Taiwanese Independence Background Guide Table of Contents

Letter from the Chair Committee Logistics Introduction to the Committee Introduction to Topic One History of the Problem Past Actions Taken Current Events Questions to Consider Resources to Use Introduction to Topic Two History of the Problem Past Actions Taken Current Events Questions to Consider Resources to Use Bibliography

Staff of the Committee

Chair Timothy Obiso Vice Chair Ellis Coldren

Coordinating Crisis Director: Julia Mullert

Under Secretary General Elena Bernstein

Taylor Cowser, Secretary General Neha Iyer, Director General

Letter from the Chair

Hello Delegates!

I am so honored to be your chair for BosMUN XIX! My name is Timothy Obiso and I am a junior majoring in Linguistics and minoring in International Relations and Chinese. My vice-chair, Ellis Coldren, and I have worked very hard to ensure that this committee is a great experience for all of you to improve your debate and general Model UN skills. I grew up in Saddle Brook, New Jersey which is “just thirty minutes outside of New York City” and very squarely in North Jersey.

I started Model UN, both staffing and competing, my freshman year of college and chairing committees is definitely one of my favorite parts of MUN. If I’m not chairing, however, I’m preparing to travel to my next conference as a member of BU’s Travel Team and Cut Team. In my free time you can find me visiting one of the many museums in Boston, probably the MFA, reading, or learning languages. Since this committee is at the intersection of a few interests of mine. I’m very excited to bring this committee to you guys and see how the weekend progresses.

As a reminder, the issues that we will discuss do impact people’s lives on a daily basis and proper respect and sensitivity is expected from all delegates. With that in mind, I cannot wait to see where you guys take things and am looking forward to lively, fruitful, and, most importantly, constructive debate from you all very soon.

If you have any questions please feel free to reach out to me by emailing me at [email protected]. I look forward to seeing you all in February!

All the best,

Timothy Obiso

Committee Logistics

As a specialized committee, Taiwanese Independence doesn’t follow strict GA-style or Crisis-style procedure, but rather exists as a middle ground between both extremes. The goal of this committee is to pass any number of Resolutions that should be drafted throughout the course of the weekend in between rounds of debate and merging. This requires more thought to be put into each resolution as the weekend progress and is less fast paced than Directives in full Crisis committees. Since this is a GA-style committee, there is no backroom to respond to crisis notes and no need to build an arc as each delegate is representing the position of their government.

Joint Personal Directives (JPDs) will be considered if two countries would like to show their support and cooperation to resolve a smaller issue under the scope of the chosen topic but these should be kept to a minimum and include conditions that only would apply to the signing countries if it has no place in a ﬁnal resolution.

Otherwise, this committee will function as a GA committee with the aforementioned exceptions and also the fact that representatives not present at the UN will be present in our committee, notably, Taiwan.

Introduction to the Committee

It is present day and you are attending a Paciﬁc Island countries conference to discuss issues relevant to today’s world and pertinent to the delegates attending. The South China Sea is of interest to many countries attending with island construction and the speed of which rapidly increasing by multiple countries. Various claims to the waters from each country and the UN further complicate the issue of jurisdiction within this heavily contested area. With a regional hegemon claiming the largest area and having the means to enforce it, is global cooperation under the current law possible?

Also located within the South China Sea, the issue of China/Taiwan relations has been an issue since the middle of the last century. While tensions do seem to be settled and less active than in previous decades, it certainly cannot be said that full harmony and unconditional peace exist within the region. Past solutions have been reached and far more have been suggested. Recognition of both nations is still a controversial issue globally and with various One China policies enacted, is a solution even possible?

These issues may seem to exist separately, but if Taiwan were given recognition, sea law would apply and further limit China’s expansive claim in the region. The role of Taiwan and the role it is assigned by the international community are both important to ensure peace and stability in the region for the future. Further, any interpretation or change to existing sea and maritime would have ripple effects on countries all over the world, should this problem be solved with a unique regional law or will this interpretation have a globally positive impact?

Introduction to Topic One

The construction of artiﬁcial islands in the South China Sea is a recent undertaking by countries in the region. A number of countries have constructed islands in the South China Sea, most notably China and Vietnam. Island building is done by pumping rock and sand on pre-existing reefs that are relatively close to sea level. Once enough sand and rock has been added so that the island exists above sea level, that island is then claimed as the territory of the country who was responsible for building it. By building these islands, countries try to further validate claims over sovereignty in the sea as well as the many resources that the South China Sea holds. According to the UN Law of the Sea, countries have exclusive access to all territory 200 miles off of its coastline. Island building has been a clever way to expand those 200 miles into international waters by claiming the water within 200 miles off the coast of the constructed islands as their sovereign territory.

Currently six bodies (China, Taiwan, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam) claim at least some part of the South China Sea with China claiming the largest part, approximately 90% of it, as solely Chinese territory based on a historical claim about the region. China has drawn the Nine Dash Line as a way to illustrate their claims of the South China Sea. The Nine Dash Line, ﬁrst announced in 1947, has been heavily criticized by the international community for being directly contradictory to international law being that it is nine non-connected lines on a map with no formal deﬁnition on any international body.

Nations that have taken part in island building also face the problem of justifying their new claims to the international community. To prove that the newly constructed islands are truly the territory of the country claiming it, many countries build ports, docks, or other buildings and structures on them. Building these islands gives countries a clear advantage in claiming international waters. This is a clear motivation for any nation looking to expand claims and gain access to not only the plentiful natural resources of oil and natural gas found in the region, but also gain control over the most essential ship trade route in Asia. This island building has also been referred to as “building facts on the ground” so that claims cannot be denied by other parties since a country does have a presence on an island off their coast, extending their territory under the UN Law of the Sea.

History of the Problem

Historically, many nations have assumed control of pre-existing islands in the South China Sea such as France in the 1930s and Japan during World War 2. After the war, the Islands were not put under direct control by a single power and left them up to interpretation by the nations interested. The PRC ﬁrst claimed these islands in 1951 during treaty negotiations with neighboring countries. In 1947, the Kuomintang (nationalist) government of China asserted the Eleven-Dash Line which was adopted by the Communist Party in 1949 and endorsed by Zhou Enlai as the Nine-Dash Line. The Geneva Accords of 1954, gave South Vietnam control of some islands within their jurisdiction based on established international law and seized them from China. During the Vietnam War in 1974, the PRC forcibly took over the Paracel Islands from South Vietnam to avoid them being seized by North Vietnam. Around the same time, the Philippines and Malaysia began to claim these islands as their own territory in domestic and international spheres. The PRC and Vietnam also had a small skirmish over the Johnson Reef area in 1988 over control of the islands where afterward China remained in control. Many skirmishes have taken place over the islands and control of the islands has no clear historical or modern answer.

Starting in 2013, China began to construct on what came to be known as the “Great Wall of Sand,” an ambitious attempt at a greater territory claim in the South China Sea closer to the internationally controversial Nine Dash Line. At this time, China also began a slow takeover of the Spratly Islands. The Spratly Islands are a group of tiny islands in the middle of the South China Sea. Many of these islands lie within the 200 mile radius of other nations that have since claimed them as their territory. Having jurisdiction over these contested islands is a way for states to begin claiming more of the South China Sea and have such a claim be recognized under UN law. Starting in May 2013, China adopted the “Cabbage Strategy” in dealing with the Spratly Islands. This strategy involves surrounding contested islands with as many ships as possible to cut off access of the country that claims it. However, many of these contested islands lie within the 200 mile radius from the shoreline. Chinese ships shut off the Philippines's access to Ayungin Shoal with dozens of their ships, stopping shipments of food and supplies from reaching the island.

History of the Problem

In recent years, the idea of an Air Identification Zone above what China claims as its territory under the Nine Dash Line has been threatened due to increasing conflict in the region. This would require all planes flying above the region to require Chinese permission to fly through. The creation of islands itself does not seem like that big of an issue, but it is essential to also consider what China is building on top of these constructed islands, military bases. Many islands are now home to naval bases and long landing strips and are actively patrolled by Chinese military. This has been defended by China as just a way to protect its rightful claims but other countries have considered the military bases as a possible act of aggression in the region.

Vietnam has also undertaken a similar kind of island building in the South China Sea. The biggest difference between China’s expansions and those of Vietnam is the perception. While China’s island building is viewed as aggressive and a contributor to recent rising tensions in the area, Vietnam’s actions have been viewed as a way to check China’s power (or dominance) in the region. It has also been generally favored by other countries in the region. Another reason for this is the difference in speed of the two developments. China’s development occurred at a much faster pace and since it came without a formal announcement, it worried nations in the region that they were preparing for a regional war or making preparations for something no other country was privy to.

Past Actions Taken

In 2011, Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan, the PRC, and Vietnam agreed on the implementation of the Declaration of Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (the DOC) to more easily respond to disputes in the region. Common ideas of protection of wildlife and access to researchers and search and rescue teams were mentioned as things that all parties could agree on. Controversial issues that remain including natural resources and the expansive claims of some countries in addition to international law were not mentioned in the provisions of this document. By 2021, the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea (the COC) should be released as it is currently being drafted cooperatively by China and other ASEAN countries.

The Shangri-La Dialogue has been primarily used as the main diplomatic track used by countries to discuss issues in the region including the South China Sea. In recent years, issues relating to the South China Sea took up a large majority of the conference.

The Nine-Dash Line

Current Events

In the dispute at Ayungin Shoal, the Hague ruled in favor of the Philippines in that they were well within previously established legality for arresting Chinese ﬁsherman illegally within their territory citing, once again, the UN Law of the Sea seeing that Ayungin Shoal was well within 200 miles off the coast of the Philippines. China ignored the ruling and has not changed their policy towards the South China Sea since.

In an effort to mediate the conﬂict, the US has kept up its commitment to patrol the South China Sea with its navy. This has been seen as a way to keep the nations in the region at bay with each other but it is a very loosely constructed argument that the presence of the US would prevent a full-scale regional war if it got to that point. The recent uptick in anti-aircraft missiles and troops stationed on those islands by multiple countries who lay claim to the islands causes worry that a violent conﬂict is shortly to come.

For the most part this issue exists solely in the diplomatic and political realm with a skirmish happening once in a blue moon. With this in mind, it is highly unlikely that this conﬂict would ever cause or lead to a war of any kind in the region. As has been said by all sides in the conﬂict, two ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) countries would never go to war over an issue that could be worked out through diplomatic veins.

1. D. Questions to Consider

1. Would creating a single, non-mutable definition of the Nine-Dash Line help ease tensions over conflicts and land claims in the South China Sea? 2. Should island building be allowed in contested waters such as the South China Sea? should it be allowed at all? 3. Should international law be changed as a whole to reflect the situation in the SCS or should a uniquely regional solution be applied? 4. What weight do historical claims play in modern solutions to island building and the conflicts arising from it?

1. E. Resources to Use

1. Encyclopedia Britannica 2. Reuters 3. Center for Strategic and International Studies

Introduction to Topic Two

Cross-Strait Relations refers to the tumultuous history between mainland China and

Taiwan. The Chinese Civil War from the years of 1945-1949 ended in a victory for the

People’s Republic of China, led by Chairman Mao and the Communist Party of China.

Facing defeat, the Republic of China, led by President Chiang Kai-Shek and the

Kuomintang(KMT) party claimed the island of Taiwan, with Taipei as the capitol. At the time of this split, the PRC recognized Taiwan as a part of China and claimed dominion over it. However, the ROC viewed themselves as an independent governing body, and became focused on strengthening their army in order to retake mainland China. To do so, President Chiang Kai-Shek suppressed Taiwanese culture and persecuted people who did not align with the KMT party. His rigid and inﬂexible policies were viewed by the public as dictatorial, and Taiwan lost a signiﬁcant amount of international support.

After years of direct attempts to do so, the PRC ofﬁcially took China’s seat at the United

Nations in 1961 on the basis that Taiwan’s policies contradicted the United Nations charter because it was not a ‘peace-loving state’. In 1979, the United States ofﬁcially cut ties with Taiwan after decades of support.

Introduction to Topic Two Cont.

The two Presidents following Chiang Kai-shek were integral in the recovery of

Taiwanese politics and culture. Constitutional reforms limited the powers of the

President, multiple political parties were established, and native-born Taiwanese were represented in government. They still claimed political autonomy over Taiwan and sought control over mainland China, but did so by re-entering the international stage rather than through military force.

The elections of Chen Sui-bian in 2000 marked the end of the KMT party’s rule and the beginning of the Democratic People’s Party. The DPP believes that Taiwan should be an independent state, but will not unless provoked by militaristic actions by the PRC, according to the “Four Noes, One Without” policy.

There are multiple viewpoints on how cross-strait relations should be resolved. The

‘One Country, Two Systems’ was presented by Deng Xiaoping, former leader of the

PRC, in 1980. According to this system, each country would maintain their own legal and economic affairs, including trade relations with foreign countries, but neither government would compete over which represents true China. ‘One Country, Two

Systems’ remains the ofﬁcial policy for the PRC’s relationship with Taiwan, but has not been actively supported since 2002. The ‘One Country, Two Areas’ was proposed in

2013, but never ofﬁcially adopted.

Introduction to Topic Two Cont.

The ‘One China’ policy was the ofﬁcial policy of the KMT, and claims that there is only one true sovereign state under the name “China”. This policy is recognized by many other nations, but some countries recognize the ROC as “true China”, and other recognize the PRC. The Democratic People’s Party, which now controls Taiwan, supports a similar policy known as ‘One Country on Each Side’, in which each country is completely independent of each other.

History of the Problem

After World War II, Mainland China and the neighboring islands were split between three governing bodies. Japan governed the eastern region, Nationalists(KMT) governed the central region, and Communists(CPC) governed areas dispersed throughout. In the

Potsdam Declaration of 1945, Japan ceased control. Before the Potsdam Declaration, the

Communist and Nationalist parties were uniﬁed against Japan in what was known as the United Front. The United Front was dissolved, creating a competition for resources and public support. Both the leader of the Nationalists, Chiang Kai-shek, and of the

Communists, Mao Zedong, initially supported a reunification of the two governing bodies. The agreements, however, were never announced due to a break out of fighting between troops. The United States responded by sending a negotiator and establishing the Marshall Mission, aimed at recreating the compromises. Again, before any agreement could be met, fighting broke out in Manchuria in 1946. Mao Zedong established the People’s Liberation Army, which effectively blocked the trade and communication routes of the Nationalists. The Nationalist government was losing popular support due to corruption and censorship within the government. Additionally, their military was funded by printing money, devaluing their currency. In February of

1947, these policies led to an uprising, resulting in the death of thousands of Taiwanese citizens who were accused of opposing the KMT and Chiang Kai-shek. This incident began an era of ‘White Terror’, when Taiwan was under martial law by their President.

History of the Problem

Governments in Mainland China after World War II

History of the Problem

The Chinese Civil War effectively ended mid-1949. The PRC accused the ROC of armed rebellion. As a last effort, the ROC appealed to the ‘Big Four’: the UK, US, France, and

Soviet Union. After receiving little to no support, the PRC established terms of peace.

By October, Mao had declared the PRC as the ruling power in Peking. The weakened

Nationalists sought refuge in Taiwan and under the rule of Chiang. However, no ofﬁcial document outlines the sovereignty of Taiwan.

The government of the Nationalist Party consists of 5 councils, or Yuan. Two of these

Yuan are traditionally Chinese: Thee Examination Yuan and the Control Yuan. The

Examination Yuan is the equivalent of a civil service commission, and the Control Yuan is responsible for government administration. The remaining three Yuan mirror the bodies of Western governments, including a Judicial, Legislative, and Executive Yuan. In addition to these councils, the constitution outlines a National Assembly, which elects the president and has the power to change the constitution. The President has the power to rule in times of unrest and command the army.

History of the Problem

The structure of the Nationalist government includes two conflicting legislative and executive bodies, but does not define the relationship between them. Because of the weak structure, Chiang Kai-shek was able to rule using emergency decrees and martial law. As mentioned above, his time in power was described as the “White Terror” due to his rigid and inflexible policies. During the “White Terror”, 14,000 Taiwanese citizens were imprisoned for supposed opposition to the Nationalist party. Chiang’s main focus was on strengthening the ROC army in order to retake mainland China. His policies and corruption led to the ROC losing its seat in the United Nations in 1961.

The loss on the UN seat caused other international organizations to withdraw their support of Taiwan, including the World Bank and Inter Monetary Fund. At the time, most organizations recognized Taiwan as part of China, but Taiwan rejected that notion, and requested allies to choose between Beijing and Taipei.

After the death of Chiang Kai-shek, the constitution was reformed by his son. By 1990, martial law had been wholly eradicated. Chiang Ching-Kuo and Lee Teng-Hui created political parties, fostered cultural diversity, and increased representation in government ofﬁcials. The President limited the powers of the National Assembly and established relationships with checks and balances between the Yuen. Taiwan re-entered some international organizations, but Taiwan still struggled for recognition.

Past Actions Taken

When the US switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing in 1979,

President Chiang Chin-Kuo established the ‘Three No’s’ policy: “no contact, no

compromise, and no negotiation” with Communist China. He was also

responsible for creating the Straits Exchange Foundation within the Executive

Yuan, to which the PRC responded with the Association of Relations Across the

Taiwan Straits.

Lee Teng-hui, the President following Chiang Chin-Kuo, shared his views on

Chinese relations, and supported Taiwanization. Taiwanization is the

cultivation of Taiwanese culture as one completely different than Chinese

culture. Under his rule, Taiwanese literature and art was taught in schools.

Chinese customs were replaced with Taiwanese customs. Taiwanese identities

were forged and strengthened during his terms. He was a member of the KMT

party, and abolished the laws put in place by China that limited the democratic

functions. The establishment of the 1992 consensus occurred during his

presidency between him and PRC leader Hu Jintao, in which they recognized

the differing viewpoints and agreed to proceed amicably. Lee Teng-hui

established Taiwan as a full democracy in which representatives were directly

elected, and became the ﬁrst elected president. His 1996 election was

threatened by the People’s Liberation Army of the PRC, which demonstrated

its military prowess closely beforehand. Past Actions Taken Chen Shui-ban became the next elected president in 2000, and was a member of the

Democratic People’s Party, ending the rule of the KMT. He held the belief that Taiwan was already an independent nation, and thus an independence movement was superfluous. His beliefs shifted slightly throughout his terms and during election seasons, but his main policy was anything that opposed the “One China” policy, which would unify the two. He created the “Four No’s and One Without Policy”, where, provided that the PRC use no military force, then Taiwan would not declare independence, change the name from the Republic of China to the Republic of Taiwan, refer to itself as its own country in the constitution, or promote unification. In his term, he dissolved the National Unification Council, set in place in 1990 in hopes that Taiwan and China would one day unify. Chen Shui-ban’s presidency, the Pan-Blue, allied with the KMT, began peacefully visiting and negotiating with mainland China.

The next elected president was Ma Ying-jeou, another member of the KMT. He claimed that cross strait relations would be solved with “no reuniﬁcation, no independence, and no war”, revising the ‘Three No’s’ Policy. His presidency increased communication with the PRC, and he opened Taiwan to Chinese tourists and stock investments. In 2008, restrictions were loosened on travel, postal services, and trade after a meeting between

Chinese and Taiwanese statesmen. This accomplished the 1979 “Three Links” proposal made by Deng Xiaoping, leader of the PRC. Ma Ying-jeou was the ﬁrst Taiwanese president to meet with an ofﬁcial in the communist party in 2015, when he met with Xi

Jinping, the Communist Party General Secretary. This reconciliation was met with some violent and nonviolent protests in mainland China, but ultimately marked an era of amity.

Current Events

Timeline of leaders of the ROC and PRC

Tsai Ing-wen was elected the president of Taiwan in 2014, and is a member of the DPP.

In line with the beliefs of that party, she advocates that Taiwan is already a sovereign nation. She openly opposes the 1992 Consensus. She hopes to replace the consensus by conducting her own Taiwanese consensus. She approaches Cross-Strait relations with the freedom and democracy of the Taiwanese people as her priority. While she supports relations with mainland China, she also speaks out against the fulﬁllment of the “Three Links”, arguing that it preferentially beneﬁts the PRC. Tsai Ing-wen has repeatedly accused the Communist Party of China of spreading fake news about her, the DPP, and Taiwan in order to meddle in the elections.

Xi Jinping, the leader of the PRC since 2012, strongly asserts the communist party’s sovereignty over Taiwan. He has declared that any movements towards independence may be met with force.

1. D. Questions to Consider

1. Should the status of the ROC change?

2. Does the One China Policy hinder productive talks about the future of the ROC

and PRC?

3. Are the ROC and PRC compatible enough with one another to reach a

consensus? Would this sort of change have to come from internal momentum or

could a change legislated upon the citizens?

1. E. Resources to Use

1. Encyclopedia Britannica! 2. Jstor 3. Gale Academic Oneﬁle

Delegate List

Argentina Belize Brazil Brunei Cambodia Chile France Guatemala Haiti Honduras Hong Kong Indonesia Japan Laos Malaysia Mongolia Myanmar The People’s Republic of China Philippines Russia Saint Kitts and Nevis Saint Vincent and the Grenadines Singapore South Korea Taiwan Thailand Tibet UK US Vietnam

Bibliography

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Reuters. “An Interactive Look at Claims on the South China Sea.” The Straits Times, 5 Oct. 2015, https://graphics.straitstimes.com/STI/STIMEDIA/Interactives/2016/02/tur f-wars-on-the-south-china-sea/index.html.

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