ONE MORE INVASION: AIDS AND ITS KOREAN STIGMAS

By

DAVID HAZZAN

Integrated Studies Final Project Essay (MAIS 700)

submitted to Dr. Michael Gismondi

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts – Integrated Studies

Athabasca, Alberta

August, 2013 2 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract 3

Introduction 5

Research Question 7

The interdisciplinary approach, relevant disciplines, and key themes 7

Theme 1: Nationalism, xenophobia, and the AIDS invasion 8

Theme 2: ’s Masculinist Culture and Neo-Confucianism 12

Theme 3: Political exploitation of the above fears 16

Conclusion 17

References 20

3 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

ABSTRACT

AIDS worldwide is tainted with stigma. In Korea, local ideologies and conditions make the stigma different from the way it is applied elsewhere, and an interdisciplinary approach helps us understand those differences. This paper asks the question: What are Korean perceptions of HIV/AIDS stigma, how do they manifest themselves, and most importantly, where do they come from? I draw from sociology, history, and political science to analyze the problem, and

I group the analysis into three overarching and inter-related themes. First is Korea’s sense of xenophobia and fear of the outside world. This is explained through nationalist conditioning

(one country, one language, one bloodline) and a history of being constantly invaded and subjugated by larger powers. My analysis claims that HIV/AIDS is represented by Korean nationalists a different sort of “foreign invasion” that could destroy Korea’s “pure bloodline” from the outside. Second is Korea’s masculinist and sexist culture that treats women as incapable of making their own sexual decisions, especially when it comes to foreign men, who are perceived as less moral, more sexually manipulative, and more likely infected with

AIDS. This patriarchal masculinity draws on the ideology of Neo-Confucianism, adopted by

Koreans in the 14th century and still very relevant today. It is another source of AIDS stigma, which draw their power from other broad sexual ideologies, particularly the cult of female chastity. Third, is the populist political exploitation of HIV/AIDS as a threat to blood, nation, and womanhood by politicians, the media, and others seeking or wielding power. The paper concludes by arguing that a broad-based sexual education campaign is necessary to lessen the stigma of HIV/AIDS in Korea. But education is not enough, and further political 4 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

development is necessary to ensure multicultural integration and women’s rights, in order to reduce AIDS stigma to mythology. 5 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

Introduction

Since the discovery of AIDS in 1981, sufferers of AIDS and carriers of HIV the world over have been the subject of stigma and discrimination. Herek (199) writes that people with HIV and AIDS have been

evicted from their homes, fired from their jobs, and shunned by family and friends.

Early surveys of public opinion revealed widespread fear of the disease, lack of

accurate information about its transmission, and willingness to support draconian

public policies that would restrict civil liberties in the name of fighting AIDS. (p.1106)

South Korea1 has been particularly stigmatizing towards people with HIV/AIDS. A popular

Korean TV drama in 2007 told a tear jerking story about an eight year old girl infected with

HIV through a blood transfusion, who is then ostracized by her community (Lim, 2007).

There was much sympathy for the fictional girl – but there is considerably less sympathy for actual AIDS sufferers in a country where most people don’t get HIV from “innocent” methods like blood transfusion, but rather through what is viewed as sinful or unbecoming sexual behaviour. According to the same article about the TV series,

A 2005 survey showed 52 percent of 2,022 South Koreans said they would not send

their children to a school where there was an HIV carrier, according to 's

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Some 40 percent of those surveyed also

said HIV sufferers should be quarantined in special facilities, according to the survey.

(Lim, 2007)

1 Henceforth, Korea. 6 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

In Sohn & Park’s 2012 survey of high school students, they found significant stigmatization of HIV-positive individuals (p. 28). Koreans who are HIV-positive are usually afraid their secret will leak out, and they will lose their jobs (Um, 2012).

Why is this? First, we should define what stigma is, and what we mean by stigma.

Stigma as a concept was described by E. Goffman (1986) as “an attribute that is deeply discrediting” (p. 5) Regarding those who have a stigma, “We construct a stigma-theory, an ideology to explain his inferiority and account for the danger he represents, sometimes rationalizing an animosity based on other differences.” (Goffman, 1986, p. 5) Sickness as a whole is often stigmatized (S. Sontag, 1978), and AIDS particularly so (S. Sontag, 1978,

Herek 1995). Particularly relevant to AIDS is the “symbolic stigma” that goes on top of the regular stigma. According to Herek (1999), “Symbolic AIDS stigma results from the social meanings attached to AIDS. It represents the use of the disease as a vehicle for expressing a variety of attitudes, especially attitudes toward the groups perceived to be at risk for AIDS and the behaviours that transmit HIV.” (p. 1110)

Korea is a historically ethnically homogenous country, subject to repeated invasions from its neighbours and abroad, and with a strong antipathy to difference. Sexuality is constrained both by Neo-Confucianist norms inherited in the 14th century from China, and by blood nationalism. Politicians exploit fears of another “invasion” in describing AIDS, and as a result, people with HIV/AIDS, or people suspected of having HIV/AIDS, are subject to widespread discrimination. HIV/AIDS is also used as a proxy for other, less “acceptable” forms of discrimination. 7 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

This paper will use an interdisciplinary approach to explore the ideologies that surround HIV/AIDS stigma in Korea.

Research Question

My research question is: What are Korean perceptions of HIV/AIDS stigma, how do they manifest themselves, and most importantly, where do they come from?

The interdisciplinary approach, relevant disciplines, and key themes

HIV/AIDS stigma can be viewed from an innumerable number of disciplines: health studies, religious studies, sociology, psychology, anthropology, gender studies, political science, and many more. In Korea, practical disciplines regarding HIV/AIDS stigma can also include history and law. For the purposes of this study, I have chosen three main disciplines to focus on: sociology, history, and political science.

The best way to explain and integrate these often-overlapping disciplines is to work them into three themes. These themes are:

First, Korea’s sense of xenophobia and fear of the unknown, which is explained through nationalist conditioning (one country, one language, one bloodline) and a history of being constantly invaded and subjugated by larger powers. HIV/AIDS is almost always represented as being “foreign” to Korea. It represents a different sort of “foreign invasion” that could destroy Korea from outside. Sociology, history, and political science all play a 8 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

major role here: sociology explains how it functions in a social setting, history as to how it came about, and political science as to how it’s used to maintain hegemony and power.

Second, there is Korea’s masculinist and sexist culture that treats women as incapable of making their own sexual decisions, especially when it comes to foreign men, who are perceived as less moral, more sexually manipulative, and above all, more likely to be infected with AIDS. This relates especially to the ideology of Neo-Confucianism, adopted by

Koreans in the 14th century and still very relevant today. It also relates to broader sexual ideologies, particularly the cult of chastity. Sociology and history are also key in this area: women’s subjugation is a common sociological preoccupation, and history examines where it comes from and how it manifested itself unto the present time. Political science is somewhat less important here, though there are power relationships involved that are important.

Third, there is the exploitation of both the theories above by politicians and others seeking power. This relates to political science almost exclusively, and is a theme that deserves less scrutiny compared to the others, since it is wholly derivative of them.

Theme 1: Nationalism, xenophobia, and the AIDS invasion

Nationalism in Korea, like elsewhere in the world, is a new phenomenon that most people believe is very old (Anderson, 2006, p. 5). Most common in Korea is a form of “blood nationalism”, which dates back to an early 20th century revival of the legend of Tangun, the mythical “father” or the Korean people. “Based on a masculinized construction of the nation as patrilineal family, […] Tangun [was sanctified] as the originator, the bloodline, of the

Korean nation.” (N. Kim, 2008, p. 24, italics mine.) As Korean nationalists saw it, this myth 9 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

gave Koreans “their own pure bloodline”, especially in contrast to their Japanese occupiers

(Myers, 2010, p. 27). More recently, “a survey conducted in South Korea in December 1999

[…] found that 68.2 percent of the respondents in South Korea consider ‘blood’ the most important criterion for defining the Korean nation” and as a result of this racialized notion of nationality, “South Koreans feel much stronger attachment to Korean residents in Japan (62 percent) and the United States (63 percent) than they do to Japanese (18 percent) or

Americans (17 percent) living in Korea.” (G.W. Shin, 2006, p. 2-3).

AIDS is perceived as a direct foreign attack on the nation’s pure bloodline. Cheng

(2005) notes that “Rather than an issue of individual health, HIV/AIDS is construed as a national and nationalist concern.” (p. 7) The disease is carried by foreigners, or so it is believed, which means foreigners in Korea – legally or otherwise – are often subject to discrimination based on their national origins or ethnicity. U.S. soldiers, stationed in Korea since 1950, are particularly targeted as aggressive foreigners who prey on Korean women

(K.H. Moon, 2007, p. 131). Thousands of native English teachers from Canada, the U.S., and other English-speaking countries live in Korea, and are also subject to discrimination based on the perception they carry AIDS. In 2006, a moral panic was whipped up after pictures showing Koreans and English teachers dancing at a “sexy costume party” were posted on-line, and a series of mainstream and tabloid news programs and stories were printed and aired, with titles like

‘Is Korea Their Paradise? Report on the Real Conditions of Blond-haired, Blue-eyed

Teachers,’ ‘Tracking Blacklisted English Teachers Suspected of Having AIDS,’

‘White English teacher threatens Korean woman with AIDS,’ and ‘From Molestation 10 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

to AIDS Threats, the Shocking Perversions of Some English Teachers: Beware the

Ugly White Teacher.’ (Wagner & VanVolkenberg, 2012, p. 189).

There was no evidence of any sexual crime by English teachers and no registered English teacher has ever been accused of either spreading AIDS or committing a sex crime – but mandatory AIDS testing began and still continues for foreign teachers in Korea (Wagner &

VanVolkenberg, 2012, p. 181). Tellingly, ethnic Korean native English teachers, whether born in Korea or abroad, are not required to be tested (Wagner & VanVolkenberg, 2012, p.

198).

Cheng (2004) writes that “HIV/AIDS has been consistently portrayed in the Korean media as a ‘foreign disease’ contracted from foreigners and spread domestically by homosexuals and prostitutes. Such representations are also found in government reports and policy.” (p. 195-196). During the Seoul Olympics, widely considered to be Korea’s “opening to the world” after years of isolation, a serious effort was made to require foreign visitors to provide certificates that they were HIV-negative, and a special task-force was set up to enforce a ban on sex between foreigners and Koreans (Wagner & VanVolkenberg, 2012, p.

216; S. Sontag, 1989, p. 168). Cheng (2005) writes “Public discussion frequently attributes

[…] emergent sexual patterns of the young to foreign corruption, coinciding with the construction of AIDS as a foreign disease that threatens Korea on all fronts.” (p. 10) This is not a feature only of Korea, or only of AIDS. In the past,

One feature of the usual script for plague: the disease invariably comes from

somewhere else. The names for syphilis, when it began its epidemic sweep through

Europe in the last decade of the fifteenth century, are an exemplary illustration of the 11 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

need to make a dreaded disease foreign. It was the ‘French pox’ to the English,

morbus Germanicus to the Parisians, the Naples sickness to the Florentines, the

Chinese disease to the Japanese. (S. Sontag, 1989, p. 135-136)

Mottier (2008) describes how “Sexually transmitted disease carried associations of foreign invasion and treason. During the First and Second World Wars, prostitutes were thus routinely portrayed as ‘helping’ the enemy’ by contaminating patriotic soldiers.” (p. 51). In most of the world these feelings have moderated; less so here.

History is important as it shapes the attitudes people have today, and Koreans are famous for their long (if selective) memories. On the nationalist front, Korea has been subject to innumerable invasions from its neighbours and from abroad. Seth (2010) records dozens of invasions, beginning with the Chinese in 244 AD (though there were probably earlier, unrecorded wars), going steadily all the way to the twentieth century’s .

The feeling is that,

The modest-size Korean peninsula is almost completely encircled by three of the most

formidable states in history: China, Russia, and Japan. Korea has no neighbors its own

size. With the American occupation of Japan in 1945, Korea acquired a fourth

powerful neighbor: the United States. Each of these much more populous and

powerful states intervened and occupied at least part of Korea in the century after the

country was forced to open its doors to the world. (p. 499)

AIDS represents a new invasion of another sort. Cheng (2005) writes that “The

Korean race is thus tied together by their common sufferings under foreign belligerence.

AIDS is but a new guise in which this aggression has come to challenge the national body.” 12 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

(p. 15) Like foreign powers before, AIDS and its carriers have come to destroy the Korean nation, by undermining its Confucian values and contaminating its pure bloodline.

Theme 2: Korea’s Masculinist Culture and Neo-Confucianism

Neo-Confucianism is a strict form of Confucian thought that migrated to Korea in the 14th century from China. Similar to nationalism, it created a model of society that is now thought of as ancient, but in fact, according to Seth (2010), “Only by the eighteenth century did Korea become the model Confucian society that most modern Koreans see as ‘traditional.’” (p. 131)

Most importantly for this study is the status of women under the neo-Confucian system. Lie (1995), writes “Neo-Confucianism justified the subservience and inferiority of women, who were systematically excluded from political and economic life.” (p. 311) Palley

(1990) writes that while western thought has influenced Korea in the modern era, “its behavioral culture maintains and embraces some Confucian traditions, and it is slow to change.” (p. 1137) Confucianism “requires three obediences of women: to the father when young; to the husband when married; and to the son in old age.” (Palley, 1990, p. 1140)

Women’s chastity is highly prized, but men can be promiscuous with fallen women (Lee,

Kim, Lim, 2010, p. 1202; Shim, 2001, p. 136). A law against lying to virtuous (but not promiscuous) women that you would marry them after sleeping with them was only repealed three years ago by the Supreme Court (AP, 2010).

Chastity is a watermark for a woman’s worth, and an HIV-positive woman is almost always by definition someone who is not chaste. The stigma attached to Korean women with

AIDS is heavy. Women with AIDS, or who are at risk of AIDS, are portrayed either as 13 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

victims with no agency of their own, or as loose women who have rejected their appropriate roles in society. Wagner & VanVolkenberg (2012) write, “Women [were] described in the media as ‘sexual playthings’ and ‘victims’ who are being exposed by foreigners to AIDS, while also being described as whores.” (p. 210). In AIDS prevention, a major program, reminiscent of evangelical chastity campaigns in the United States, focuses on ‘purity’ with a

Confucianist, nationalist bent. Cheng (2005) describes how a leader of the Korean Anti-

AIDS Federation (KAAF)

implored [high school] students to live up to the image of Korea as a Confucian

country. The idea of Korea as the vanguard of Confucianism in East Asia persists in

popular discourse, particularly with reference to issues of morality and traditions. In

public discussions related to sexuality and sexual mores, moral rectitude and family

values are proclaimed as the Confucian values that could defend Korea against

dangerous influences from the outside world. In this plea, Kwoen beseeched the

students to align their private lives with their public roles based on Confucian

principles. (p. 12)

Because women are denied sexual agency they are often powerless to get men to use condoms. Likewise, providing condoms to prostitutes is seen as “condoning prostitution and therefore human trafficking” (Cheng, 2004, p. 199). Sohn & Chun (2007) argue that “Under conflicting pressures, females have little influence over decision-making or the use of condoms.” (p. 50-51) The KAAF makes no mention of condoms anyway, and argues that women (and men) only have the power to remain free from AIDS by being “pure” (Cheng,

2005, p. 8). 14 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

Unsurprisingly, homosexuality is largely considered deviant and wrong in Korea.

When Koreans encountered open homosexuality in Japan, they rejected it because it

“confused” the natural Confucian order of men and women (Seth, 2012, p. 196). In contemporary society is it is still largely viewed as “a disorder, a mental disorder, and a sin”

(Kim & Hahn, 2006, p. 62). Heterosexuality is important, since men are required to father children to continue the patrilineal family line. “The heterosexually oriented family system is thus an ethical virtue as well as a basic element of social norms in Korean Confucian society.”

(Kim & Hahn, 2006, p. 60) Fear of being identified as a homosexual is one reason Korean men refuse to be tested for AIDS (Shin, Kang & Moneyham, 2007, p. 30-31). Kim & Hahn

(2006) explain,

In modern Korean society, homosexuality is often described as a disease, a mental

disorder and a sin. In the early 1980s, homosexual men were misunderstood as both

HIV/AIDS ‘carriers’ and the carriers of social disease. They were figures of fear, seen

as preying on normal people. It was and still is common for all male homosexuals to

be understood as feminine or transvestites. (p. 62)

Until the 1990s, rape was classified as a crime against a woman’s chastity and not against her body (Lee, Kim & Lim, 2010, p. 1202), and rape remains one of the most underreported crimes in Korea because of the stigma attached to it (Lee, Kim & Lim. p.

1201). In the past, if a noble woman was raped she was expected to commit suicide (Shim,

2001, p. 137). All this prevents raped women from speaking out or being tested for AIDS.

But more jarring historically is rape in warfare. The most infamous example is the

“comfort women” who were forcibly taken by Korea’s Japanese occupiers to work as sex 15 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

slaves to Japanese soldiers during the Second World War. Though figures are unclear, it is estimated between 100,000 and 200,000 Korean women and girls became sex slaves to the

Japanese (M. Seth, 2010, p. 295). Since then, this has translated into anger over any perceived inter-racial coupling, particularly by a group seen as “superior” or “occupying” –

American soldiers, Japanese tourists, and English teachers being top among them. K.H.

Moon (2007) has examined the angry attitudes regarding the continued exploitation of

Korean women by American soldiers stationed in Korea. For example, Yun Kumi was a

Korean prostitute brutally murdered by US Army Private Kenneth Markle in 1992.

Before her death, she was called, like the thousands of other kijich'on (camptown)

women who have serviced U.S. soldiers since the 1950s, yanggalbo (Western whore)

by Korean society. After her brutal murder, she was extolled as sunkyolhan ttal (pure

daughter of Korea) by her compatriots. (Moon, 2007, p. 129)

Soon after, there was an incident on a subway after it appeared a U.S. Serviceman was molesting a Korean woman (it turns out the two were married and engaged in a public display of affection). Moon (2007) describes how “the general public's quick response of anger and affront reflected an acute sensitivity to a history of sexual privilege over Korean women by foreign men in uniform.” (p. 131)

As U.S. soldiers become increasingly confined to bases and camptowns, and are drawn down in numbers to fuel other missions, Native English teachers in Korea seem to have taken on their role as foreign sexual predator. As of now, they are the only group of foreigners still required to undergo mandatory, in-country HIV testing (Wagner &

VanVolkenberg, 2012, p. 207): “The HIV restrictions for foreign teachers were constructed 16 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

as a symbolic barricade against the threat of miscegenation and as an incitement for Korean women to maintain racial and sexual ‘purity’ for the good of the nation.” According to a popular anti-English teacher organization, a woman’s chastity when it comes to sleeping with foreigners is not a personal issue, but rather Korean women should “resist these advances for the good of the nation.” (Wagner & VanVolkenberg, 2012, p. 209)

Theme 3: Political exploitation of the above fears

Finally, politics plays its part as politicians and their media partners use nationalist,

Confucianist, sexist, and historical feelings around AIDS to drum up support for their parties and policies. Wagner & VanVolkenberg (2012) trace how xenophobic lobby groups have succeeded in influencing AIDS policy in Korea, not for public health reasons, but for political gain. In one Ministry of Education memorandum they cite, it states explicitly “that mandatory HIV testing ‘does not mean the government regards foreign teachers to be HIV positive or have the potential of transmission – it is just intended to assure the parents.’”

(Wagner & VanVolkenberg, 2012, p. 202) – parents who may be potential voters. Crime by foreign teachers was described as “out of control”, but when evidence was finally introduced in 2009, it showed crime by English teachers was substantially lower than that committed by

Koreans and by other foreigners in Korea (Wagner & VanVolkenberg, 2012, p.189). (Even if crime by English teachers was serious, it’s unclear how AIDS testing would address this.)

Politicians of all stripes have battled back and forth to see who can land the most punches regulating foreigners’ bodies in Korea. Wagner & VanVolkenberg and Sontag

(1989) describe how the 1988 Seoul Olympics was smeared with AIDS fears, fanned by 17 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

politicians, including then Health Minister Rhee Hai-wan. In reaction to an article in Hustler about how to have sex with Koreans before the 1988 Olympics,

More radical student demonstrators saw the article as proof that ‘[the Olympic Games]

are just an excuse for Americans to come to Korea and pollute our country with

AIDS!’ These groups distributed leaflets claiming that foreign Olympic visitors

would spread AIDS and asked Koreans to ‘Oppose Olympics which oppose Korean

peoples’ health with AIDS.’ (Wagner & VanVolkenberg, 2012, p. 216)

During Korea’s dictatorships, before 1987, protesting the behaviour of American soldiers was often illegal and camptown sex workers were simply tolerated as a necessary evil to protect South Korea from North Korea (Moon, 2007, p.138). But with the advent of democracy and the presence of foreigners outside of military bases and their surrounding camptowns, politicians and others are able to campaign on foreign AIDS fears. The media have helped, and tabloid news shows feature specials like broadcasting giant MBC’s “The

Shocking Report on Relationships with Foreigners”, which claimed – despite airing no names or proof – that a young woman had been “recently diagnosed with the [HIV] virus. She had, as the show notes, recently been in a relationship with a foreigner.” (Schurmann, 2012)

Another story was widely reported in 2009 about a “Chinese woman intentionally spreading

AIDS” in Korea. The story was a hoax, but was repeated throughout the Korean media

(VanVolkenberg, 2009).

Conclusion 18 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

Foucault (1990), Mackinnon (1997), Mottier (2008), and others have demonstrated how sexuality is culturally constructed and expands far beyond its biological roots. That much is obvious to anyone with eyes, ears, and genitals. In Korea though, it comes with more sociological, historical, or political baggage than in many countries, and certainly more than in the west, where these thinkers on sexuality originate. Still, there are common insights.

For Augustine, “Man’s fall from grace expressed the victory of the ‘corruptions of the flesh’ over moral will power, and intercourse was tainted by original sin.” (Mottier, 2008, p. 19)

For Koreans, the sin is weakening the Confucian and nationalist fabric that is perceived to hold the nation together. Political science, history, and sociology (as well as many other disciplines) are all together in examining this: some are tossed together, others are melted.

But they’re all there, evidencing the need for an interdisciplinary approach to the problem.

The importance of ending AIDS stigma in Korea is evidenced particularly by the poor knowledge most Koreans have about the disease. Sohn & Park’s 2012 study of Seoul high school students revealed,

The level of HIV/AIDS knowledge among Korean adolescents was low, as indicated

by the correct response rate of 54% (7.0 out of 13). This finding is similar [to] those

from other Korean studies for adolescents, and lower for adults. Approximately 40%-

70% of the participants believed that HIV transmission was possible by daily life

contact with [people with HIV/AIDS], such as kissing, sharing toilets and cups, and

mosquito bites. The use of condoms as an HIV prevention measure was not well

understood by the participants, as indicated by a correct response rate of 54.7%. (p.

27-28) 19 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

This ignorance stems directly from a refusal to acknowledge AIDS as a disease anyone can get, rather than an object of scorn and stigma. Even if scientific advances mean it doesn’t literally put Korean lives at risk, it does mean massive heartache, bad health, and a crushing financial burden if it is not addressed. Sex education, including information about condoms, is vital. But so too is addressing the Confucian, nationalist, and political roots of AIDS stigma in Korea, which could also be included in sex education programs. Legal reform, particularly the abolition of mandatory HIV testing for English teachers, should also be taken.

Korea has made enormous strides economically, socially, and politically in the past fifty years. It has progressed from a destitute, war-torn, agrarian dictatorship to a prosperous, urban democracy. (That the possibility of war is always on the horizon is uncomfortable and unfortunate, but is not a daily concern for most South Koreans.) It has also gone from an isolated, strictly Confucianist nation that believed in a single, “pure” Korean bloodline to a growingly multicultural, westernized nation. As Korea continues to develop, the hope is that old superstitions will fade to myth. But like all advances, in Korea and elsewhere, hope does not do the job – action and struggle do. If those who suffer from AIDS, and those who are suspected of spreading it, can organize to fight to reduce and eliminate AIDS stigma, then a major tool will have been taken from the racists, xenophobes, and sexists of both Korea and the world.

20 MAIS 700 D. Hazzan

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