CHARLES UNIVERSITY in PRAGUE Master's Thesis 2017 Sofiia

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

CHARLES UNIVERSITY in PRAGUE Master's Thesis 2017 Sofiia CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Balkan, Eurasian, and Central European Studies Master’s Thesis 2017 Sofiia Riabushkina CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Balkan, Eurasian, and Central European Studies Sofiia Riabushkina Ukrainian national identity under Polish rule in the interwar period (1918-1939) Master’s Thesis Prague 2017 Author: Sofiia Riabushkina Supervisor: Doc. PhDr. Jiří Vykoukal, CSc. Academic Year: 2016/2017 Bibliographic Note Riabushkina, Sofiia. Ukrainian national identity under Polish rule in the interwar period (1918-1939). Master Thesis. Charles University, Balkan, Eurasian, and Central European Studies. Supervisor: Doc. PhDr. Jiří Vykoukal, CSc. Abstract The national politics of interwar Poland aimed at the full assimilation of the national minorities, including Ukrainians who lived in the occupied region of Eastern Galicia. This thesis studies the political basis, tools and outcomes of polonization policy during the period between 1918 and 1939 on the territory of Eastern Galicia and its main city Lviv. Deep analysis of Polish and Ukrainian political doctrines, Polish legislation, books, articles and periodical of the interwar period, as well as of modern historiography (both Polish and Ukrainian) resulted in developing of a comprehensive understanding of why the policy of polonization, aimed on population of Eastern Galicia failed to change historical Ukrainian identity. The data gathered in the analysis proves that the Polish government used tremendously rigid, if not brutal, tools of assimilation, and it resulted in rejection of the Polish national identity by Ukrainians. Moreover, confidence in the fact that Ukrainians are nothing more than underdeveloped Poles-to- be rise led to the rise of Ukrainian radical nationalism on the eve of the Second World War. Keywords Ukraine, Poland, National Identity, Assimilation, Polonization, Interwar Period Abstrakt Národnostní politika v meziválečném Polsku usilovala o plnou asimilaci všech národnostních menšin včetně Ukrajinců kterí žili veVýchodní Haliči, oblasti obsazené Polskem. Tato disertační práce studuje politicky základ, nástroje a výsledky politiky polonizace v období mezi rokem 1918 a 1939 na území Východní Haliče a jeho hlavního města Lvova. Hloubková analýza polských a ukrajinských politických doktrín, polské legislativy, knih, článků a periodik meziválečného období, stejně jako moderní historiografie (obš polská a ukrajinská) vedlo k vývoji komplexního pochopení toho, proč nebyla funkční politika Polska, která byla zaměřena na asimilaci populace Haliče a proč se nepodařilo změnit historickou ukrajinskou identitu. Z analýza vyplývá, že polská vláda používala nesmírně přísné, ne-li brutální nástroje asimilace, a to mělo za následek odmítnutí polské národní identity ze strany Ukrajinců. Navíc, důvěra v to, ze Ukrajinci nejsou nic víc než ne rozvinutí Poláci vedla k vzestupu ukrajinského radikálního nacionalismu v předvečer druhé světové války. Klíčová slova Ukrajina, Polsko, Národní Identita, Asimilace, Polonizace, Meziválečné období Declaration of Authorship 1. The author hereby declares that he compiled this thesis independently, using only the listed resources and literature. 2. The author hereby declares that all the sources and literature used have been properly cited. 3. The author hereby declares that the thesis has not been used to obtain a different or the same degree. In Prague, PROJECT OF M.A. DISSERTATION Name: Sofiia Riabushkina Program: BECES E-mail: [email protected] Dissertation Title: Ukrainian national identity on the territory of Western Ukraine under Polish rule in the interwar period (1918- 1939) Submission Date (term, academic year): Summer 2017 Seminar Supervisor: Doc. PhDr. Jiri Vykoukal Dissertation Supervisor: Doc. PhDr. Jiri Vykoukal Description of the Topic (max 20 lines): The concept of a national identity has always been highly controversial. No academic can clearly define the essense of one, and when one tries, there are always 100 other people with their own definitions. What is quite clear about this concept is that it, first of all, is based on a personal perception. Even if a huge group of people share the same idea of their identity, it will not necessarily be the same during the interaction with the other groups (which often leads us to the bloody wars and conflicts). Second of all, the national identity is socially constructed. The question is, who does it, who is responsible for that? Is it a one specific nation? Are these political actors? If yes, how will other nations and other definitions of national identity influence this specific society? When it comes to Ukraine, the question whether our nation has a strong national identity is really hot-debated, not only now, but always has been. The opinions vary, however, it was not ever really questioned if one specific Ukrainian region has (or had) this identity. The answer is simple - for most Ukrainians the Western part of the country - with its cultural center in Lviv - was always a center of developments, shaping of the national identity, moreover, its active resistance against numerous foreign occupants and rulers became something granted. This is the narrative they use to teach us in schools. However, it is now completely clear why is so? What makes the region so special and efficient in its efforts to be Ukrainian? Is there anything we can learn form its experience? In my opinion, yes, we can and we have to. I chose the period between the two world wars, as I think it was one of the most active and fruitful periods in the process of our identity-formation. I also chose the period of Polish rule over the part of our territory as relations between two national identities - Polish and Ukrainian - contributed a lot to the identity of Lviv. Aim of Dissertation (10 lines): The aim of my dissertation is to research the process of formation and development of the Ukrainian national identity under Polish rule in the interwar period (1918-1939), to analyse the factors, which influenced the development (both positively and negatively, both from Polish either Ukrainian side) and to bring to light the importance of Lviv as an historical center of national identity. I also aim to highlight the relations and mutual influences between Polish and Ukrainian national identities. The aim is also to analyse both Polish and Ukrainian historiographies of the time between the wars and modern ones in terms of perception of Ukrainian national identity and reaction to the Ukrainian cultural, social, political resistance against polonization. Research Question(s) (max 10 lines): 1. How Ukrainian national, political, economic and cultural life in Lviv and Galicia was influenced by Polish rule in 1918-1939? 2. How fruitful Polish rule was/was not for Ukrainian self-determination on the territories, mentioned above? Which tools and means did Poland use to shape Ukrainian national identity for its own profit? 3. How active was the Ukrainian national, political, social and cultural resistance against polonization? What was the process and results of the resistance? How did Poland react to the efforts of the Ukrainians to resist? 4. How and why Lviv became the ideological incarnation of Ukrainian identity? 5. How different are Polish and Ukrainian historiographies in terms of perceptions of Ukrainians and their national identity? Proposed Theory and Methodology: Lviv and Galicia were a part of Polish kingdom for a long period of Ukrainian history. During the Polish rule Ukrainian nation and its national idea were the objects for the policy of "polonozation", and Lviv, as a cultural center of "ukrajinstvo", became the center of Polish-Ukrainian debate. Much of an efort was taken to oppres, to eliminate, to weaken the national identity of Ukrainians. Nevertheless, active cultural, political and social resistance let Lviv and its citizens not only to preserve Ukrainian character, but moreover - to manifest one. This is the most noticable thing - not only in the interwar period, city being a part of Poland, but during the entire XX century (from the times of Habsburg monarchy to Poland, then to the USSR, then to independent Ukraine), Lviv always has been a guard of the concept of Ukrainian national idea, character and self-definition. Methodology: qualitative research combined with a method of comparative analysis, literature survey Proposed Structure (15 lines): 1. International political climate in the Eastern Europe after WWI. Relations between Poland and Ukraine. Incorporation of Western Ukraine into the Polish state. Reaction of international community. 2.Lviv in the Polish state. Ethnic, social and religious composition of the city’s population. Polish national policy and politics towards its Ukrainian territory and city of Lviv in 1918-1939. Relations and tensions between Polish and Ukrainian national identities. 4. Lviv as a multicultural city and/or the incarnation of the national identity. 3. Ukrainian cultural, political and social resistance against polonization and for Ukrainian idetity. Ukrainian social, political, scientific, cultural, educational organisations of Lviv and Galicia. Nationalistic movement as embodiment of Ukrainian identity. 4. Lviv's inteligentsia vs. Polish inteligentsia's perspectives on the future of Ukrainian national identity. Ukrainian emigration's perspective. 5. Anti-Ukrainian theories among Poles and Ukrainians. Moscwophiles (Russophiles), Rusyns, Poles. 6. Situation in Lviv and Galicia in the beginning of
Recommended publications
  • Political Visions and Historical Scores
    Founded in 1944, the Institute for Western Affairs is an interdis- Political visions ciplinary research centre carrying out research in history, political and historical scores science, sociology, and economics. The Institute’s projects are typi- cally related to German studies and international relations, focusing Political transformations on Polish-German and European issues and transatlantic relations. in the European Union by 2025 The Institute’s history and achievements make it one of the most German response to reform important Polish research institution well-known internationally. in the euro area Since the 1990s, the watchwords of research have been Poland– Ger- many – Europe and the main themes are: Crisis or a search for a new formula • political, social, economic and cultural changes in Germany; for the Humboldtian university • international role of the Federal Republic of Germany; The end of the Great War and Stanisław • past, present, and future of Polish-German relations; Hubert’s concept of postliminum • EU international relations (including transatlantic cooperation); American press reports on anti-Jewish • security policy; incidents in reborn Poland • borderlands: social, political and economic issues. The Institute’s research is both interdisciplinary and multidimension- Anthony J. Drexel Biddle on Poland’s al. Its multidimensionality can be seen in published papers and books situation in 1937-1939 on history, analyses of contemporary events, comparative studies, Memoirs Nasza Podróż (Our Journey) and the use of theoretical models to verify research results. by Ewelina Zaleska On the dispute over the status The Institute houses and participates in international research of the camp in occupied Konstantynów projects, symposia and conferences exploring key European questions and cooperates with many universities and academic research centres.
    [Show full text]
  • Seminars in History of Ukraine: Methodological Guidelines for English-Speaking Students
    MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE OF UKRAINE NATIONAL TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY «KHARKIV POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTE» SEMINARS IN HISTORY OF UKRAINE: METHODOLOGICAL GUIDELINES FOR ENGLISH-SPEAKING STUDENTS Approved by the Editorial-Publishing Council of the NTU «KhPI» Minutes № 2 of May 24, 2018 Kharkiv NTU «KhPI» 2018 Cемінарські заняття з історії України: Методичні вказівки для англомовних студентів / уклад. Є.К.Шишкіна. – Харків : НТУ «ХПІ», 2017. – 37 с. Seminars in History of Ukraine: Methodological Guidelines for English-Speaking Students / ed. Y. K. Shyshkina. – Kharkiv : NTU «KPI», 2017. – 37 p. Укладач Є.К.Шишкіна Рецензент І.В.Дворкін Кафедра політичної історії 2 Foreword The subject of the academic discipline is the basic processes of the Ukrainian national and state building, political, socio-economic and national-cultural changes, which took place in the past of the Ukrainian nation. The goals of the discipline are to improve the students' comprehension of the native history, explain the causes and consequences of political, socio-economic and national-cultural transformations that took place in different periods of Ukrainian history. During the process of learning students get the necessary knowledge of: – political and administrative organization of the Ukrainian lands in different historical periods; – different forms and basic elements of the Ukrainian statehood; – chronology of historical events; – reasons, course, consequences of political, socio-economic and national- cultural events, phenomena, processes on the territory of
    [Show full text]
  • Ecthr, Preussische Treuhand Gmbh V. Poland (Appl. No. 47550:06
    CONSEIL COUNCIL DE L’EUROPE OF EUROPE COUR EUROPÉENNE DES DROITS DE L’HOMME EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS FOURTH SECTION DECISION AS TO THE ADMISSIBILITY OF Application no. 47550/06 by PREUSSISCHE TREUHAND GmbH & Co. KG a.A. against Poland The European Court of Human Rights (Fourth Section), sitting on 7 October 2008 as a Chamber composed of: Nicolas Bratza, President, Lech Garlicki, Giovanni Bonello, Ljiljana Mijović, David Thór Björgvinsson, Ledi Bianku, Mihai Poalelungi, judges, and Lawrence Early, Section Registrar, Having regard to the above application lodged on 15 November 2006, Having deliberated, decides as follows: THE FACTS 1. The applicant, Preußische Treuhand GmbH & Co. KG a.A. (“the applicant company”), is a German legal person – a limited partnership – with its registered office in Düsseldorf. It pursued the application on behalf of, and in connection with facts concerning, twenty-three natural persons (“the individual applicants”), its shareholders, all German nationals who authorised the applicant company to act for them in the proceedings before the Court. Their names and personal details are listed in an annex attached to the present decision. The applicant company was represented before the Court by Mr T. Gertner, a lawyer practising in Bad Ems. 2 PREUSSISCHE TREUHAND GmbH & Co. KG a.A. v. POLAND DECISION A. The origins of the case 2. The individual applicants submit that they themselves are, or are successors in title to, persons who before the end of the Second World War lived within the national frontiers of the German Reich as they stood until 31 December 1937, namely in the provinces of Eastern Pomerania, East Brandenburg, Silesia and East Prussia, or were Polish nationals of German ethnic origin who lived in Polish territory within the Polish frontiers as they stood on the aforementioned date.
    [Show full text]
  • The Split Within the Poale Zion's Left Wing
    Serhiy Hirik SERHIY HIRIK The Split within the Poale State Research Institution Zion’s Left Wing: Two Versions “Encyclopedia Press” of Jewish National Communism1 National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy [email protected] Abstract The organizations of the Jewish Social Demo- cratic Workers’ Party (Poale Zion) in Ukraine and Belarus have experienced two major splits during the revolutionary events of the 1917–1920. The first of them was a classical form of the division into a left and a right wings. In 1917, the left one was formed although it did not become a separate par- ty then. In 1919, the leaders of the Poale Zion’s right wing, who were sympathetic to the authority of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, had moved to Kamianets-Podilskyi and later to Tarnów in Poland together with the leaders of the Directorate of Ukraine. Unlike them, the representatives of the par- ty’s left wing remained on the territory controlled by the Red Army. These groups received the status of a Soviet party. Thereby their activity in Soviet Ukraine and Belarus became legal. In 1919, the second split took place. The left wing of the JSDWP(PZ) was divided into two groups both considering themselves as leftist. The first one was the Jewish Communist Party (Po- ale Zion). In 1922, it has merged with the Bolsheviks. The other group has changed its name to the Jewish Communist Workers’ Party (Poale Zion) in 1923 and operated until 1928. These two parties had major ideological distinctions. We trace them in our paper basing on archival sources and the press published by these groups, as well as the documents of the Bolshe- viks and some of Ukrainian national communist parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Harvard Ukrainian Studies
    HARVARD UKRAINIAN STUDIES Volume V Number 3 September 1981 : ‘: : : Ukrainian Research Institute Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts Copyright 1981, by the President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved ISSN 0363-5570 Published by the Ukrainian Research Institute of Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, U.S.A. Printed by the Harvard University Printing Office Typography by Brevis Press, Cheshire, Conn. CONTENTS ARTICLES Intolerance and Foreign Intervention in Early Eighteenth- Century Poland-Lithuania 283 L. R. LEWITFER The Political Reversals of Jurij Nemyry 306 JANUSZ TAZBIR The Staging of Plays at the Kiev Mohyla Academy in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries 320 PAULINA LEWIN DOCUMENTS Ukrainian Hetmans’ Universaly 1678-1727 at the Lilly Library of Indiana University 335 BOHDAN A. STRUMINSKY NOTES AND COMMENT A Note on the Relationship of the Byxovec Chronicle to the Galician-Volhynian Chronicle 351 GEORGE A. PERFECKY The Origin of Taras Triasylo 354 GEORGE GAJECKY DISCUSSION Observations on the Problem of "Historical" and "Non- historical" Nations 358 IVAN L. RUDNYFSKY Some Further Observations on "Non-historical" Nations and "Incomplete" Literatures: A Reply 369 GEORGE 6. GRABOWICZ REVIEWS Bohdan S. Wynar, Doctoral Dissertations on Ukrainian Topics in English Prepared during the Years 1928-1978; Christine L. Gehrt Wynar, The Ukrainian American Index: The Ukrainian Weekly 1978 and 1979 Patricia Polansky 389 Leopold H. Haimson, ed., The Politics of Rural Russia: 1 905-1914 Bohdan Chomiak 390 Seppo Zetterberg, Die Liga der Fremdvölker Russlands, 1916-1918 Lawrence Wolff 393 Roy A. Medvedev, The October Revolution, trans. George Saunders R. C. Elwood 396 R. W. Davies, The Industrialization of Soviet Russia, vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Zapisz Jako PDF Otwiera Się W Nowym Oknie
    The Second Polish Republic Under the Sanaon Government (revision class) The Second Polish Republic Under the Sanaon Government (revision class) Lesson plan (Polish) Lesson plan (English) The Second Polish Republic Under the Sanaon Government (revision class) Children with flags during a ceremony Source: Dzieci z chorągiewkami podczas uroczystości, 1934, Narodowe Archiwum Cyfrowe, domena publiczna. Link to the Lesson You will learn to define the effects of the May Coup D’État and the manifestations of the crisis of democracy; to describe the everyday life of students of the elementary schools in the Second Polish Republic; to characterize the strong and weak points of the economy and social life of the Second Polish Republic. Nagranie dostępne na portalu epodreczniki.pl Nagranie abstraktu In 1926, Józef Piłsudski decided to take the power with the use of armed force. Ignacy Mościcki assumed the office of President. The August Novelization of 1926 became a temporary solution. One of the first decrees to be issued was the appointment of the General Armed Forces Inspector (Polish acronym: GISZ). Józef Piłsudski was appointed for this office by Ignacy Mościcki. In 1935, the April Constitution was adopted, limiting the authority of the Parliament. During the campaign for the new term of the Sejm in September 1930, the opposition leaders were arrested. Some of them were forced to emigrate. The Brest elections of November granted the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR) 56% of the seats in the Sejm and almost 68% in the Senate. It was a result of a violation of democratic principles. The founding of the Bereza Kartuska prison in the 30s became a symbol of the Sanation’s activities.
    [Show full text]
  • Looking Westwards
    Founded in 1944, the Institute for Western Affairs is an interdis- Looking westwards ciplinary research centre carrying out research in history, political The role of the Institute for Western Affairs science, sociology, and economics. The Institute’s projects are typi- in the construction of the Lubusz Land concept cally related to German studies and international relations, focusing On local historical policy and collective on Polish-German and European issues and transatlantic relations. memory in Gorzów Wielkopolski The Institute’s history and achievements make it one of the most Cultural heritage against a background important Polish research institution well-known internationally. of transformation in 1970s and 1980s Western Since the 1990s, the watchwords of research have been Poland– Ger- Poland many – Europe and the main themes are: Polish interest in the early medieval past • political, social, economic and cultural changes in Germany; of Kołobrzeg • international role of the Federal Republic of Germany; The Greater Poland Uprising in the French and British daily press • past, present, and future of Polish-German relations; • EU international relations (including transatlantic cooperation); Rosa Luxemburg against war • security policy; Literary fiction and poverty. The example of Gustav Freytag’s novel Soll und Haben • borderlands: social, political and economic issues. The Institute’s research is both interdisciplinary and multidimension- Coming to terms with the West German 68ers in the writings of the 85ers al. Its multidimensionality can be seen in published papers and books The manuscript of the letter of the Polish on history, analyses of contemporary events, comparative studies, bishops to the German bishops and the use of theoretical models to verify research results.
    [Show full text]
  • Międzynarodowa Konferencja Naukowa Współpraca Polski In
    Międzynarodowa konferencja naukowa Współpraca Polski in Niemiec w obszarze bezpieczeństwa: dwadzieścia pięć lat wspólnych doświadczeń Profesor Anita J. Prażmowska Władysław Gomułka’s German policy When in December 1970 Willie Brand, the Chancellor of the German Federal Republic and Józef Cyrankiewicz the Prime Minister of the Polish People’ signed a normalisation treaty, the one which came to be known as the Treaty of Warsaw, this represented Gomułka’s life time achievement. In his role as First Secretary of the United Polish Worker’s Party (Zjednoczona Polska Partia Robotnicza – PZPR) since October 1956 he had consistently tried to obtain guarantees of Poland’s western border. The signing of the treaty confirmed that the Oder-Neisse line was henceforth Poland’s internationally recognised border and, at the same time, a confirmation that the GFR would not challenge the post war territorial changes. To Gomułka this meant that Poland’s territorial security was guaranteed for the first time since the war. The achievement had a personal and a political dimension. I. 1944-1951 Gomułka’s political career can be divided into stages. In November 1943 he became the First Secretary of the war time Polish Workers Party (Polska Partia Robotnicza) which operated in German occupied Poland. On 20 July 1944 the first provisional administration (Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego – PKWN) was formed in the liberated town of Lublin. This authority brought together Polish communists from the Soviet Union and some from the German occupied territories. Gomułka retained the post of party secretary, though his role in the establishment of the new post war government was insignificant.
    [Show full text]
  • Identity and Diversity: What Shaped Polish Narratives Under Communism and Capitalism Witold Morawski1
    „Journal of Management and Business Administration. Central Europe” Vol. 25, No. 4/2017, p. 209–243, ISSN 2450-7814; e-ISSN 2450-8829 © 2017 Author. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/) Identity and Diversity: What Shaped Polish Narratives Under Communism and Capitalism Witold Morawski1 at first, the motherland is close at your fingertips later it bleeds hurts – Tadeusz Różewicz (1999, p. 273) Aims I shall refer to concepts of identity and difference on the border between culture and society not only to better understand and explain waves of social anger experienced by individuals or communities but also to reflect on ways in which to address the challenges that emerge within the social environment. One is angry when struggling with financial insecurity due to unemployment or low income; economists analyse this phenomenon. Another one is angry because of the mediocrity of those in power; political scientists explore this matter. The media, whose task is to bring the above to public attention, also become instruments that shape events and they aspire or even engage in exercising power. Thus, I shift the focus to society and its culture as sources of anger and, at the same time, areas where we may appease anger (Mishra, 2017; Sloterdijk, 2011). People often tap into the power of identity and difference as a resource. I do not assume that culture prevails, but society needs to take it into account if it is to understand itself and change any distressing aspects of reality.
    [Show full text]
  • Background and Cases of Nationalization in Poland in the Stalinist Era – an Example of Lublin’S Tanning Industry
    MISCELLANEA HISTORICO-IURIDICA TOM XVI, z. 1 ROK 2017 Karol Dąbrowski Maria Sklodowska-Curie University e-mail: [email protected] phone: +48 81 537 54 28 DOI: 10.15290/mhi.2017.16.01.11 Background and cases of nationalization in Poland in the Stalinist Era – an example of Lublin’s tanning industry SUMMARY Background and cases of nationalization in Poland in the Stalinist Era – an example of Lublin’s tanning industry The nationalization processes in People’s Poland had already begun at the time of estab- lishment of the Polish Committee of National Liberation. Enterprises were submitted under temporary state management and were expropriated on the basis of various regulations, including those enacted by Pilsudski’s sanation. The food industry was na- tionalized as part of the land reform. Industrial enterprises which were able to employ more than 50 employees on one shift (it was quite indefinite) were nationalized by the act on nationalization of 3 January 1946. Next, factories were taken over by political decisions of the communist Polish United Workers’ Party. On the other hand, the re- construction of industry after the Nazi and Soviet devastation, rescuing of work places, concern for inhabitants’ lives, supplies of food and goods, needed extraordinary mea- sures. It is demonstrated by the example of the tanning industry in Lublin – where the Polish Committee of National Liberation had its headquarters. However, the national- ization in post-war Poland served the communists political interests and was one of the means used by the communist political class to introduce the totalitarian system.
    [Show full text]
  • The Warsaw School of Marxism
    THE WARSAW SCHOOL OF MARXISM Maciej Gdula University of Warsaw Every student of social studies in Poland has almost certainly heard of the Warsaw School of the History of Ideas, whose members included, among others, Leszek Kołakowski and Jerzy Szacki. The school was important in Polish intellectual life both due to the high quality of its academic works and because of its members’ ideological and political trajectories, which were typical for a large part of the Polish intelligentsia. Such a trajectory began with involvement in communist ideas and participation in building a new political order, then proceeded to revisionism – that is, a critique of the socialism that actually existed from the perspective of communist ideals – and finished with a rejection of totalitarianism and termination of any affiliations with communism or socialism. No one speaks of a Warsaw School of Marxism, although, as I will try to demonstrate, there are many arguments for considering that the people from Julian Hochfeld’s circle, including Zygmunt Bauman, Jerzy Wiatr, Aleksandra Jasińska-Kania, and others, did comprise an academic school. I believe that distinguishing the school can shed a new light on the intellectual and social history of post- war Poland. In discussions about the appropriateness of using the term “school” for the Warsaw School of the History of Ideas, attention is drawn to the non-existence of a founding manifesto, the lack of a common methodol- ogy linking the work of individual scholars, and the absence of anyone who could be recognised as an unquestioned leader with disciples (Bucholc 2013). However, the view prevails that Kołakowski, Baczko, Walicki, and Szacki nevertheless formed an academic school.
    [Show full text]
  • Reichskommissariat Ukraine from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
    Create account Log in Article Talk Read Edit View history Reichskommissariat Ukraine From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia During World War II, Reichskommissariat Ukraine (abbreviated as RKU), was the civilian Navigation occupation regime of much of German-occupied Ukraine (which included adjacent areas of Reichskommissariat Ukraine Main page modern Belarus and pre-war Poland). Between September 1941 and March 1944, the Reichskommissariat of Germany Contents Reichskommissariat was administered by Reichskommissar Erich Koch. The ← → Featured content administration's tasks included the pacification of the region and the exploitation, for 1941–1944 Current events German benefit, of its resources and people. Adolf Hitler issued a Führer Decree defining Random article the administration of the newly occupied Eastern territories on 17 July 1941.[1] Donate to Wikipedia Before the German invasion, Ukraine was a constituent republic of the USSR, inhabited by Ukrainians with Russian, Polish, Jewish, Belarusian, German, Roma and Crimean Tatar Interaction minorities. It was a key subject of Nazi planning for the post-war expansion of the German Flag Emblem state and civilization. Help About Wikipedia Contents Community portal 1 History Recent changes 2 Geography Contact Wikipedia 3 Administration 3.1 Political figures related with the German administration of Ukraine Toolbox 3.2 Military commanders linked with the German administration of Ukraine 3.3 Administrative divisions What links here 3.3.1 Further eastward expansion Capital Rowno (Rivne) Related changes 4 Demographics Upload file Languages German (official) 5 Security Ukrainian Special pages 6 Economic exploitation Polish · Crimean Tatar Permanent link 7 German intentions Government Civil administration Page information 8 See also Reichskommissar Data item 9 References - 1941–1944 Erich Koch Cite this page 10 Further reading Historical era World War II 11 External links - Established 1941 Print/export - Disestablished 1944 [edit] Create a book History Download as PDF Population This section requires expansion.
    [Show full text]