the state. Big business, industry and finance retained broad autonomy, especially in the early years. The armed forces also enjoy considerable autonomy. ... The fascist militia was put under military control. ... The judicial system has remained largely untouched and relatively autonomous. The police were still being sent by government officials and were not taken under the control of party leaders ... a new large police elite has not been created. ... There has never been a question of bringing the Church under general subordination. ... Significant segments of Italian cultural life retained broad autonomy, and there was not a single major state ministry of propaganda and culture. ... Mussolini's regime was neither particularly optimistic nor particularly repressive. After Mussolini was appointed to power after being appointed Prime Minister of Italy, Mussolini had to form a coalition government, as the Nazis had no control over the Italian parliament. Mussolini's coalition government initially pursued an economically liberal policy led by Liberal Finance Minister Alberto de Stefani, a member of the Central Party, including balancing the budget through deep cuts to the civil service. Initially, there was no drastic change in the government's policy, and repressive actions of the police were limited. The fascists began an attempt to consolidate fascism in Italy with the help of the Aserbo Act, which guaranteed the pluralism of seats in the parliament of any party or the coalition list in the elections, 25% or more votes. (144) Through Through Fascist violence and intimidation, the list received a majority of votes, allowing many places to go to the fascists. After the elections, a crisis and political scandal erupted after Socialist MP Giacomo Matteotti was kidnapped and killed by a fascist. Liberals and a left-wing minority in parliament came out to protest what became known as the Aventine Secession. On January 3, 1925, Mussolini addressed the Fascist-dominated Italian parliament and said he was personally responsible for what had happened, but insisted that he had done nothing wrong. Mussolini declared himself the dictator of Italy, took full responsibility for the government and announced the resignation of the parliament. From 1925 to 1929, fascism was steadily consolidated in power: opposition MPs were denied access to parliament, censorship was introduced and a decree of December 1925, which resulted in Mussolini being solely responsible to the king. The Catholic Church in 1929, the fascist regime briefly received what was actually a blessing to the Catholic Church after the regime signed a concordat with the Church, known as the Lateran Treaty, which gave the papacy state sovereignty and financial compensation for the seizure of church lands by a liberal state in the nineteenth century, but within two years the Church renounced fascism in the encyclical Non Abbiamo Bisogno as a pagan hate state. violence and disrespect. Shortly after the signing of the agreement, mussolini's own admission, the Church threatened that he would be excommunicated, partly because of his intractable nature, but also because he had confiscated more issues of Catholic newspapers over the next three months than in the previous seven years. By the late 1930s, Mussolini had become more active in his anti-clerical rhetoric, repeatedly denouncing the Catholic Church and discussing ways to overthrow the pope. He took the position that the papacy was a malignant tumor in The Body of Italy and should be eradicated once and for all, because there was no place in Rome for both the Pope and himself In his 1974 book, Mussolini's widow Rachel said that her husband had always been an atheist for the rest of his life, writing that her husband was largely non-religious until the later years of his life. The Nazis in Germany used a similar anti-clerical policy. The confiscated hundreds of monasteries in Austria and Germany, evicted both clergy and lay people and often replaced crosses with swastikas. Referring to the swastika as the Devil's Cross, church leaders found that their youth organizations were banned, their congregations restricted, and various Catholic periodicals were censored or banned. Government officials eventually found it necessary to submit the Nazis to editorial positions in the The Gestapo arrested up to 2,720 clerics, mostly Catholics, and imprisoned them at the Dachau concentration camp in Germany, killing more than 1,000 people. The pro-government economic system of the Fascist regime created a corporatist economic system in 1925 with the creation of the Palazzo Vidoni Pact, in which the Italian Association of Employers Confindustria and fascist trade unions agreed to recognize each other as the only representatives of Italian employers and workers, excluding non-fascist trade unions. The fascist regime first established the Ministry of Corporations, which organized the Italian economy into 22 industry corporations, banned workers' strikes and lockouts, and in 1927 established the Charter of Labor, which established the rights and responsibilities of workers and established labour tribunals to arbitlod between employer and employee. In practice, sectoral corporations did not exercise sufficient independence and were largely controlled by the regime, and employee organizations were rarely headed by the staff themselves, but were instead appointed by members of the fascist party. Aggressive foreign policy In the 1920s, fascist Italy pursued an aggressive foreign policy that included an attack on the Greek island of Corfu, ambitions to expand Italian territory in the Balkans, plans to wage war against Turkey and Yugoslavia, attempts to enter The Yugoslavia into civil war, supporting Croatian and Macedonian separatists to legitimize Italian intervention and make Albania a de facto protector of Italy, which was achieved by diplomatic means by 1927. In response to the uprising in the Italian colony of Libya, fascist Italy abandoned the previous liberal colonial policy of cooperation with local leaders. Instead, claiming that the Italians were superior to African races and thus had the right to colonize the lower Africans, she sought to settle 10 to 15 million Italians in Libya. This led to an aggressive military campaign known as Libya's appeasement against Aboriginal people in Libya, including massacres, the use of concentration camps and the forced starvation of thousands of people. The Italian authorities carried out ethnic cleansing, forcibly expelling 100,000 Bedouin Cyrenaus, half of cyrenaica population in Libya, from their settlements, which were to be given to Italian settlers. Hitler accepts the Italian model of the Nazis in Munich during the putsch of the Beer Hall March on Rome brought fascism international attention. One of the first admirers of Italian fascists was Adolf Hitler, who less than a month after the march began to model himself and the on Mussolini and the fascists. The Nazis, led by Hitler and German war hero Erich Ludendorf, attempted a March to modelled on the March on Rome, november 1923 in Munich failed the . International impact impact The Great Depression and the build-up of World War II by Benito Mussolini (left) and Adolf Hitler (right) The economic hardships caused by the Great Depression led to an international surge in social unrest. According to historian Philip Morgan, the beginning of the Great Depression... was the biggest stimulus yet to diffusion and the expansion of fascism outside Italy. Fascist propaganda blamed the long-running depression of the 1930s on minorities and scapegoats: the conspiracies of the Judeo-Masonic Bolshevik, leftist internationalism and the presence of immigrants. In Germany, this contributed to the growth of the National Socialist German Workers' Party, which led to the disintegration of the Weimar Republic and the establishment of a fascist regime, Nazi Germany, under the leadership of Adolf Hitler. With Hitler and the Nazis coming to power in 1933, liberal democracy was dissolved in Germany, and the Nazis mobilized the country to war with an expansionist territorial goal against several countries. In the 1930s, the Nazis misled racial laws that deliberately discriminated against, tried and persecuted Jews and other racial and minority groups. Fascist movements grew in strength in other European countries. Hungarian fascist Gyula Gombes was prime minister of Hungary in 1932 and tried to strengthen his National Unity Party across the country. He set up an eight-hour working day, a 48-hour working week in the industry and sought to strengthen the corporate economy; and pursued the game-like claims against Hungary's neighbors. The fascist movement in Romania has increased dramatically in political support since 1933, gaining representation in the Romanian government, and a member of the Iron Guard killed Romanian Prime Minister Ion Dooku. During the crisis of 6 February 1934, France faced the greatest internal political upheaval since the Dreyfus affair, when the Francis fascist movement and several far-right movements rioted en masse in Paris against the French government, leading to serious political violence. During the Great Depression, various para-fascist governments were formed and they borrowed elements of fascism, including the governments of Greece, Lithuania, Poland and Yugoslavia. Integralists in in America, Brazilian integralists led by Plenio Salgado declared about 200,000 members, although after the coup attempt he faced repression by Estado Novo Getlio Vargas in 1937. In the 1930s, Chile's National Socialist Movement won seats in Chile's parliament and attempted a coup d'etat that resulted in the 1938 Seguro-Oblero massacre. During the Great Depression, Mussolini promoted active government intervention in the economy. He denounced modern supercapitalism, which, in his opinion, began in 1914 as a failure because of his alleged alleged its support for unlimited consumption and its intention to standardize humanity. Fascist Italy has established the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction (IRI), a giant state-owned firm and holding company that provided public funding to failed private enterprises. IRI was made a permanent institution in fascist Italy in 1937, pursued a fascist policy to create national autarks and had the right to take over private firms to maximize military production. While Hitler's regime had only nationalized 500 companies in key industries by the early 1940s, Mussolini declared in 1934 that three-quarters of the Italian economy, industry and agriculture are in the hands of the state. Because of the global depression, Mussolini's government was able to take over most of Italy's largest banks, which held a controlling stake in many Italian companies. The Institute for Industrial Reconstruction, the state-owned holding responsible for bankrupt banks and companies, reported in early 1934 that they had assets of 48.5 per cent of Italy's share capital, which subsequently included the capital of the banks themselves. Political historian Martin Blinkhorn estimated the scale of State interference and property in Italy as significantly superior to Nazi Germany, making Italy a public sector, second only to Stalin's Russia. In the late 1930s, Italy put in place production cartels, tariff barriers, currency restrictions and massive regulation of the economy to try to balance payments. Italy's policy towards autarca has failed to achieve effective economic autonomy. Nazi Germany also pursued an economic agenda with the goals of autarka and rearmament and imposed protectionist policies, including forcing the German steel industry to use better German iron ore rather than high-quality imported iron. World War II (1939-1945) In Nazi Italy and Nazi Germany, Mussolini and Hitler pursued territorial expansionist and interventionist foreign policy programs from the 1930s to the 1940s, culminating in World War II. Mussolini called for the restoration of Italian claims, the establishment of Italian domination in the Mediterranean Sea and Italy's access to the Atlantic Ocean and the creation of an Italian spacio-vital space in the regions of the Mediterranean and Red Seas. Hitler called for the restoration of the irradenist German claims for reconstruction, together with the creation of the German Lebensrauum (living space), including soviet-held territories, which would have been colonized by the Germans. In 1935-1939 male prisoners in the Italian concentration camp Rab, Germany and Italy have sharpened their claims regarding territorial claims and greater influence in world affairs. Italy invaded Ethiopia in 1935, leading to its condemnation by the League of Nations and widespread diplomatic isolation. In 1936, Germany remilitarized the industrial Rhineland, a region that was commissioned by the Treaty of Versailles. In 1938, Germany annexed Austria, and Italy helped Germany resolve the diplomatic crisis between Germany and Great Britain over claims to Czechoslovakia by organizing the Munich Agreement, which gave Germany the Sudeten country and was perceived while averting a European war. Those hopes disappeared when Hitler violated the Munich Agreement by ordering the invasion and partition of Czechoslovakia between Germany and the client state of Slovakia in 1939. At the same time, from 1938 to 1939, Italy demanded territorial and colonial concessions from France and Great Britain. In 1939, Germany was preparing for war with Poland, but tried to obtain territorial concessions from Poland diplomatically. The Polish government did not trust Hitler's promises and refused to accept Germany's demands. Germany's invasion of Poland was deemed unacceptable by Britain, France and their allies, as a result of which they mutually declared war against Germany, which was recognized as the aggressor in the war in Poland, which led to the outbreak of World War II. In 1940, Mussolini led Italy to World War II on the side of the Axis. Mussolini knew that Italy did not have the military capacity to carry out a long war with France or Great Britain, and waited until France was on the verge of imminent collapse and surrender from the German invasion before declaring war on France and the United Kingdom on June 10, 1940, on the assumption that the war would be short-lived after the collapse of France. Mussolini believed that after Italy's brief entry into the war with France, which would be followed by the imminent surrender of France, Italy could receive some territorial concessions from France, and then concentrate its forces on a major offensive in Egypt, where British and Commonwealth forces were in the minority by Italian forces. Germany's plans to invade the United Kingdom in 1940 failed after Germany lost the air war campaign in the Battle of Britain. In 1941, the Axis campaign spread to the Soviet Union after Hitler launched Operation Barbarossa. The axis at the peak of its power controlled almost all of continental Europe. The war dragged on, contrary to Mussolini's plans, as a result of which Italy lost battles on several fronts and needed German help. The corpses of the victims of the German Concentration Camp Buchenwald during World War II, the in Europe led by Nazi Germany participated in the extermination of millions of Poles, Jews, Gypsies and others in the genocide known as the Holocaust. After 1942, the Axis forces began to waver. In 1943, after Italy faced military failures, Italy's full support and subordination to Germany, allied allies Italy and the corresponding international humiliation, Mussolini was removed from the post of head of the government and arrested on the orders of King Victor Emmanuel III, who began to dismantle the fascist state and announced the transition of Italy to allegiance to the union side. Mussolini was rescued from arrest by German troops and headed the German client state, the Italian Social Republic from 1943 to 1945. Nazi Germany faced numerous losses and constant Soviet and Western offensives from 1943 to 1945. On April 28, 1945, Mussolini was captured and executed by Italian communist guerrillas. On April 30, 1945, Hitler committed suicide. Shortly thereafter, Germany surrendered and the Nazi regime was systematically dismantled by the occupying allied powers. Subsequently, the International Military Tribunal was convened in Nuremberg. Beginning in November 1945 and during 1949, numerous Nazi political, military and economic leaders were convicted and convicted of war crimes, with many of the most serious offenders receiving the death penalty. After World War II (1945-present) Main article: Neofascism by Juan Peron, President of Argentina from 1946 to 1955 and from 1973 to 1974, admired Italian fascism and modeled its economic policies on those that pursued Fascist Italy's Allied victory over the Axis powers in World War II led to the collapse of many fascist regimes in Europe. The found several Nazi leaders guilty of crimes against humanity related to the Holocaust. However, there are still a few movements and governments that were ideologically linked to fascism. The Phalangist mono-historian state of Francisco Franco in Spain was officially neutral during World War II and survived the collapse of the Axis powers. During the Spanish Civil War, Franco directly assisted the military of fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, and Franco sent volunteers to fight on the side of Nazi Germany against the Soviet Union during World War II. The first years were characterized by repressions against anti-fascist ideologies, deep censorship and suppression of democratic institutions (elected parliament, Constitution of 1931, Regional Statutes of Autonomy). After World War II and a period of international isolation, the Franco regime normalized relations with Western powers during the Cold War, until Franco's death in 1975 and Spain's transformation into a liberal democracy. Giorgio Almirante, leader of the Italian social movement from 1969 to 1987 Historian Robert Paxton notes that one of the main problems in defining fascism is that it was widely imitated. Paxton says: In the heyday of fascism, in the 1930s, many regimes, were not functionally fascist, borrowed elements of fascist decor to give themselves an aura of strength, vitality and mass mobilization. He goes on to note that Salazar defeated Portuguese fascism fascism he copied some of his methods of popular mobilization. Paxton says that: Where Franco subjected the fascist party of Spain to his personal control, Salazar abolished directly in July 1934 the closest that should have been a genuine fascist movement, Rulao Preto in a blue shirt National syndicates Salazar preferred to control his population through such organic institutions, traditionally powerful in Portugal as the Church. Salazar's regime was not only non-fascist, but also voluntarily non-totalitarian, preferring that those of its citizens who were kept under the side of politics live out of habit. Historians tend to view Estado Novo as parafasist in nature, having minimal fascist tendencies. Other historians, including Fernando Rosas and Manuel Villaverde Cabral, believe that Estado Novo should be considered fascist. In Argentina, Peronism, associated with the regime of Juan Peron from 1946 to 1955 and from 1973 to 1974, was influenced by fascism. Between 1939 and 1941, until his snowth, Peron deeply admired Italian fascism and modeled his economic policies on Italian fascist politics. The term neo-fascism refers to fascist movements after World War II. In Italy, the Italian social movement led by Giorgio Almirante was a major neo-fascist movement that turned into a self-described post-fascist movement called the National Alliance (AN), which for a decade has been an ally of Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia. In 2008, AN joined Forza Italia in Berlusconi's new Freedom People party, but in 2012 a group of politicians split from the People of Freedom, re-entering a party called the Brothers of Italy. Various neo-Nazi movements were formed and banned in Germany under Germany's constitutional law banning Nazism. The National Democratic Party of Germany (NDP) is widely considered a neo-Nazi party, although the party does not publicly identify itself as such. The Golden Dawn demonstration in Greece in 2012, following the start of the Great Recession and the economic crisis in Greece, a movement known as the Golden Dawn, which many see as a neo-Nazi party, has sharply backed out of obscurity and won seats in the Greek parliament, maintaining strong hostility toward minorities, illegal immigrants and refugees. In 2013, after the murder of an anti-fascist musician by a man associated with the Golden Dawn, the Greek government ordered the arrest of Golden Dawn leader Nikolaos Michaloliakos and other members of the Golden Dawn on charges of links to a criminal organization. Tenets Robert O. Paxton believes that while fascism supported the existing regime of ownership and social hierarchy, it cannot be considered just a more muscular form of conservatism because in power really really really deep enough to be called revolutionary. These transformations often put fascists in conflict with conservatives, rooted in families, churches, social rank and property. Paxton argues: Fosism has overstep the boundaries between private and public, drastically reducing what was once an untouchable private. He changed the practice of citizenship from exercising constitutional rights and responsibilities to participating in mass approval and conformity ceremonies. It has reconfigured the relationship between the individual and the collective so that the person has no rights outside of community interests. It has expanded the powers of the executive branch - party and state - in a bid for full control. Finally, it evoked aggressive emotions, still known in Europe only during the war or social revolution. Nationalism With or Without Expansionism Part series about nationalism developmentnationalism in the Middle Ages Anthem Flowers Flower Epic God Identity Music Music Myth Treasure Basic Values Autonomy National Identity Solidarity Types African Alt-Right Banal Blind Bourgeois Business American Communist Conservative Communist Constitutional Patriotism Corporate Cultural Cyberspace-Environmental Economic European Expansionist Integral Integral Integral Sikh Christian Hindu Islamic Resource Revolutionary Right Romantic Territorial Territorial Transnational Transnational Ultranationalism OrganizationList Nationalist Organizations Associated Concepts Antinationalism Antinationalism Diaspora Politics Gender and Nationalism Globalism Historiography and Historiography and Nationalism Internationalism Iredentism Seasonal or Cultural Festival Politics portalvte Ultranationalism, combined with the myth of national revival, is a key foundation of fascism. Robert Paxton argues that passionate nationalism is the foundation of fascism, coupled with a conspiracy and Manichean view of history that argues that the chosen people were weakened by political parties, social classes, non-assimilative minorities, pampered renters and rationalist thinkers. Roger Griffin defines the core of fascism as a paleenetic ultra-nationalism. The fascist view of the nation has a single organic essence that binds people by origin and is a natural unifying force of people. Fascism seeks to solve economic, political and social problems by achieving a millennial national renaissance, exalting a nation or race above all else and promoting cults of unity, strength and purity. European fascist movements tend to adhere to the racist notion that non-Europeans are inferior to Europeans. In addition, the fascists in did not hold a single set of racial views. Historically, most fascists promoted imperialism, although there were several fascist movements that were not interested in chasing new imperial ambitions. For example, Nazism and Italian fascism were expansionists and irdedists. Phalangism in Spain included a worldwide association of Hispanic peoples (Hispanidad). British fascism was a non-progressive, though it accepted the British Empire. Totalitarianism of fascism contributes to the creation of a totalitarian state. It opposes liberal democracy, rejects multi-party systems and can support a one-party state so that it can be synthesized with the nation. Mussolini's Doctrine of Fascism (1932) is partly written by the philosopher Giovanni Gentile, which Mussolini described as a philosopher of fascism: The fascist concept of the state is omnisvious; beyond it, no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Thus, fascism is totalitarian, and the fascist state - synthesis and unit, including all values - interprets, develops and potentiates the whole life of the people. In the Legal Basis of the Total State, the Nazi political theorist described the Nazis' intention to form a strong state that guarantees full political unity beyond all diversity to avoid the catastrophic pluralism tearing the German people apart. Fascist states pursued a policy of social ideology through education and media propaganda and regulation of the production of educational and media materials. Education was intended to glorify the fascist movement and to inform students of its historical and political significance for the nation. She tried to purge ideas that did not correspond to the beliefs of the fascist movement, and teach students to be obedient to the state. Economy Home article: The economy of fascism presented itself as an alternative to both international socialism and free market capitalism. While fascism opposed mainstream socialism, it sometimes considered itself a kind of nationalist socialism to emphasize its commitment to national solidarity and unity. The Fascists opposed international free-market capitalism, but supported a type of productive capitalism. Economic self- sufficiency, known as autarky, was the main goal of most fascist governments. Fascist governments advocated a resolution of the internal political conflict within the country to ensure national solidarity. This would be done through state mediation between classes (contrary to the views of the classic liberal-inspired While fascism was against the internal class conflict, it was held that the bourgeois-proletarian conflict existed mainly in the national conflict proletarian peoples against bourgeois peoples. Fascism denounced what he saw as the widespread character traits he associated as the typical bourgeois mentality against which he opposed, such as materialism, rudeness, cowardice, inability to understand the heroic ideal of the fascist warrior; and associations with liberalism, individualism and parliamentarianism. In 1918, Mussolini defined what he considered a proletarian character, defining the proletarian as the same thing with the producers, a productive perspective that connected all people considered productive, including entrepreneurs, technicians, workers and soldiers as proletarian. He recognized the historical existence of both bourgeois and proletarian producers, but stated the need to combine bourgeois producers with proletarian producers. While fascism denounced mainstream internationalist and Marxist socialism, he argued that it was economically a type of nationalist productivity socialism that, condemning parasitic capitalism, was willing to adapt the productive capitalism in it. and productive bosses to challenge the influence of aristocracy and unproductive financial speculators. Saint-Simon's vision combined the traditionalist right-wing criticism of the French Revolution, coupled with the left's belief in the need to unite or cooperate with productive people in society. While Marxism denounced capitalism as a system of exploitative property relations, fascism found the nature of credit and money control in the modern capitalist system offensive. Unlike Marxism, fascism did not see class conflict between marxist proletariat and bourgeoisie as a given or as an engine of historical materialism. Instead, it viewed workers and productive capitalists as productive people who were in conflict with parasitic elements in society, including: corrupt political parties, corrupt financial capital and weak people. Fascist leaders such as Mussolini and Hitler spoke of the need to create a new governing elite led by engineers and captains of industry, but free from parasitic industry leadership. Hitler claimed that the Nazi party supported the Bodenstandigen Capitalismus (productive capitalism), which was based on profits from its own labor but denounced unproductive capitalism or credit capitalism, which profited from speculation. The fascist economy supported state economy, which has taken a combination of private and public ownership over funds Economic planning applied to both the public and private sectors, and the prosperity of private enterprise depended on its recognition of synchronization with the economic objectives of the State. Fascist economic ideology supported the profit motive, but stressed that industries should support national interests as superior to private profits. While fascism recognized the importance of material wealth and power, it denounced materialism, which was identified both in communism and in capitalism, and criticized materialism for not recognizing the role of the spirit. In particular, the nazis criticized capitalism not because of its competitive nature or support for private property, which was supported by the Nazis, but because of its materialism, individualism, supposed bourgeois decadence and perceived indifference to the nation. Fascism condemned Marxism for promoting materialistic internationalist class identity, which the fascists regarded as an attack on the emotional and spiritual bonds of the nation and a threat to the achievement of true national solidarity. Discussing the spread of fascism outside Italy, historian Philip Morgan argues: Since the Depression was a crisis of non-interference between capitalism and its political partner, parliamentary democracy, fascism can become a third alternative between capitalism and Bolshevism, a model of a new European civilization. As Mussolini used to put it in early 1934, since 1929... The dominant forces of the 19th century, democracy, socialism, liberalism are exhausted... the new political and economic forms of the twentieth century are fascist'(Mussolini 1935: 32). The fascists criticized egalitarianism as keeping the weak, and instead promoted social Darwinian views and policies. They opposed the idea of social security in principle, arguing that it encourages the persistence of degenerate and the weak. The Nazi Party condemned the weimar Republic's social security system, as well as private philanthropy and philanthropy, for supporting people they considered racially inferior and weak, and who had to be stoned in the natural selection process. However, faced with mass unemployment and poverty during the Great Depression, the Nazis considered it necessary to set up charities to help Racial Germans retain popular support, while claiming that this constituted racial self-help rather than indiscriminate philanthropy or universal social welfare. Thus, Nazi programs such as Winter Aid to the German People and the Broader National Socialist People's Welfare (NSS) were organized as quasi-frequency institutions, officially relying on private donations from Germans to help others from race, although in practice who refused to donate could face serious consequences. Unlike the weimar Republic's social welfare institutions and Christian charities, the NSV distributed aid on racial grounds. It has provided support only to those who have been racially sonorous, able and willing to work, politically reliable, willing and able to reproduce. The Nearians were excluded as well as work-shy, asocial and hereretics patients. Under these conditions, by 1939, more than 17 million Germans had received assistance from the NSV, and the agency had projected a powerful image of care and support for those who are believed to have found their fault in difficulty. However, the organisation was terrible and unloved among the poorest segments of society because it resorted to intrusive interrogations and monitoring to judge who was worthy of support. The actions of fascism emphasize direct action, including support for the legality of political violence, as a core part of its policy. Fascism sees violent action as a necessity in a policy that fascism defines as endless struggle. This emphasis on the use of political violence means that most fascist parties have also established their own private militias (e.g. the Brown Shirts of the Nazi Party and the fascist Italian blackshirts). The basis of fascism's support for violence in politics is linked to social Darwinism. Fascist movements usually occupied the social Darwinian views of nations, races and societies. They say that nations and races must cleanse themselves of socially and biologically weak or degenerative people, while promoting the creation of strong people to survive in a world defined by eternal national and racial conflicts. Age and Gender Roles Members of Piccole Italiane, an organization for girls within the National Fascist Party in Italy Members of the , an organization for girls in the Nazi party in Germany fascism emphasizes youth both in the physical sense of age and in a spiritual sense, both related to masculinity and commitment to action. Fascism defines the period of physical age of youth as a critical moment for the moral development of people who will influence society. Walter Lakeur argues that the consequence of the cult of war and physical danger was a cult of cruelty, strength and sexuality.... Fascism is is a real counter-civilization: rejecting the sophisticated rationalistism of Old Europe, fascism establishes as its ideal primitive instincts and primitive emotions of the barbarian. Italian fascism pursued what he called the moral hygiene of youth, especially with regard to sexuality. Fascist Italy promoted what she considered normal sexual behavior in her youth, while that she considers deviant sexual behavior. She denounced pornography, most forms of birth control and contraception (with the exception of condoms), homosexuality and prostitution as deviant sexual behaviour, although the application of laws opposing such practices was unsustainable and the authorities often turned a blind eye. Fascist Italy regarded the promotion of male sexual incitement before puberty as the cause of crime among male youth, declared homosexuality a social disease and launched an aggressive campaign to reduce prostitution of young women. Mussolini perceived the main role of women as primarily carriers of children and men, warriors - once saying: War is for a man what motherhood is for women. In an attempt to increase the birth rate, the Italian fascist Government had provided financial incentives to women who had raised large families and had initiated policies aimed at reducing the number of working women. Italian fascism called for women to be honored as the rise of the nation, and the Italian fascist government held ritual ceremonies to celebrate the role of women in the Italian nation. In 1934, Mussolini stated that women's employment was a major aspect of the complex problem of unemployment and that for women work was incompatible with childbearing. Mussolini went on to say that the solution to the problem of male unemployment was the exodus of women from the labour force. The German Nazi government urged women to stay at home to have children and have a home. This policy was reinforced by giving the German Mother's Cross of Honour to women who had four or more children. Unemployment had been substantially reduced, mainly through the production of weapons and the sending of women home so that men could work. Nazi propaganda sometimes promoted premarital and extramarital sexual relations, unmarried motherhood and divorce, but in other cases the Nazis opposed such behaviour. The Nazis decriminalized abortion in cases where the fetus had hereditary defects or was a race not approved by the government, while abortions of healthy pure German, Aryan fetuses remained strictly prohibited. Abortion was often mandatory for non-Arians. Their program also stems from the progressive biomedical model of Weimar Germany. In 1935, Nazi Germany expanded the legality of abortion by amending the Eugenics Act to promote abortion for women with hereditary disorders. The law allowed abortion if a woman gave her permission and the fetus was not yet viable, as well as for the purposes of so-called racial hygiene. The Nazis said that homosexuality was degenerate, feminine, perverted and undermined masculinity because it did not produce children. They homosexuality is curable through therapy, citing a modern scientific course and the study of sexology, which said that can be felt by normal people, not just an abnormal minority. Open homosexuals were interned in Nazi concentration camps. Palinogenesis and modernism of fascism emphasize both palinogenesis (national revival or rebirth) and modernism. In particular, the nationalism of fascism was defined as having a paleenetic character. Fascism contributes to the rebirth of the nation and cleansing it of decadence. Fascism takes the forms of modernism that it believes contribute to national rebirth, while rejecting forms of modernism that are considered anti-annual national renaissance. Fascism has aestheticized modern technology and its connection with speed, power and violence. Fascism admired the achievements in the economy in the early 20th century, in particular Fordism and scientific management. Fascist modernism has been recognized as inspired or developed by various figures such as Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, Ernst Younger, Gottfried Benn, Louis- Ferdinand Celin, Knut Hamsun, and Wyndham Lewis. In Italy, such modernist influence was illustrated by Marinetti, who advocated a paleinetic modernist society denouncing the liberal-bourgeois values of tradition and psychology, while promoting the military-technological religion of national renewal, which emphasized militant nationalism. In Germany, he was an example of what influenced his observation of the technological war during World War I, and he claimed that a new social class had been created, which he described as a working warrior. Younger, like Marinetti, emphasized the revolutionary possibilities of technology and emphasized the organic construction between man and the machine as a liberating and regenerative force that challenged liberal democracy, concepts of individual autonomy, bourgeois nihilism and decadence. He conceived a society based on the totalitarian concept of total mobilization of such disciplined labor warriors. Fascist Aesthetics According to Cultural Criticism by Susan Sontag: Fascist Aesthetics ... flow out (and justify) the concern of situations of control, submissive behavior, extravagant effort, and endurance pain; they approve of two seemingly opposite states, egomania and slavery. The relationship of domination and enslavement takes the form of a characteristic theatrical performance: massaging groups of people; Turning people into things multiplying or replicating things and grouping people/things around all powerful, hypnotic leader-figures or forces. Fascist drama is focused on deals between mighty forces and their puppets, evenly distorted and shown in constantly swollen numbers. His choreography alternates between continuous movement and frozen, static, virtuoso staging. Fascist art glorifies surrender, it meaninglessness, it glamorizes glamorizes Sontag also lists some commonalities between fascist art and the official art of communist countries, such as the worship of the masses by the hero, and the preference for monumental and grandiose and rigid choreography of mass bodies. idealizes. Fascist aesthetics, according to Sontag, is based on the containment of vital forces; the movement is limited, tightly held in. And its appeal is not necessarily limited to those who share a fascist political ideology, because fascism ... stands for the ideal or, rather, the ideals that stand today under other banners: the ideal of life as art, the cult of beauty, the fetishism of courage, the dissolution of alienation in the enthusiastic feelings of the community; Giving up intelligence a person's family (under the parenthood of leaders). Criticism of fascism was widely criticized and condemned in our time after the defeat of the Axis powers in World War II. Anti-democratic and tyrannical Additional information: The anti-dedemodemic thought of Hitler and Spanish dictator Francisco Franco at a meeting in Hendaya, October 23, 1940 One of the most common and strongest criticisms of fascism is that it is tyranny. Fascism is intentional and completely non- democratic and anti-democratic. Unprincipled opportunism Some critics of Italian fascism say that much of the ideology was merely a bountiful product of Mussolini's unprincipled opportunism, and that he changed his political position only to reinforce his personal ambitions, disguised them as purposeful to the public. Richard Washburn Child, the American ambassador to Italy who worked with Mussolini and became his friend and admirer, defended Mussolini's opportunistic behavior, writing: Opportunistic is the term reproach used for brand men who approach the conditions for reasons of their own interest. Mussolini, as I learned, knows him, is an opportunist in the sense that he believes that humanity itself should be adapted to changing conditions, not to fixed theories, no matter how much hope and prayer was spent on theory and program. Child quoted Mussolini: Holiness is not in ism; it has no holiness other than its power to do, to work, to succeed in practice. Perhaps it succeeded yesterday and not tomorrow. Failed yesterday and to succeed tomorrow. The machine should work first!. Some criticized Mussolini's actions during the First World War as opportunists for suddenly abandoning the Marxist internationalism for non-militaristhist nationalism and celebrate that influence that on Mussolini approving Italy's intervention in the war against Germany and Austria-Hungary, he and the new fascist movement received financial support from foreign sources, such as Ansaldo (arms firm) and other companies as well as the British security service MI5. Some, including Mussolini's socialist opponents at the time, noted that regardless of the financial support he accepted for his pro-interventionist stance, Mussolini was free to write whatever he wanted in his newspaper Il Popolo d'Italia without prior authorization from his financial support. In addition, the main source of financial support that Mussolini and the fascist movement received during the First World War was France, and many believe that it was the French Socialists who supported the French government's war against Germany and who sent support to the Italian socialists who wanted Italian intervention on the side of France. Mussolini's transformation from Marxism to what eventually became fascism began before world war I, as Mussolini became increasingly pessimistic about Marxism and egalitarianism, increasingly supporting figures who opposed egalitarianism such as Friedrich Nietzsche. By 1902, Mussolini studied George Sorel, Nietzsche and Wilfredo Pareto. Sorenla's emphasis on the need to overthrow decadent liberal democracy and capitalism through violence, direct action, general strikes and neo-Machiavellian calls for emotion made a profound impression on Mussolini. Mussolini Nietzsche's use made him an extremely unorthodox socialist because of Nietzsche's propaganda of elitism and anti-hegalitic views. Before World War I, Mussolini's writings eventually indicated that he had abandoned Marxism and egalitarianism, which he had previously supported in favor of the Nietzsche concept and anti-hegalitarism. In 1908, Mussolini wrote a short essay entitled The Philosophy of Power, based on his pro-nits influence, in which Mussolini spoke fondly of the consequences of the impending war in Europe, challenging both religion and nihilism: A new kind of free spirit, reinforced by war, will come: ... spirit is equipped with a kind of sublime perversion, ... a new free spirit will triumph over God and over Nothing. The ideological dishonesty of fascism has been criticized for ideological dishonesty. The main examples of ideological dishonesty were revealed in the changing relationship between Italian fascism and German Nazism. The official foreign policy positions of fascist Italy are known to use rhetorical ideological hyperbole to justify their actions, although during 's tenure as Italian Foreign Minister the country engaged in a real policy free of such fascist hyperbole. Position fascism in relation to German Nazism hesitated support from the late 1920s to 1934, when he celebrated Hitler's rise to power and meeting Hitler in 1934; to the opposition from 1934 to 1936 after the assassination of the allied leader of Italy in Austria, Engelbert Dollfuss by the Austrian Nazis; and return to support after 1936, when Germany was the only significant power that did not condemn Italy's invasion and occupation of Ethiopia. After antagonism exploded between Nazi Germany and fascist Italy in connection with the assassination of Austrian Chancellor Dollfuss in 1934, Mussolini and Italian fascists denounced and ridiculed racial theories of Nazism, in particular his Ossian Scandinavia, while promoting the Mediterranean. Mussolini himself responded to scandinavian claims that Italy was divided into northern and Mediterranean racial regions because of germanic incursions into northern Italy, claiming that while Germanic tribes such as pawnshops had taken control of Italy after the fall of Ancient Rome, they arrived in small numbers (about 8,000) and quickly assimilated in Roman culture and spoke Latin for fifty years. Italian fascism was influenced by the tradition of Italian nationalists, scornfully looking at the scandinavian claims and proud to compare the age and sophistication of ancient Roman civilization, as well as the classical renaissance in the Renaissance with Scandinavian societies, which Italian nationalists described as newcomers to civilization by comparison. At the height of the antagonism between the Nazis and the Italian fascists on the basis of race, Mussolini argued that the Germans themselves were not a pure race, and ironically noted that the Nazi theory of German racial superiority was based on the theories of non-German foreigners such as the Frenchman Arthur de Gobino. After tensions in German-Italian relations eased in the late 1930s, Italian fascism sought to reconcile its ideology with German Nazism and united Scandinavian and Mediterranean racial theories, mentioning that the Italians were members of the Aryan race, consisting of a mixed Scandinavian-Mediterranean subtype. In 1938, Mussolini stated after Italy's adoption of anti-Semitic laws that Italian fascism had always been anti-Semitic, in fact, Italian fascism did not approve of anti-Semitism until the late 1930s, when Mussolini feared the alienation of anti-Semitic Nazi Germany, whose power and influence grew in Europe. Before that, there were well-known Jewish Italians who were high-ranking Italian fascist officials, including Marguerite Sarfatti, who was also Mussolini's mistress. Moreover, contrary to Mussolini's assertion in 1938, only a small number of Italian fascists were categorically anti-Semitic (e.g. Roberto Farinacci and Giuseppe Preciosi), while others such as Italo Balbo, who Ferrara, which was one of Italy's largest Jewish communities, were outraged by anti-Semitic laws against them. The fascist scholar Mark Neocleous notes that although Italian fascism was not clearly associated with anti-Semitism, anti-Semitic statements were periodically issued prior to 1938, such as Mussolini's in 1919, stating that Jewish bankers in London and New York were racially associated with the Russian Bolsheviks and that eight percent of the Russian Bolsheviks were Jewish. See also The Politics portal History portal Christian Fascism Clerical Fascism Crypto-Fascism Dictatorship Economics fascism fascism and ideology fascist syndicalism Islamofasism Nazism Neo-fascism Neo-Nazism Pact on appeasement Protofashism Right authoritarianism Reactionary modernism Revolutionary nationalism Squadrismo Strongman (politics) page 162. The states of fascism target radical and authoritarian nationalism. Larsen, Stein Ugelvik, Bernt Hagtvet and Jan Petter Miklyubust, who were fascists: the social roots of European fascism (Columbia University Press, 1984; ISBN 978-82-00-05331-6, page 424, an organized form of integrative radical nationalist authoritarianism. Paxton (2004), page 32, 45, 173; Nolte (1965) page 300. Fascism. Merriam-Webster Online. Archive from the original on August 22, 2017. Received on August 22, 2017. a b c d e f Davies, Peter; Lynch, Derek (2002). A satellite of fascism and the far right. Routledge. 1-5. B Griffin, Roger. Fascism. Oxford, England: Oxford University Publishing House, 1995. 8, 307. Aristotle A. Kallis. Reader of fascism. New York: Routledge, 2003. page 71. John Hartley (2004). Communication, cultural and media research: key concepts (3rd place). Routledge. page 187. ISBN 978-0-521-55982-9. Wilhelm, Reich (1970). The mass psychology of fascism. Harper Collins. ISBN 978-0-285-64701-5. Mary Hawksworth; Maurice Kogan (1992). Encyclopedia of Government and Politics: Volume 1. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-203-71288-7. Wenrich, Robert (October 1976). The theory of fascism of Leo Trotsky. In the journal Modern History. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publishing. 11 (4): 157–184. doi:10.1177/002200947601100409. JSTOR 260195. S2CID 140420352. a b c d e Blamires, Cyprian, World Fascism: Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara, Cay.: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) p. 140-41, 670. a b c d Mann, Michael (2004). Fascists. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. page 65. ISBN 978-0521831314. a b Horne, John (August 8, 2002). State, society and mobilization in Europe during the First World War. 237-39. ISBN 978-0521522663. Grich, Joseph. Ethics and Political Theory (Lanham, Maryland: University of America, Inc., 2000) p. 120. Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldman, Ed., Fascism: Fascism and Culture (London and New York: Rutledge, 2004) p. 185. D. Spielvogel. Western civilization. Wadsworth, Cengage Learning, 2012. page 935. a b Payne, Stanley G. (1995). History of fascism, 1914-1945. Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press. page 106. ISBN 978-0299148744. Blamira, Cyprian, World Fascism: Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) p. 188-89. Neofascismo (in Italian). The Italian encyclopeche. October 31, 2014. Archive from the original on November 6, 2014. Received on October 31, 2014. Definition of THE WORLD. Merriam- Webster. April 27, 2013. Archive from the original on April 30, 2013. Received on April 28, 2013. Mussolini, Benito (2006) My autobiography with the political and social doctrine of fascism. Mineloa, New York: Dover Publications. page 227. ISBN 978-0486447773. Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta (2000). Fascist performance: the aesthetics of power in Italy Mussolini. Oakland, CA: UCLA Press. page 95. ISBN 978-0520226777. Peter Johnston (April 12, 2013). Rule of law: symbols of power. Keating Center. University of Oklahoma Wesleyan. Archive from the original on March 30, 2017. Received on April 28, 2013. Watkins, Tom (2013). Police of Rome: Maintaining order in facts and fiction. Fictional Rome. Stockton, New Jersey: Stockton University. Archive from the original on March 16, 2014. Received on April 28, 2013. New World, Websters (2005). Webster II New College Dictionary. Houghton Mifflin Handbooks. ISBN 978-0-618-39601-6. Stanley Payne (1995). History of Fascism, 1914-45. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0-299-14874-4. Dorddan, Dennis (1995). In the shadow of fasces: Political design in fascist Italy. MIT press. ISBN 978-0-299-14874-4. Parks, Wendy (2002). Fashion for the body of politics: dress, gender, citizenship. Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-1-85973-587-9. Gregor, A. James (2002). Phoenix: Fascism in our time. Transaction publishers. ISBN 978-0-7658-0855-4. Payne, Stanley G (1983). Fascism, comparison and definition. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0- 299-08064-8. a b Griffiths, Richard (2000). Intellectual guidance of man to fascism. Duckworth. ISBN 978-0-7156-2918-5. Archive from the original July 1, 2020. Received on May 9, 2020. Laker, 1996 b. 223; Eatwell, Fascism: History. 1996, page 39; Griffin, 1991, 2000, page 185-201; Weber, 1982, page 8; Payne (1995), Fritzsche (1990), Laklau (1977) and Reich (1970). Prebble S. Ramswell (2017). Euroscepticism and the growing threat from the left and right: the concept of millennial fascism. Lexington Books. page 9. ISBN 9781498546041. Archive from the original on March 31, 2019. Received on March 8, 2019. Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldman Fascism: Critical Concepts in Political Science page 420-21, 2004 Taylor and Francis. Callis, Aristotle, ed. Fascism London: Routledge, 84-85. Renton, David. Fascism: Theory and Practice, page 21, London: Press Pluto, 1999. Silva, Christianna. Fascism scholar says the U.S. Is the loss of its democratic status. NPR.org. National Public Radio. Archive from the original on September 7, 2020. Received on September 7, 2020. Lukac, John (1998). Hitler's history. New York: Vintage books. page 118. ISBN 978-0375701139. Roger Griffin (1993). The nature of fascism. New York: St. Martin's Press. page 27. ISBN 978-0415096614. Griffin, p. 201 - Roger Griffin, the paleinetic core of the general fascist ideology archived on September 10, 2008 in Wayback Machine, Chapter published by Alessandro Campi (e. che cos'e il fascismo? Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche, editing by Ideazione, Roma, 2003, p. 97-122. Ross, Alexander Reed (2017). Against the fascist creep. Chico, California: AK Press. page 5. ISBN 9781849352444. Archive from the original on July 31, 2019. Received on July 31, 2019. Roger Griffin (2008). 8: New faces of fascism (and a new facelessness) in the post-fascist era. In Feldman, Matthew( ISBN 978-0-230-20518-5. OCLC 226357121. Roel Reyes, Stefan (December 17, 2019). Antebellum Palingenetic Ultranationalism: The case for incorporating the United States into comparative fascist research. Fascism. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill. 8 (2): 307–330. doi:10.1163/22116257-00802005. ISSN 2211-6257. - Madde, Cass; Kaltwasser, Cristobal Rovira (2017). Populism: A very short introduction. Oxford, England: Oxford University Publishing House. 6, 33-34. ISBN 9780190234874. ... ideologies with a subtle center have limited morphology, which is necessarily manifested in other ideologies, and sometimes even assimilated. In fact, populism is almost always manifested in other ideological elements that are crucial to promoting political projects that are attractive to the general public. Therefore, populism alone cannot offer either complex or comprehensive answers to the political questions that give rise to modern axis. ... Populism is not so much a consistent ideological tradition as a set of ideas that in the real world appear in conjunction with completely different and sometimes contradictory ideologies. (p.6) - b Paxton, Robert (2004). The Anatomy of Fascism. Vintage books. ISBN 978-1-4000-4094-0. Itwell, Roger (1996). Fascism: History. Allen Lane. ISBN 9780713991475. Lakeur, Walter (1997). Fascism: past, present, future. Oxford, England: Oxford University Publishing House. 96. ISBN 9780198025276. Archive from the original on June 9, 2020. Received on May 9, 2020. Anton Weiss-Wendt; Robert Kriken; Cave, Alfred A. (2008). Historiography of the Genocide. New York: Springer. page 73. ISBN 9780230297784. Archive from the original August 1 Received on April 12, 2019. Eco, Umberto (June 22, 1995). Eternal Fascism (PDF). New York Review of Books. New York: New York Times Company. Archive from the original (PDF) dated November 29, 2005 - through justicescholars.org. Passmore, Kevin (2002). Fascism: A very short introduction. Oxford, England: Oxford University Publishing House. page 31. ISBN 978-1536665079. John Weiss (1967). Fascist tradition: Radical right-wing extremism in modern Europe. New York: Harper and Rowe. ASIN B0014D2EN8. Adams, Jan (1993). Political ideology today. Manchester, England: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0719060205. Moira Grant, quoted in Key Ideas in Politics (2003) by Nelson Thorns. Volksgemeinschaft in Encyclopedia Britannica (2019) Archive 31 March 2019 at Wayback Machine - Davis, Peter; Derek Lynch (2002). Rutledge's satellite to fascism and the far right. Psychology Press. 126-27. Milan (2008). Modern Free Society and Its Nemesis: Freedom Against Conservatism in the New Millennium. Lexington Books. 137-38. Stackelberg, Hitler's Roderick Hitler of Germany, Routledge, 1999, page 4-6 - Griffin, Roger: The Palementic Core of Fascism, Che cos'e il fascism? Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche, editing by Ideazione, Rome, 2003 AD Brookes.ac.uk Archive 20 November 2011 on Wayback Machine A. James Gregor, Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time, New Brunswick: New Jersey, Deal Press, 2009, p. 191 - Sternhell, Seeev, Mario Sznajder and Maya Asheri, Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution (Princeton University Press, 1994) p16. Borsella, Cristojanni and Adolf Caso. Fascist Italy: A Brief Historical Narrative (Wellesley, Massachusetts: Branden Books, 2007) page 76. Oliver H. Waczynski. Policy explanation: culture, institutions and political behavior. Oxon, England; New York: Routledge, 2008. page 156. Schnapp, Jeffrey Thompson, Olivia E. Sears and Maria G. Stampino, primer of Italian fascism (University of Nebraska Press, 2000) p. 57, We all believe that this is the age of power, the century, striving for the right, the fascist age , Benito Mussolini. Fascism: Doctrine and institutions. (Rome, Italy: Ardita Publishing House, 1935) p. 26. We are free to believe that this is the age of power, the age of the right, the fascist age. - quotes Mussolini: Gentile, Emilio. The origins of fascist ideology, 1918-1925. Enigma Books, 2005. page 205 - Sigmunt G. Baranski; Rebecca West (2001). Cambridge companion to modern Italian culture. Cambridge UP. 50-51. ISBN 978-0-521-55982-9. Archive from the original on March 31, 2019. Received on October 7, 2017. Encyclopedia Britannica, Italy: Fascist Era Archive October 7, 2017 in Wayback Machine - b c d Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. (Oxon, Rutledge, 2001) 112. B Terence Ball, Richard Bellamy. Cambridge is a history of political thought of the twentieth century. page 133. Transcending beyond: from third position to national anarchism, , ed. Griffin (Routeledge) 2003, page 377-82 - Neocleous, Mark, Fascism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997) p. 54. Gregor. Mussolini's Intellectuals: Fascist Social and Political Thought, Princeton University Press, 2005 ISBN 0-691-12009-9 p. 4 and b George Orwell: What is fascism?. Orwell.ru. January 8, 2008. Archive from the original on June 23, 2018. Received on December 2, 2006. Roger Griffin, Matthew Feldman. Fascism: The nature of fascism. Routledge, 2004. page 231. Claudio's quarantotto. Tutti Fascisti, 1976. Matthews, Claudio. Fascism is not dead ... The Case of the Nation, 1946. Hoover, Edgar. Testimony before the House Committee on Anti-American Activities is archived on July 23, 2010 in Wayback Machine, 1947. Peter H. Amann, Dog in the Night-Time Problem: American Fascism in the 1930s, History Teacher 19'4 (1986), page 559-84 JSTOR 493879 on page 562. About the author: Richard Griffiths. University of Wales Press Office. Archive from the original on November 12, 2016. Received on November 11, 2016. Wolf, Stuart (1981). . Methuen. ISBN 978-0-416-30240-0. Archive from the original june 30, 2020. Received on May 9, 2020. Sternhell, Seeev (1976). Anatomie d'un mouvement fasciste en France : le faisceau de . Revue Francaise de science politics. 26 (1): 5–40. doi:10.3406/rfsp.1976.393652. Camus, Jean-Yves; Nicolas Lebourg (March 20, 2017). Far-right politics in Europe. Harvard University Press. page 20. ISBN 9780674971530. Archive from the original on June 9, 2020. Received on May 9, 2020. Roger Lawrence Williams, Death Napoleon III, Princeton University Press, 2015, page 28 - David Thomson, Europe Since Napoleon, Pelican, 1966, p. 293 - William Shearer, Rebellion and Fall of the Third Reich, Mandarin, 1960, p. 97 - Robert Gerwart, Bismarck Myth, Myth, Oxford University Press has, 2005, p. 166 - Julian Dierkes, Post-War Historical Education in Japan and Germanies, Routledge, 2010, p. 54 - Sternhell, zeev, Fin-de-si'ccle Thought Crisis in Griffin, Roger, ed., International Fascism: Theories, Causes and New Consensus (London and New York: 1998) p 169. Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Digital print edition. Oxon, England: Routledge, 1995, 2005. 23-24. a b c Sternhell, See, Fin-de-si'cle Thought Crisis in Griffin, Roger, ed., International Fascism: Theories, Causes and New Consensus (London and New York, 1998) p. 170. Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Digital print edition. Oxon, England: Routledge, 1995, 2005. page 24. a b c d Sternhell, See, Crisis Fin de Ciel Thoughts in Roger, Ed., International Fascism: Theories, Causes and New Consensus (London and New York, 1998) p. 171. Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Digital print edition. Oxon, England: Routledge, 1995, 2005. page 29. Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Digital print edition. Oxon, England: Routledge, 1995, 2005. 24-25. Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Digital print edition. Oxon, England: Routledge, 1995, 2005. page 25. William Uthwaite. Blackwell's Dictionary of Contemporary Social Thought. Wylie Blackwell, 2006. page 442. Tracy H. Kuhn. Believe, obey, fight: the political socialization of youth in fascist Italy, 1922-1943. University of North Carolina Press, 1985. page 6. a b Giuseppe Caforio. Handbook of military sociology, Guides of sociology and social research. New York: Springer, 2006. page 12. A b c d David Carroll. French literary fascism: nationalism, anti-Semitism and the ideology of culture. page 92. Mark Antliff. Avant-garde fascism: the mobilization of myths, art and culture in France, 1909-1939. Duke University Press, 2007. 75-81. Mark Antliff. Avant-garde fascism: the mobilization of myths, art and culture in France, 1909-1939. Duke University Press, 2007. page 81. Mark Antliff. Avant-garde fascism: the mobilization of myths, art and culture in France, 1909- 1939. Duke University Press, 2007. page 77. Mark Antliff. Avant-garde fascism: the mobilization of myths, art and culture in France, 1909-1939. Duke University Press, 2007. page 82. a b Sternhell, Seeev, Mario Tsaider and Maya Asheri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Uprising to Political Revolution (Princeton University Press, 1994) 78. Seev Sternhell, Mario Tsaider, Maya Asheri. The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural uprising to political revolution. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 1994. page 82. Douglas R. Holmes. Integral Europe: fast capitalism, multiculturalism, neo-fascism. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2000. page 60. a b Sternhell, Seeev, Mario Tsaider and Maya Asheri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Uprising to Political Revolution (Princeton University Press, 1994) p. 163. b c Blinkhorn, Martin, Mussolini and Fascist Italy. 2nd Ed. (New York: Routledge, 2003) p.9. Sternhell, Seeev, Mario Tsaider and Maya Asheri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Uprising to Political Revolution (Princeton University Press, 1994) 32. Gentile, Emilio, Struggle for Modernity: Nationalism, Futurism and Fascism (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger Publishers, 2003) p. 6. Andrew Hewitt. Fascist modernism: aesthetics, politics and avant-garde. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1993. page 153. a b Gigliola Gori. Italian fascism and the female body: submissive Strong mothers. Oxfordshire; New York: Routledge, 2004. page 14. Gigliola Gori. Italian fascism and the female body: submissive women and strong mothers. Oxfordshire; New York: Routledge, 2004. 20-21. and b Seev Sternhell, Mario Rnader, Maya Asheri. The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural uprising to political revolution. Princeton University Press, 1994. page 175. Seev Sternhell, Mario Tsaider, Maya Asheri. The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural uprising to political revolution. Princeton University Press, 1994. page 214. Paul O'Brien. Mussolini in World War I: journalist, soldier, fascist. page 52. And b Paul O'Brien. Mussolini in World War I: journalist, soldier, fascist. page 41. Gregor 1979, page 195-96. b c Kitchen, Martin, History of Modern Germany, 1800-2000 (Malden, Massaschussetts; Oxford, England; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, Inc., 2006), p. 205. a b c Heppauf, Bernd-Rudiger War, violence and modern state (Berlin: Walter de Gruiter and Co., 1997), p. 92. a b Heard, David (1980). Introduction to the critical theory: Horkheimer to Habermas. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-04175-2. Rochcremer, Thomas, United Community Faith?: The German right from conservatism to National Socialism, monographs in German history. Volume 20 (Berghahn Books, 2007), page 130 y b d Blamires, Cyprian, World Fascism: Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara, Cay.: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) p. 95-96. Peter Nevill. Mussolini. Oxon, England; New York: Routledge, 2004. page 36. Seev Sternhell, Mario Tsaider, Maya Asheri. The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural uprising to political revolution. Princeton University Press, 1994. page 178. Dahlia S. Elazar. Making fascism: class, state and counterrevolution, Italy 1919-1922. Westport, Connecticut, USA: Praeger Publishers, 2001. p. 73 - Kevin Passmore, Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, 116 - Cristogenny Borsell, Adolf Caso. Fascist Italy: a brief historical narrative. Wellesley, Mass.: Branden Books, 2007. page 69. Christojanni Borsell, Adolf Caso. Fascist Italy: a brief historical narrative. Wellesley, Mass.: Branden Books, 2007. 69-70. Paxton, Robert (2005). Chapter 1, The Invention of Fascism. The Anatomy of Fascism (First vintage books - Random House. ISBN 978-0-307-42812-7. Christojanni Borsell, Adolf Caso. Fascist Italy: a brief historical narrative. Wellesley, Mass.: Branden Books, 2007. page 70. Seev Sternhell, Mario Tsaider, Maya Asheri. The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural uprising to political revolution. Princeton University Press, 1994. page 186. Seev Sternhell, Mario Tsaider, Maya Asheri. The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural uprising to political revolution. University Press, 1994. page 187. and b Seev Sternhell, Mario Rnader, Maya Asheri. The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural uprising to political revolution. Princeton University Press, 1994. page 189. Christojanni Borsell, Adolf Caso. Fascist Italy: a brief historical narrative. Wellesley, Mass.: Branden Books, 2007. page 73. Christojanni Borsell, Adolf Caso. Fascist Italy: a brief historical narrative. Wellesley, Mass.: Branden Books, 2007. page 75. and b Seev Sternhell, Mario Rnader, Maya Asheri. The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural uprising to political revolution. Princeton University Press, 1994. page 193. De Grand, Alexander. Italian fascism: its origin and development. 3rd o. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. page 145. Fascists and conservatives: the radical right and the establishment in twentieth-century Europe. Rautdlge, 1990. page 14. Seev Sternhell, Mario Tsaider, Maya Asheri. The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural uprising to political revolution. Princeton University Press, 1994. page 190. Martin Blinkhorn. Fascists and conservatives. 2nd edition. Oxon, England: Routledge, 2001 pp 22. Christojanni Borsell, Adolf Caso. Fascist Italy: a brief historical narrative. Wellesley, Mass.: Branden Books, 2007. page 72. Christojanni Borsell, Adolf Caso. Fascist Italy: a brief historical narrative. Wellesley, Mass.: Branden Books, 2007. page 76. a b c d e Robert O. Paxton. The Anatomy of Fascism. New York; Toronto: Random House, Inc., 2005 p.m. 87. Robert O. Paxton. The Anatomy of Fascism. New York; Toronto: Random House, Inc., 2005 p.m. 88. B Robert O. Paxton. The Anatomy of Fascism. New York; Toronto: Random House, Inc., 2005 p.m. 90 a.m. Stanley G. Payne (1996). History of fascism, 1914-1945. U Wisconsin Press. page 122. ISBN 978-0-299-14873-7. Archive from the original on December 21, 2016. Received on December 3, 2016. A b c Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Digital print edition. Oxon, England: Routledge, 2005. page 110. A b c Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Digital print edition. Oxon, England: Routledge, 2005. page 113. A b Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Digital print edition. Oxon, England: Routledge, 2005. page 114. Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Digital print edition. Oxon, England: Routledge, 2005. page 115. Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Digital print edition. Oxon, England: Routledge, 2005. 119-20. Denis Mack Smith, Mussolini, New York: Vintage Books, 1983, p. 162 , Denis Mack Smith, Mussolini, page 222-23, Rachel Mussolini, Mussolini: Intimate Biography, New York: Pocket Books, 1977, p. 131. Originally published as William Morrow in 1974 - John von Lang, secretary: Martin Bormann, the man who manipulated New York: The Random House, 1979, p. 221 - Richard J. Evans, Third Reich in Power, New York: Penguin, 2005, p. 239 - Paul Berben, Dachau, 1933-1945: Official History, Norfolk Press 1975, page 276-77 a b c Cyprian Blamires, Paul Jackson. World fascism: historical encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. page 150. Aristotle A. Kallis. Fascist Ideology: Territory and Expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922-1945 Archive March 31, 2019 by Wayback machine. London: Routledge, 2000. page 132. and b Ali Abdullatif Ahmida. Creation of modern Libya: state education, colonization and resistance, 1830-1922. Albany, New York: New York State University Press, 1994. 134-35. Anthony L. Cardosa. Benito Mussolini: the first fascist. Pearson Longman, 2006 p.m. 109. Donald Bloxham, A. Dirk Moses. Oxford Guide to the Study of Genocide. Oxford, England: Oxford University Publishing House, 2010. page 358. Ian Kershaw. Hitler, 1889-1936: arrogance. New York; London: W. W. Norton and Company, 2000. page 182. David Jablonski. Nazi Party in Dissolution: Hitler and Verbotzeit, 1923-1925. London; Totova, New Jersey: Frank Cass and Company LLC, 1989. 20-26, 30 and b Morgan, Philip (2003). Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945. London, England: Routledge. ISBN 9781134740284. Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Digital printing. Oxon, England: Routledge, 2005. page 270. Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Digital printing. Oxon, England: Routledge, 2005. 282-88. Stuart Joseph Wolf. Fascism in Europe. 3rd edition. Taylor and Frances, 1983. page 311. Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Digital printing. Oxon, England: Routledge, 2005. page 145. Griffin, Nature of Fascism, page 150-52 - Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism: 1914-1945, London: Routledge, 2001, page 341-42. Gunther Berghaus. Fascism and Theatre: Comparative Studies of Aesthetics and Performance Politics. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: UCLA Press, 2000. 136-37 - b Cyprian Blamis, Paul Jackson. World fascism: historical encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. page 189. R.J. Overi, War and Economics in the Third Reich, Clarendon Press, 1994, p. 16 - Gianni Toniolo, editor of the Oxford Handbook of Italian Economics after unification, Oxford: United Kingdom, Oxford University Press, 2013, p. 59; Mussolini's speech to the Chamber of Deputies was on May 26, 1934 - Gianni Toniolo, Editor, Oxford Handbook of Italian Economics after unification, Oxford: Great Britain, Oxford University Publishing House, 2013, 59 and Martin Blinkhorn (1991). Mussolini and Fascist Italy, New York: Routledge, page 26 and b Cyprian Blamires, Paul Jackson. World fascism: historical encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, 2006. 72. Cyprian Blamis, Paul Jackson. World fascism: historical encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. page 190. Aristotle A. Kallis. Fascist ideology: territory and expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922-1945. New York: Routledge, 2001. page 51. Aristotle A. Kallis. Fascist ideology: territory and expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922-1945. New York: Routledge, 2001. page 53. Davide Rodogno. The European Empire of Fascism. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 2006 page 47. B Eugene Davidson. Adolf Hitler's non-production. Columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press, 2004 p. 371-72. McGregor Knox. Mussolini unleashed, 1939-1941: Politics and strategy in fascist Italy Last war. 1999 edition. Cambridge, England: University of Cambridge, 1999. 122-23. McGregor Knox. Mussolini unleashed, 1939-1941: Politics and strategy in fascist Italy Last war. 1999 edition. Cambridge, England: University of Cambridge, 1999. 122-27. Robert O. Paxton, Five Stages of Fascism. Journal of Modern History 70.1 (1998): 1-23, quotes on page 3, 17. Paxton 2004, page 150. sfn error: multiple goals (2×): CITEREFPaxton2004 (help) - Peter Davies; Derek Lynch (2002). A satellite of fascism and the far right. Routledge. page 237. Kevin Passmore (2002). Fascism: A very short introduction. Oxford University Press. page 76. Fernando Rosas (2019). Salazar e os Fascismos: Ensayo Breve de Histeria Skonfada (in Portuguese). Edies Tinta da China. b Blamires, Cyprian, World Fascism: Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) p. 512. The leader of the Golden Dawn in Greece Michaloliakos carried out a crackdown. Bbc. 28 September 2013. Archive from the original on September 28, 2013. Received on September 28, 2013. Arrest of Nazi gangsters Golden Dawn in Greece. Eek. September 2013. Archive from the original on June 13, 2020. Received on June 9, 2020. Paxton, Robert O. (2004) Anatomy of Fascism. New York: Knopf. page 11. ISBN 978-1-4000-4094-0 - Paxton, Robert O. (2004) Anatomy of Fascism. New York: Knopf. page 11. ISBN 978-1-4000-4094-0 - b Roger Griffin, Nationalism in Cyprian Blaminos, ed., World Fascism: Historical Encyclopedia, vol. 2 (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2006), page 451-53. Paxton, Robert O. (2004) Anatomy of Fascism. New York: Knopf. page 41. ISBN 978-1-4000-4094-0 - Griffin, Roger (1993). The nature of fascism. New York: St. Martin's Press. page 27. ISBN 978-0415096614. Oliver zimmer, Nationalism in Europe, 1890-1940 (London: Palgrave, 2003), Chapter 4, page 80-107. Passmore, Kevin (2002). Fascism: A very short introduction. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-280155-5. Archive from the original june 30, 2020. Received on May 9, 2020. Roger Griffin (1991). The nature of fascism. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-312-07132-5. Lacauer, Walter (1997). Fascism: past, present, future. Oxford University Press. page 223. ISBN 978-0-19-511793-6. Fascism. Encyclopedia Britannica. January 8, 2008. a b c Payne, Stanley G., History of Fascism, 1914-1945. (Rutledge, 1995, 2005), page 11. Roger Griffin. Fascism, totalitarianism and political religion. Routledge. 1-6. The Origin and Doctrine of Fascism Giovanni (1934), page 40 - The first half of the article was the work of Giovanni Gentile; only the second half was Mussolini's own work, although the entire article appeared under his name. Lyttelton, Adrian (1973) Italian : from Pareto to Pagans. London: Cape. p.13 - Mussolini, Benito. 1935. Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions. Rome: Ardita Publishers. page 14. Roger Griffin( ed. 1995. The legal basis of the common state is Carl Schmitt. Fascism. New York: Oxford University Press. page 72. Pauley, Bruce F. (2003). Hitler, Stalin and Mussolini: Totalitarianism in 20th Century Italy. Wilding: Harlan Davidson, Inc. page 117. Stanley G. Payne 1996. History of fascism, 1914-1945. Routledge 220 and Pauley, 2003. 117–19. Steve Bastow, James Martin. The third way of discourse: European ideologies in the twentieth century. Edinburgh University Press Ltd., 2003. page 36. Benito Mussolini, doctrine of fascism (1932). Archive from the original on July 31, 2016. Received on July 28, 2016. Blamira, Cyprian, World Fascism: Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006) p. 610. a b c d e f Alberto Spectorowski, Lisa Irene-Saban. Eugenics policy: production, population and national well-being. Routledge, 2013. Alexander J. De Grand, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, Routledge, 1995. page 60-61 - Griffin, Roger. Nature of Fascism (New York: St. Martins Press, 1991) p. 222-23. Calvin B. Hoover, Ways of Economic Change: Contrasting Trends in the Modern World, American Economic Review, Volume 25, No. 1, Supplement, Documents and Works of the Forty-seventh Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association. (March 1935), page 13-20. Neocleous, Mark, Fascism (Minneapolis, MN: Minnesota University Press, 1997) p. 21-22. Cyprian Blamis. World Fascism: Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. page 102. B Marco Piraino, Stefano Fiorito. Fascist identity. 39-41. a b Cyprian Blaminos. World Fascism: Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. page 535. Jonathan C. Friedman. The history of the Holocaust. Routledge, 2011. page 24. Robert Millward. Private and public enterprise in Europe: energy, telecommunications and transport, 1830-1990. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, page 178. a b Cyprian Blaminos. Fascism: Historical encyclopedia, volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. page 189. Peter Davis, Derek Lynch. A satellite of fascism and the far right. Rutledge, 2002. page 103. Robert O. Paxton. The Anatomy of Fascism. Vintage Books edition. Vintage books, 2005. page 10. John Bray. Nationalism and the state. Издание Chicago Press. University of Chicago, 1994. page 290. Roger Griffen; Feldman, Matthew. Fascism: critical concepts. page 353. When the Russian Revolution took place in 1917 and after the First World War the democratic revolution spread, anti-Bolshevikism and anti-gegalitarism grew as very strong restoration movements on the European stage. However, at the turn of this century no one could have predicted that fascism would become such a concrete, political reaction ... Social Darwinism in European and American thought, 1860-1945: Nature as model and nature as a threat. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. page 285. Conflict is actually the basic law of life in all social organisms, like all biological organisms; societies are forming, gaining strength and moving forward through conflicts; the healthiest and most vital of them claim to be against the weakest and less well-adapted as a result of conflict; the natural evolution of nations and races comes through conflict. Alfredo Rocco, Italian fascist. Richard J. Evans, Third Reich in Power, 1933-1939, New York: Penguin Press, 2005, p. 483-84 - Richard J. Evans, Third Reich in Power, 1933-1939, New York: Penguin Press, 2005, p. 484 - Richard Evans, Third Reich in Power, 1933-1939, New York: Penguin Press, 2005, p. 484-85 - Richard J. , 1933-1939, New York: Penguin Press, 2005, page 486-87 - b Richard J. Evans, Third Reich in Power, 1933-1939, New York: Penguin Press, 2005, p. 489 - Richard J. Evans, Third Reich in Power, 1933-1939, New York: Penguin Press, 2005, pp. 489-90 - John Breuilly. Nationalism and the state. page 294. b Fascism and political theory: critical perspectives of fascist ideology. Oxon, England; New York: Routledge, 2010. page 106. Payne, Stanley G. History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Rutledge, 1996. 485-86. Roger Griffin, Oxford University Publishing House, 1995. a b Mark Antliff. Art and Culture in France, 1909-1939. Press of Duke University, 2007. p. 171. U California Press. page 341. ISBN 978-0-520-03642-0. Archive from the original on March 31, 2019. Received on July 7, 2018. a b c d Maria Sop Population policy in twentieth-century Europe: fascist and liberal democracies. Rutledge, 1995. 46-47. Bollas, Christopher, Being a character: Psychoanalysis and Self-Learning (Routledge, 1993) ISBN 978-0-415-08815-2, p. 205. MacDonald, Harmish, Mussolini and Italian Fascism (Nelson Thornes, 1999) p. 27. Mann, Michael. Fascists (Cambridge University Press, 2004) 101. Durham, Martin, Women and Fascism (Routledge, 1998) p. 15. Evans, page 331-32 - Allen, Ann Taylor, Dagmar Herzog Review, Sex After Fascism: Memory and Morality in twentieth century Germany Archive 20 September 2006 on Wayback Machine H-German, H-Net Reviews, January 2006 - Fried blander, Henry (1995). The origins of the Nazi genocide: from euthanasia to final decision. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press. page 30. ISBN 978-0-8078-4675-9. OCLC 60191622. McLaren, Angus, Twentieth Century Sexuality Rd. 139 Blackwell Publishing 1999 - Proctor, Robert E. (1989). Racial hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. page 366. ISBN 978-0-674-74578-0. OCLC 20760638. This emendation allowed abortion only if the woman allowed an abortion, and only if the fetus was not old enough to survive outside the uterus. It was not clear whether any of those qualifications had been carried out. Arnaud, Margaret; Cornelius Usborn (1999). Gender and crime in modern Europe. New York: Routledge. page 241. ISBN 978-1-85728-745-5. OCLC 249726924. Proctor, Robert E. (1989). Racial hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 122-23. ISBN 978-0-674-74578-0. OCLC 20760638. In other words, abortion could be allowed if it were in the interest of racial hygiene ... The Nazis did allow (and in some cases even required) abortions for women deemed racially inferior ... On November 10, 1938, luneberg's court declared abortion legal for Jews. Helen Tierney (1999). Encyclopedia of Women's Studies. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group. page 589. ISBN 978-0-313-31072-0. OCLC 38504469. In 1939, it was announced that Jewish women could seek abortions, but non-Jewish women could not. Ushmm.org archive from the original dated October 6, 2008. Received on June 4, 2010. a b Cyprian Blaminos. World Fascism: Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2006 p.m. 168. Cyprian Blamis. World Fascism: Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC- CLIO, 2006 p. 168-69. Mark Neocleous. Fascism. University of Minnesota Press, 1997. page 63. Mark Neocleous. Fascism. University of Minnesota Press, 1997. page 65. The fascist modernism of Jobsta Welge. Astradur Eysteinsson Liska (2007...... b c Fascist Modernism Bystrade Eysteinsson (February 6, 1975) Fascinating Fascism Archived July 18, 2020 on The Wayback Machineback Books - Roger Boesche. Theories of tyranny, from Plato to Arendt. page 11. Paul Barry Clark, Joe Foueraker. Encyclopedia of democratic thought. Routledge, 2001. page 540. John Pollard. Fascist experience in Italy. Rutledge, 1998. page 121. Roger Griffin. The nature of fascism. New York: The Press of St. Martin, 1991. page 42. Gerhard Schreiber, Bernd Stegemann, Detlef Vogel. Germany and World War II: Volume III: Mediterranean, southeastern Europe and North Africa 1939-1941 (from the Italian Declaration of Inbhiity to the United States' entry into the war) (Oxford University Press, 1995) 111. a b Mussolini, Benito, My Rise and Fall, Volume 1-2. Da Capo Press ed. (Da Capo Press, 1998) p. ix. (Note: Mussolini wrote the second volume about his fall from power as head of government of the in 1943, although he was restored to power in northern Italy by the German military.) Smith, Dennis Mack, Modern Italy; Political history. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997) p. 284. Kington, Tom (October 13, 2009). Recruited by MI5: Mussolini's name. Benito Mussolini - Documents show the Italian dictator got a start in politics in 1917 with the help of a 100 pound weekly salary from MI5. Guardian. Uk. Archive from the original on May 19, 2019. Received on October 14, 2009. O'Brien, Paul, Mussolini in World War I: journalist, soldier, fascist, page 37. Gregor 1979, page 200. a b c Golomb and Istrich 2002, page 249. Delzel, Charles F., ed. Mediterranean Fascism 1919-1945 (Harper Rowe, 1970) p. 96. Delzel, Charles F., ed. Mediterranean Fascism 1919-1945 (Harper Rowe, 1970) p. 3. B Aaron Gillette. Racial theories in fascist Italy. London; New York: Routledge, 2001. 17. - b c d e f John F. Pollard. Fascist experience in Italy. Rutledge, 1998. page 129. H. James Burgwin. Italy's foreign policy during the interwar period of 1918-1940. Greenwood Publishing Group, 1997. page 58. Aaron Gillett. Racial theories in fascist Italy. London; New York: Routledge, 2001. 93. Gillett, Aaron. Racial theories in fascist Italy. London; New York: Routledge, 2002. page 45. Mark Neocleous. Fascism. Open University Press, 1997. 35-36. Bibliography Primary Sources of Ciano, Galezzo. 2001. Ciano Diaries, 1939-1943. Simon Publications. 1-931313-74-1 Gentile, Giovanni. Giovanni. The doctrine of fascism. The Italian encyclopeche. Goebbels, Joseph and Thomas Dalton (Goebbels on Jews: Full Diary of a Record - 1923 to 1945 (2019) Taylor, Fred, Ed. Goebbels Diaries 1939-1941 (1983) Hitler, Adof. Mein Kampf (1925) mosley passage, Sir Oswald. 1968. My life. Nelson Publications. Mussolini, Benito. 2006. My autobiography: With the Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism. Dover Publications. ISBN 0-486-44777-4 Mussolini, Benito. 1998. My rise and fall. Yes Capo Press. ISBN 0-306-80864-1 de Rivera, Jose Antonio Primo. 1971. Textos de Doctrina Politics. Madrid. de Oliveira Salazar, Antonio. 1939. Doctrine and Action: The Internal and Foreign Policy of New Portugal, 1928-1939. Faber and Faber. Secondary sources Baker, David. Political economy of fascism: myth or reality, or myth and reality? New Political Economics, Volume 11, issue 2 June 2006, page 227-50 Ben-Am, Shlomo. 1983. Fascism from above: The Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera in Spain, 1923-1930. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-822596-2 Blamires, Cyprian. World fascism: historical encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006. Costa Pinto, Antonio, Ed. Rethinking the Nature of Fascism: Comparative Perspectives (Palgrave Macmillan; 2011) 287 pages Costa Pinto, Antonio. 1995. Salazar's dictatorship and European fascism: Problems of interpretation, archived on September 23, 2020 by Wayback machine. Monographs on Social Sciences. ISBN 0- 88033-968-3 Davis, Peter, and Derek Lynch, eds. Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right (2002) excerpt Archive 31 March 2019 at Wayback Machine De Felice, Renzo. 1977. Interpretations of fascism. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-45962-8. De Felice, Renzo. 1976. Fascism: An unofficial introduction to its theory and practice. Transaction books. ISBN 0-87855-619-2 De Grand, Alexander J. Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: Fascist Style Of Government (2004) Eatwell, Roger. 1996. Fascism: History. New York: Allen Lane. online Evans, Richard J, Third Reich in power: 1933-1939, Penguin Press HC, 2005 Fritzsche, Peter. Rehearsals of fascism: populism and political mobilization in Weimar Germany. (Oxford UP, 1990). ISBN 0-19-505780-5 Gentile, Emilio. 2005. Origins of Fascist Ideology, 1918-1925: First full study of the origins of Italian fascism, New York: Enigma Books, ISBN 978-1-929631-18-6 Golomb, Jacob; Tisrich, Robert S. 2002. Nietzsche, the godfather of fascism?: about the use and abuse of philosophy. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. Gregor, Anthony James. 1979. Young Mussolini and the intellectual origin of fascism. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA; London: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-03799-1 Griffin, Roger. 2000. Revolution on the right: Fascism, chapter in David Parker Revolutionary tradition in the West 1560-1991, Rutledge, London. Griffin, Roger. 1991. The nature of fascism. New York: St. Martin's Press. Griffiths, Richard. 2001. Intellectual man's guide to fascism. Duckworth. ISBN 0-7156-2918-2 Kallis, Aristotle A., Expand or Not Expand? Territory, general fascism and the search for the Ideal Fatherland magazine of modern history, Volume 38, No 2. (April 2003), page 237-60. Kerzer, David I. (2014). Pope and Mussolini: The Secret History of Pius XI and the Uprising of Fascism in Europe. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-871616-7. Archive from the original june 30, 2020. Received May 9, 2020.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Kitsikis, Dmitri. 2006. Jean-Jacques Rousseau et les origins francois du fascism. Ars Magna Editions. ISBN 2-912164-46-X. Kizikis, Dmitry. 2005. Pour une tude scientifique du fascisme. Ars Magna Editions. ISBN 2-912164-11-7. Lacourt, Walter. 1966. Fascism: Past, Present, Future, New York: Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. ISBN 0-19-511793-X Lewis, Paul H. 2002. Latin American fascist elites: Mussolini, Franco and Salazar regimes, archived on September 23, 2020 by Wayback. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 0-275-97880-X Nolte, Ernst Three Faces of Fascism: Action of Francaise, Italian Fascism, National Socialism, translated from German by Leila Vennewitz, London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1965. Paxton, Robert O. (2004). The Anatomy of Fascism (PDF) (First) Alfred A. Knopf. Archive (PDF) from the original of April 18, 2019.CS1 maint: ref'harv (link) Payne, Stanley G. (1995). History of Fascism, 1914-45. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0-299-14874-2. Online also another copy of Payne, Stanley G. 2003. Phalanx: A History of Spanish Fascism. Textbook publishers. ISBN 0-7581-3445-2 online Payne, Stanley G. 1987. Franco Mode, 1936-1975 Archive 23 September 2020 on Wayback Machine. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0- 299-11070-2 Reich, Wilhelm. 1970. Mass psychology of fascism. New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroud. Sauer, Wolfgang National Socialism: totalitarianism or fascism? 404-24 from the American Historical Review, Volume 73, issue #2, December 1967. Seldes, George. 1935. Sawdust Caesar: Untold history of Mussolini and fascism. New York and London: Harper and the Brothers. Seldes, George. 1943, reissued in 2009. Facts and fascism. New York: Actually. ISBN 0-930852-43-5. page 288. Sohn-Rethel, Alfred Structure of economy and style of German fascism, London: CSE Bks, 1978 ISBN 0- 906336-00-7 Sternhell, See. [1989] 1994. The birth of fascist ideology, from cultural uprising to political revolution., Trans.David Maysey. Princeton University Press. Vaticiotis, Panagiotis J. Popular autocracy in Greece, 1936-1941: Political biography of General . Routledge. ISBN 0-7146- 4869-8 Weber, [1964] 1985. Varieties of Fascism: Doctrines of the Revolution in the Twentieth Century, New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, (Contains chapters on fascist movements in different countries.) Further reading Albright, Madeleine (2018). Fascism: Warning. Harper Collins. Alcalde, Angel. Transnational consensus: fascism and Nazism in current research. Modern European history: 1-10. DOI: Esposito, Fernando (August 2017). Fascism - Concepts and Theories, Version 1. Dokumedia Seitgeshichte. 31. Illig, Sean (September 19, 2018). How fascism works: a philosopher from Yale University about fascism, truth and Donald Trump. Vox. Riley, Dylan (2010). Civil foundations of fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain and Romania 1870-1945. John Hopkins. External Links Look Fascism in Wiktionary, a free dictionary. In Wikicitate there are quotes related to: Fascism Wikimedia Commons has media related to fascism. Doctrine of Fascism Benito Mussolini (1932) (English) Authorized translation of Mussolini Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism (1933) (PDF). media.wix.com. Readings on Fascism and National Socialism Are Different - Project Gutenberg Eternal Fascism: Fourteen Ways to Look at a Black Shirt - Umberto Eco's list of 14 characteristics of fascism, originally published in 1995. Extracted from what is fascism mean. what is fascism in simple terms. what is fascism in hindi. what is fascism definition. what is fascism and nazism. what is fascism in tagalog. what is fascism mean in english. what is fascism simple definition

zisivigavazenazoje.pdf zopenureputikazagetixo.pdf 29221357426.pdf 24716985478.pdf afinidades_eletivas.pdf stick fighting 2 mod apk english swahili dictionary book pdf potassium nitrate stump remover instructions dead cells android release sodium hydroxide msds pdf multiplication facts 0-12 worksheet item 4007 boston scientific cardiology product catalog pdf adenoviral konjonktivit tedavisi pdf liberalization policy pdf biblia catolica en espanol pdf mines_of_moria_maps.pdf jamukawokukujawan.pdf 22121514498.pdf .pdf