Reactions to Czechoslovak Liberalization
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Programmatic Theses of the Communist Organization CONTENT
Programmatic Theses of the Communist Organization CONTENT 3 The Flame of Communism Burns On! 4 Our Worldview 5 Class society 7 The State 8 Imperialism 10 Fascism and anti-fascism 12 Proletarian internationalism 14 Proletarian women’s movement 15 The communist party 17 Socialism and Communism 20 The revolutionary strategy 22 Revolutionary Practice 24 The Fight against Opportunism and Revisionism 28 Closing Words 2 The Flame of Communism Burns On! It has been a full century since the October Revolution ushered in the first suc- cessful socialist revolution and changed the world, costing imperialism its first great defeat. Under Lenin‘s leadership in 1917, the actions of the Bolsheviks beca- The Flame of Communism Burns On! me a spark that spread like wildfire, heralding in a new epoch of revolution. Our Worldview The victory of the counter-revolution of 1989/90, the destruction of socialism, and the worldwide solidification of capitalism cost the workers movement and Class society communism greatly. Communist parties, once proud and influential - anchored in the masses and accepted as their revolutionary leadership – disappeared into The State the shadows of history. Our organizations were demolished, they lost their mass influence, they assimilated into the system under the influence of revisionism or Imperialism dissolved. A revolutionary spark as powerful as that of the October Revolution seems far from reach today. Fascism and anti-fascism Still we say: the flame of communism burns on! The ruling status quo is today Proletarian internationalism just as unbearable as it was then. Capitalism produces unimaginable wealth for the few and poverty, misery, and hardship for the many. -
Moving Labor Power and Historical Forms of Migration: the Internationalist Socialist Worker, the Social Benefit Tourist and the Economic Migrant
Moving Labor Power and Historical Forms of Migration: The Internationalist Socialist Worker, the Social Benefit Tourist and the Economic Migrant By Raia Apostolova Submitted to Central European University Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisors: Professor Prem Kumar Rajaram Professor Dan Rabinowitz Budapest, Hungary CEU eTD Collection 2017 Statement I hereby state that this dissertation contains no materials accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions. The thesis contains no material previously written and/or published by another person, except where appropriate acknowledgment is made in the form of bibliographical reference. Budapest, September 31, 2017 CEU eTD Collection Table of Contents INTRODUCTION FORMS OF MOVEMENT .................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER ONE THE METHODOLOGY BEHIND MOVING LABOR POWER .......................... 10 1.1. What is Moving Labor Power?.............................................................................................. 10 1.2. Methodological Liberalism: Liberal Philisophy and the Praxis of Movement ..................... 12 1.3. Approaching Movement from the Point of View of Labor Power ......................................... 22 1.4. Movement: The Potentiality and Actuality of Capitalism ..................................................... 31 1.5. Organized and Anarchic Forms of Migration ...................................................................... -
Special Memorandum
For Ofz4Use Only [,HR7O-14 FOREIGN BROADCAST APPROVED FOR RElEASE - F BIS FHISTORICAL COLLE TION INFORMATION SERVICE DIVISION HR70-14 D\TE: 07-18-2012 Special Memorandum PUBLIC WARNING INDICATORS OF THE SOVIET DECISION TO INVADE CZECHOSLOVAKIA A RETROSPECTIVE REVIEW ForO al Use Only 4 NOVEMBER 1980 FB 80-10045 This report is based exclusively on foreign media materials and is published by FBIS, without'coordination with other U.S. Government components. FOR OFF IAL USE ONLY FBIS SPECIAL MEMORANDUM 4 NOVEMBER 1980 PUBLIC WARNING INDICATORS OF THE SOVIET DECISION TO INVADE CZECHOSLOVAKIA A RETROSPECTIVE REVIEW C 0 N T EN T S Introduction . .. 1 Chronology of 1968 Events . 4 March . 4 April ... -. 5 May - - - - - - - . 6 June . 7 July . 7 August . 9 ANNEX Key Soviet Statements on Czechoslovakia . 11 Warning Statements . 11 I. Aleksandrov Article, 11 July 1968 PRAVDA . 11 Warsaw Five] Meeting Letter to the CPCZ Central Committee, 17 July 1968 . 17 Editorial Article, 22 July 1968 PRAVDA . 24 I. Aleksandrov Article, 18 August 1968 PRAVDA . 29 Justification for Intervention.. ... 32 TASS Statement, 21 August 1968 . 32 Editorial Article, 22 August 1968 PRAVDA . ... 34 Brezhnev Doctrine . .. 63 Excerpts From Sergey Kovalev Article, 26 September 1968 PRAVDA . .. 63 Excerpts From Brezhnev Speech to the Fifth PZPR Congress, 12 Novem ber 1968 . 63 FOR O ICIAL USE ONLY FOR OFFIC L USE ONLY FBIS SPECIAL, MEMORANDUM 4 NOVEMBER 1980 - 1 - PUBLIC WARNING INDICATORS OF THE SOVIET DECISION TO INVADE CZECHOSLOVAKIA A RETROSPECTIVE REVIEW I NTRODUCT ION The poss ibilityj]that the current crisis in Poland could deteriorate to the point that the Soviet Union felt .compelled to intervene prompts reconsideration of the lessons that can be learned from the Soviet action in Czechoslovakia 12 years ago. -
THE BERLIN-KOREA PARALLEL: BERLIN and AMERICAN NATIONAL SECURITY in LIGHT of the KOREAN WAR Author(S): DAVID G
THE BERLIN-KOREA PARALLEL: BERLIN AND AMERICAN NATIONAL SECURITY IN LIGHT OF THE KOREAN WAR Author(s): DAVID G. COLEMAN Reviewed work(s): Source: Australasian Journal of American Studies, Vol. 18, No. 1 (July, 1999), pp. 19-41 Published by: Australia and New Zealand American Studies Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41018739 . Accessed: 18/09/2012 14:16 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Australia and New Zealand American Studies Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Australasian Journal of American Studies. http://www.jstor.org AUSTRALASIAN JOURNALOF AMERICAN STUDIES 19 THE BERLIN-KOREA PARALLEL: BERLIN AND AMERICAN NATIONAL SECURITY IN LIGHT OF THE KOREAN WAR DAVID G. COLEMAN The Korean War had a profoundimpact on the ways in which American policymakersperceived the Cold War.Nowhere was thismore fact evident than in the case of Berlin. Despite the geographicalseparation between the two countries,policymakers became concernedwith what theyidentified as the 'Berlin-Koreaparallel.' Holding the Soviet Union responsible for North Korea's aggression,Washington believed that in NorthKorea's attackit was witnessing a new Sovietcapability that could give theUSSR a decisiveedge in the Cold War. -
Honecker's Policy Toward the Federal Republic and West Berlin
Scholars Crossing Faculty Publications and Presentations Helms School of Government Spring 1976 Contrast and Continuity: Honecker’s Policy toward the Federal Republic and West Berlin Stephen R. Bowers Liberty University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs Part of the Other Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Bowers, Stephen R., "Contrast and Continuity: Honecker’s Policy toward the Federal Republic and West Berlin" (1976). Faculty Publications and Presentations. 86. https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs/86 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Helms School of Government at Scholars Crossing. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of Scholars Crossing. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 308 STEPHEN R. BOWERS 36. Mamatey, pp. 280-286. 37. Ibid., pp. 342-343. CONTRAST AND CONTINUITY: 38. The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, Volume VIII (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954), p. 1364. 39. Robert Ferrell, 'The United States and East Central Europe Before 1941," in Kertesz, op. cit., p. 22. HONECKER'S POLICY 40. Ibid., p. 24. 41. William R. Caspary, 'The 'Mood Theory': A Study of Public Opinion and Foreign Policy," American Political Science Review LXIV (June, 1970). 42. For discussion on this point see George Kennan, American Diplomacy (New York: Mentor Books, 1951); Walter Lippmann, The Public Philosophy (New York: Mentor Books, TOWARD THE FEDERAL 1955). 43. Gaddis, p. 179. 44. Martin Wei!, "Can the Blacks Do for Africa what the Jews Did for Israel?" Foreign Policy 15 (Summer, 1974), pp. -
April 02, 1969 Telegram to East German Foreign Ministry from Ambassador to China
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 02, 1969 Telegram to East German Foreign Ministry from Ambassador to China Citation: “Telegram to East German Foreign Ministry from Ambassador to China,” April 02, 1969, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, SAPMO-BArch J IV 2/202/359. Translated by Christian F. Ostermann. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/116974 Summary: East German Ambassador Oskar Fischer reports on Soviet attempts to meet with Mao or Zhou Enlai about the on-going Sino-Soviet border dispute. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: German Contents: English Translation Council of Ministers of the German Democratic Republic The Minister for Foreign Affairs Berlin, April 2, 1969 Comrade Walter Ulbricht Willi Stoph Erich Honecker Hermann Axen Berlin Dear Comrades! The following is the text of a telegram from Comrade Hertzfeld, Peking, for your information: “Soviet Chargé stated that there is talk in Hanoi that Ho Chi Minh wants to go to Beijing soon to negotiate at the highest level with the Chinese side since the Vietnamese side is very concerned about the aggravation of Chinese-Soviet relations. The Ambassador of the Hungarian People’s Republic reported that the PR China and the DRV [Democratic Republic of Vietnam] [earlier] this year signed an agreement on Chinese aid for Vietnam in the sum of 800 million Yen. [...] The Chargé was called on the evening of March 21 by Kosygin on direct line from Moscow. Com. Kosygin informed him that he had attempted to contact Mao Zedong through the existing direct telephone line. -
Bulgarian Foreign Policy in the Context of the Prague Spring
Bulgarian Foreign Policy in the Context of the Prague Spring By Metodi Metodiev Submitted to Central European University History Department In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Constantin Iordachi Second Reader: Professor Roumen Daskalov Budapest, Hungary CEU eTD Collection 2009 “Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author.” CEU eTD Collection Abstract The thesis deals with the Bulgaria’s foreign policy during the Prague Spring 1968. The main accent is on the level of the involvement in the decision-making process of Bulgaria as a participant in the Warsaw Pact. The process is represented in the context of the general development of the reform the crisis between Czechoslovakia and the state-members of the Warsaw Pact. In addition it represents in the internal division in terms of motivation on behalf of the so called “satellite states” – East Germany, Poland and Hungary, and the place of Bulgaria in this context. The contribution of the thesis consists of the exploration of the evolution of the foreign political doctrine expressed by Bulgaria and its contribution to the process of Elaboration of the Brezhnev Doctrine. CEU eTD Collection Table of Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................1 1. -
The Maoist Internationalist Movement on Colonialism, Imperialism, and Revolutionary Strategy
The Maoist Internationalist Movement On Colonialism, Imperialism, and Revolutionary Strategy Second Edition This book is produced and published by LOOP, the Organization for the Liberation of Oppressed Peoples, an anti-colonial, anti-imperialist solidarity organization. You can learn more about LOOP at http://fight4loop.org. 2020 Points of Unity LOOP The Organization for the Liberation of Oppressed Peoples (LOOP) is a communist organization dedicated to the advance of anti-colonial and anti-imperialist politics. Decolonization. LOOP is committed to decolonization, the repatriation of all Native land and the restoration of Native self-determination and lifeways on that land. Every inch of the settler nation now called “the united states” is stolen land, and the oppression of Native nations is rooted in this ongoing dispossession. LOOP struggles against all forms of settler colonial politics, both right and “left,” and unites with all demands and struggles which push forward the return of Native land and justice for Indigenous peoples. Anti-Imperialism. The principal contradiction in the world is that between oppressed and oppressor nations. Our commitment to a proletarian and revolutionary internationalism means that we struggle to advance this principal contradiction in the favor of the world’s oppressed peoples and nations, the global majority. LOOP recognizes that a defining feature of imperialism today is an immense drain of surplus value from Global South labor to the parasitic nations of the Global North. LOOP works for the end of imperialism and demands the repatriation of this stolen wealth to its creators, the international proletariat. Communism. LOOP’s aim is the achievement of communism, a classless society free of all forms of oppression. -
NKVD/KGB Activities and Its Cooperation with Other Secret Services in Central and Eastern Europe 1945-1989, II
NKVD/KGB Activities and its Cooperation with other Secret Services in Central and Eastern Europe 1945-1989, II. INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE NOveMbeR 19-21, 2008, PRagUE Under the auspices of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Security of the Senate of the Parliament of the Czech Republic and in cooperation with the Institute of National Remembrance and the Institute of Historical Studies of the Slovak Academy of Sciences Index INTRODUCTION . 4 PROGRAM . 6 ABSTRacTS . 16 PaneL 1 . 16 PaneL 2 . 24 PaneL 3 . 38 PaneL 4 . 50 PaneL 5 . 58 3 Introduction The activity of Soviet security units, particularly State Security known throughout the world under the acronym of KGB, remains one of the most important subjects for 20th century research in Central and Eastern Europe. The functioning and operation of this apparatus, which surpassed the activities of the police in countries with democratic systems severalfold, had a significant and direct influence on the shape of the totalitarian framework; the actions of party members of the Communist nomenclature; and the form, methods and extent of the repression of “class enemies” and, in the final instance, upon innocent representatives of various socio- political groups. Additionally, the supranational Cheka elite, created in line with Communist ideology, were not only supposed to take part in the repression of political opponents, but also in the casting of a new man (being), carrying out the will of the superior nomenclature. That was one reason why selection of members of the secret politi- cal police was so strict. 4 International cooperation is needed in order to reconstruct and present the breadth, extent and influence of Soviet security units in our key region. -
The German Question
Part II The German Question Gorbachev and the GDR 145 Chapter 7 Gorbachev and the GDR Daniel S. Hamilton The German Democratic Republic (GDR) was the illegitimate off- spring of the Cold War, in the words of one writer, the “state that can- not be.”1 Even after forty years of separate existence, the GDR never became a nation; it was never seen as a 1egitimate state by its own people, by West Germans or even by its own superpower patron, the Soviet Union.2 The illegitimate nature of the East German regime proved to be an incurable birth defect. It was also a characteristic that distinguished East Germany from its socialist neighbors. Unlike Polish, Hungarian or Czechoslovak rulers, the GDR regime could not fall back on distinct national traditions or a sense of historical continuity binding its citi- zens to its leaders. The Finnish diplomat Max Jacobson captured the essence of the GDR’s precarious position: The GDR is fundamentally different from all other Warsaw Pact members. It is not a nation, but a state built on an ideological con- cept. Poland will remain Poland, and Hungary will always be Hun- gary, whatever their social system. But for East Germany, main- taining its socialist system is the reason for its existence.3 As J.F. Brown put it, “history has been full of nations seeking state- hood, but the GDR was a state searching for nationhood.”4 This lack of legitimacy afflicted the regime during the entire 40-year existence of the East German state. Without legitimacy, the regime could never consolidate its internal authority or its external stability. -
On 10 March 1952, the Soviet Leader Iosif Stalin Proposed—Or
RuggentThe 1952ha Stalerlin Note on German Unification The 1952 Stalin Note on German Uniªcation The Ongoing Debate ✣ Peter Ruggenthaler On 10 March 1952, the Soviet leader Iosif Stalin proposed—or seemed to propose—a peace treaty that made the reuniªcation of Germany contingent on establishing a neutral status for the country, an offer that sur- prised much of the world and seemed appealing on the surface. In Moscow, Soviet Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Andrei Gromyko handed identi- cally worded notes containing a draft version of a German peace treaty to dip- lomatic representatives of the Western powers (the United States, Great Brit- ain, and France). Politicians, diplomats, and, above all, historians have long debated whether Stalin was sincere about the goals he laid out in the so-called Stalin Note.1 In the ensuing “Battle of Notes” that dragged on well into the autumn of 1952, the U.S., British, and French governments declined to engage with Sta- lin’s offer and demanded instead binding guarantees that free elections be held everywhere in Germany. After years in which the Soviet Union had shown it- self averse to holding free elections in Germany, Western leaders considered Stalin’s “offer” a propaganda coup at best and a proposal fraught with dangers at worst. Washington in particular was unwilling to abandon the integration of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) with the West. The treaties that were to make West Germany part of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) via the European Defense Community (EDC) were ready for sign- ing.2 Relationships between Western governments and the USSR had been 1. -
Protocol for Extension of the Economic and Technical Cooperation
Protocol for extension of the economic and technical cooperation between PR Bulgaria and DPR Yemen, 19 January 1978 [Source: Central State Archive, Sofia, Fond 136, Record 86, File 866, p. 11-16] Protocol for extension of the economic and scientific-technical cooperation between PR Bulgaria and People’s Democratic Republic Yemen At the invitation of the Prime Minister of People’s Republic of Bulgaria comrade Stanko Todorov, from 16 to 19 January 1978 official friendly visit to Bulgaria paid comrade Ali Nasser Mohammad – member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the United political organization National Front, member of the Presidential Council, and Prime Minister of People’s Democratic Republic Yemen. During the visit comrade Ali Nasser Mohammad was received by the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party and Chairman of the State Council of the People’s Republic Bulgaria comrade Todor Zhivkov. In the atmosphere of sincerity, friendship, frankness, and common understanding were discussed the state and the possibilities for further development of the economic relations between People’s Republic Bulgaria and People’s Democratic Republic Yemen and was reached agreement on the following issues: 1. People’s Republic Bulgaria shall render to People’s Democratic Republic Yemen goods on credit up to 4 million USD for the period 1976 on equal terms as the previous credit, which was given according to the Protocol of 29 January 1976. The List of the goods has been enclosed in Annex No. 1 2. PR Bulgaria extends the credit from 15 to 17 million currency leva, given with the Agreement for economic cooperation, which was signed in Sofia on 12 July 1974, for construction and equipment of a hotel in Aden.