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Unanswered Questions, Wasted Answers, Loose Leaves Lost Frans Unanswered Questions, Wasted Answers, Loose Leaves Lost Frans Plank 7iv2003 For such a standard tool of the typologist’s trade as questionnaires or checklists are, there is rather little one can learn about them from textbooks, handbooks, or history books. What need not be learnt because it is self-evident is that when typologists use their own kinds of questionnaires, it is because they would like to obtain and record the SAME KIND of grammatical and/or lexical information for any number of languages, so as to allow, and possibly facilitate, the COMPARISON of languages. Therefore, a typological questionnaire has to be equally suitable for obtaining that information for ANY language possibly: structurally defined subsets, e.g. all lgs with noun incorporation. The ultimate objective in typology is to get an idea of how one language can differ SYSTEMATICALLY from other languages – any other language, not just those assumed to be historically related through common origin or borrowing. Therefore, a typological questionnaire, apart from covering parameters for variation individually, ought to alert its users to systematic CO-variation: the typologist’s job of sorting out precisely what co-varies with what else can be made much harder by a questionnaire ill-constructed. It is in the particulars of questionnaire design, above and beyond what follows from such general considerations, that typology could benefit from improved methodological awareness. And there is much to be learnt from good and bad examples. Frequently, typological questionnaires are ANALYTIC, asking questions such as “Does language a, b, c ... have forms, constructions, rules, or other analytic constructs of category x?” (for x = bilabial affricates, a trial number, adjectives, a passive for intransitive verbs, parasitic gaps with finite verbs, a basic colour term for TURQUOISE, etc.). Analytic questions that can be answered concisely by “yes/no/don’t know” are considered preferable to those asking for an essay in response, if only because this is known to influence the questionnaire’s return ratio. But there are circumstances - 1 - where DATA-ELICITING questionnaires promise to be more useful, asking for words, (in) sentences, (in) texts (in contexts) of languages a, b, c, ..., typically by means of translations or picture descriptions, and leaving the analytic work entirely to the questionnaire’s author. And questionnaires can also be mixed: asking for translated sentences plus something as innocuous as word-by-word or morpheme-by-morpheme glossing is asking for analysis and interpretation. Whether analytical or data-eliciting or mixed, typological questionnaires can be short or long, selective, focusing in depth and often at length on particular structural areas, or comprehensive, attempting to cover much or all of grammar and lexicon at one go. A common assumption of questionnaire authors, though not always well founded, is that the particular sort of information sought is not to be had in the published literature, at least not readily or not in the form that is required for purposes of crosslinguistic comparison, and that native speakers or linguists sufficiently knowledgable about relevant languages are therefore the only sources to be tapped. Getting the questionnaire to a representative set of consultants is no longer such a logistic challenge. The chief problems continue to be getting it back with the blanks filled in, and with the blanks filled in well, and putting to good use what one has gotten back from one’s respondents – and failure in these three respects is perhaps commoner than failing to ask the right analytic or data-eliciting questions. - 2 - Here, by contrast, are two current questionnaires whose typologicality ranking is high by any standards: Comrie, Bernard & Norval Smith (1977). Lingua Descriptive Studies: Questionnaire. Lingua 42–1. This questionnaire is amazingly comprehensive, especially as to grammatical features. Filling it in for a language, you in fact end up writing a grammar – though one that makes the language eminently comparable, whatever the sacrifices in respect of readability. This is what makes it typologically so useful; there is hardly a recent sample without lots of LDS languages. The LDS questionnaire has been filled in for close to 40 languages from a wide range of families and areas and of widely different characters, published by North-Holland, Croom Helm, and Routledge (one of the best things these successive publishers ever did – not that they liked doing it forever). The features whose values are to be filled in do not come weighted for their typological salience. Weighting by way of selection is what typologists are getting here: Ethnologue Language Typology Questionnaire: http://www.ethnologue.com/ethno_docs/language_typology_form.asp Part of Ethnologue, 14th edition, edited by Barbara F. Grimes. Dallas, Texas: SIL International, 2000. This questionnaire asks for information – ranging from yes/no answers to free-style monographic treatment – about only 16 features, from basic constituent order to tonal/non-tonal. Presumably these have not been chosen randomly, but because they are assumed to be most characteristic salient. ‘Being characteristic’ can mean one of two things: (i) to uniquely characterize a language and distinguish it from all other languages; (ii) to characterize a language as a member of a class of similar languages (in which case the characteristic features should be ones predictive of many other features, not specially mentioned in the typological characterization). Typological - 3 - questionnaires tend towards the latter, but not always unequivocally so. More practical questions I have been asking myself about the Ethnologue Typology Questionnaire is who is filling it in, and what they are doing with those which are submitted to Ethnologue’s editor. Is anybody USING that information? Ethnologue itself does not include typological information. Though differing vastly in comprehensiveness, these are both whole-language questionnaires. Implicitly, or to some extent explicitly (in the case of grammar series following a programme), modern grammar writers writing an introductory chapter intended to give a typological sketch of “their” language, as one has almost come to expect, are in effect filling in such whole-language questionnaires of the less comprehensive type. By now, there are numerous typological questionnaires in use (or in recent use) targeting individual structural areas, in greater detail than even the most comprehensive whole-language questionnaire on the market. Few are in the public domain, though. Therefore, various initiatives are being taken to make the information obtained through typological questionnaires, nowadays typically stored in the form of electronic databases, available to the public at large and to preserve it for posterity. Sure, there is something gained if individual investigators obtain the information they finds useful for their own purposes by means of a well-constructed typological questionnaire. But given the nature of the typological enterprise, where every single feature might turn out to co-vary with every single other feature, unsuspected by the individual investigator focusing her/his selective attention on this feature or that but not on all of them together, there is much to be said for pooling resources and comparing what is in everybody’s databases. To some extent, love’s labour would be lost if information obtained for the purpose of a specific typological research project would be allowed to go to waste with the end of that project: other typological projects might stand to benefit greatly from being able to re-use it, instead of having to obtain the same information again or missing out on it altogether. Typology did not begin yesterday or with Joseph Greenberg: it is a research programme that has been under way for more than three centuries. This said,1 the collective factual knowledge about crosslinguistic variation has evidently increased 1 For a brief defence of this historiographical claim see Plank (2001). - 4 - vastly, and typological theory and method have never been as sophisticated. Given the attention that is now being paid to methodological matters, one wonders whether the use of questionnaires has been a contributing part of this progress. Or is it only recently that information obtained by such tools as the Lingua Descriptive Studies Questionnaire has begun to enrich typological practice? Though ignored by historians and current practitioners of the trade, typological questionnaires as such are not new. The question of their past impact is, however, a somewhat melancholy story, with these four episodes (or these are the ones I am aware of). Georg von der Gabelentz (1840–93) has been justly credited, not with starting, but with reorientating the typological research programme. The main message in a posthumous paper and in frequently quoted passeges from the equally posthumous second edition of his textbook: Gabelentz, Georg von der (1894). Hypologie [sic] der Sprachen, eine neue Aufgabe der Linguistik. Indogermanische Forschungen 4: 1-7. --- (1891). Die Sprachwissenschaft: Ihre Aufgaben, Methoden und bisherigen Ergebnisse. Leipzig: Weigel. (Revised edition: Leipzig: Tauchnitz, 1901.) was that after some 200 years typology had better get professional, not the least in the matter of the procurement of reliable information about a representative sample of the languages of the world.2 The traditional method was for individual researchers
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