Olivier de Termes and the Occitan Nobility in the Thirteenth Century Ann Peal Reading Olivier de Tennes, a thirteenth century nobleman whose lands lay chiefly in that part of Languedoc bounded on the north and west by the River Aude, on the east by the Mediterranean and on the south by the Pyrenees. pursued a markedly varied career as a result of the political and religious transformation of Southern France which began during his lifetime. He altered his politica.! allegiance, strengthened hi s commitment to orthodox religion and diverted his military skills from the rebellions of his homeland to the campaigns in the East, thereby earning fame and importance. unattainable under other circumstances, in Languedoc and further afield. Although Olivier was a man of exceptional talents, hi s case reflects - albeit in part - the experience of hi s peers. It is the purpose of this paper to examine the causes and consequences of Olivier's changi ng fortunes and to compare and contrast his career with the progress of the Occitan baronage. Between the second and fifth decades of the thirteenth century, Olivier de Tennes was gradually forced to acknowledge that his region would he absorbed into the kingdom of France - a process not complete until 1285, ten years after Olivier's death. Step by step, he yielded to the northern power, each stage marked by temporary personal submission - until the last - and the surrender of valuable or stra­ tegically important property. In hetween these acts of conciliation, Olivier vigorously upheld the cause of Occitan freedom on hehalf of his lord, the Viscount of Beziers and Carcassonne. and his overlord, the Count of Toulouse. Only when their hopes were finally dashed did Olivier address him se lf, with similar energy, to the service of the victor, the King of France. The first link in the chain of events which led to Olivier's crucial change of loyalty was the Albigensian Crusade of 1209-1229. Olivier's childhood passed in an area notorious as a breeding-ground for the dual­ ist heresy, Catharism, which had spread rapidly throughout Languedoc since the mid-twelfth century. The papacy had condemned the Cathars through its councils and bulls and had sent preachers to undennine their appeal, but ultimately found force the only resort against the heretics 109 Ann Peal and their sympathizers, among whom were many Occitan magnates, including Raymond-Roger Trencavel, Viscount of Beziers and Carcassonne, and his vassal, Raymond de Termes, Olivier's father. Raymond de Termes, a hardy southern patriot, had married a lady named Ennessende of the de Coursavine family and was in possession of the castle and lordship of Termes which lay to the south of Carcassonne. He may have owned more besides, for his son Olivier is known to have enjoyed numerous holdings in Languedoc, but the full extent of Raymond's estates remains obscure. Before the crusade was many years old, Raymond-Roger Trencavel and Raymond de Termes had lost their possessions and their lives, Trencavel's titles going, in accordance with Pope Innocent Ill's theory of ecclesiastical forfeiture,l to Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, cru­ sader and royal tenant-in-chief from the lie de France, and Raymond's castle and lordship of Termes to Alain de Roucy, one of de Montfort's associates, Such confiscations marked the beginning of pol itical change in Languedoc. De Montfort eventually acquired the lands of Raymond VI, Count of Toulouse, and, in 1216, did homage both for them and the Trencavel domains to Philippe II, whose innuence over Languedoc at this time was purely theoretical, but it was not until after the deaths of de Montfort and Philippe in 1218 and 1223 that the Crown became dir­ ectly involved. Sixteen years after Raymond de Termes' surrender to the French, his sons Olivier and Bernard, now old enough to participate in the continuing conflict, yielded in their tum to a foreigner, not after a siege, but at the outset of a new campaign of a totally different character to the previous French incursions, and not to papal delegates, but to the deputy of the King of France, Marshal Gui de Levis, whose family was typical of those northern dynasties which had displaced the southern nobility from certain fiefs. Louis VIII was ready, as his father Philippe II had not been. to intervene personally in Languedoc affairs. As overlord, at least in theory, it was for him to disentangle the rival claims of the new generation, de Montfort's son Amaury, the Count of Toulouse's son Raymond VII and the son of the late Raymond-Roger, Viscount of Beziers and Carcassonne, Raymond TrencaveL Louis was also aware that the problem of heresy in Occitania might not be satisfactorily solved unless he asserted his authority in the region, lending secular might to the struggling ecclesiastical powers. His claim to feudal suzerainty in the south confirmed by Pope Honorius III, the rights of Raymond VII and Raymond Trencavel dismissed and the de Montfort interest eliminated by Amaury's withdrawal, Louis assembled an impressive force - though not nearly so impressive as chroniclers later described - in the spring of 1226. 110 Olivier de Termes and the Occitan Nobility Apprehension seized Languedoc as he marched south: Louis on an earlier expedition of 1219 had had no scruples about ordering a horrific massacre at Mannandc. Many seigneurs. the boldest resistance fighters and town consuls rushed to submit, their letters couched in the most obsequious terms. Even while the city of Avignon, besieged in June and not surrendering uinil 9 September, defied the royal troops and the Count of Toulouse's soldiers ploughed up pastures which might have nourished French warhorses, individuals, including Olivier and Bernard de Termes, nocked to make their peace with Louis. The brothers had evidently regained the confiscated family lands at Termes, perhaps after de Roucy's death in 1219, for 'eo tempore, quo dominus Ludovieus rex bone memorie venit apud Avinionern, et eandem len"am recipimus in commenda a vohis G. de Levis mareschalco ex parte ipsius domini regis: as they stated in a later act of submission of 12282 Their submission was merely a ploy. Encouraged by Louis VIII's death on his northward journey in November 1226 the Occitan barons rallied once more behind the Counts of Toulouse and Foix and continued the reconquest of southern towns which had begun in 1216. Yet within two years many, including the de Termes brothers, were kneeling abjectly again before the royal commissioners. The soldiers of Humbert de Beaujeu, Constable of France, entrusted by Queen-Regent Blanche and Louis IX with the task of subduing Languedoc, had wrought such terrible destruction in the fields and vineyards around Toulouse in the summer of 1227 that the southern magnates feared for their property. On 21 November 1228 Olivier and Bernard handed over both the fortress and the lands at Termes to the Archbishop of Narbonne, the Bishop of Carcassonne and Marshal Gui de Levis, swearing 'quod semper erimus fideles domino reg; Franchorum et heredibus suis el adjutores sui contra SUDS el Sancte Ecclesie inimicos' 3 Defections like these were among the factors which induced the Count of Toulouse, before Christmas 1228, to signify hi s willingness to do homage to Louis IX and to agree to the stringent conditions laid down in the Treaty of Meaux in the following year, which ended the crusade. By the terms of this agreement, the Crown gained sole title to the Trencavel lands and certain territories belonging to the Count of Toulouse as well as the possibility, as yet unforeseen, of acquiring the remainder of the count's properties through the marriage of Jeanne, his sole heiress, to one of Louis' brothers, Alphonse, Count of Poitiers. Henceforward, the Crown was committed to completing the conquest of the south. Olivier de Termes' third and final step in the direction of permanent subjection to French rule was occasioned by the failure of Raymond Trencavel to recover his patrimony and the collapse of Raymond VII's III Ann Peal schemes and ambitions. In 1224, as part of their revenge against the French, the Counts of Toulouse and Foix had restored Raymond Trencavel to his father's domains. Two years later, the vi scount was hustled unceremoniously out of Carcassonne by his own consuls and citizens before the arrival of Louis VIII. Hi s lord's departure induced Olivier to offer his services to the Count of Toulouse, whom many regarded as the only saviour of Languedoc. According to Guillaume de Puylaurens the count placed him, hi s future seneschal, Pons de Villeneuve. and others in charge of Labecede in the Lauragais, a recently recaptured town: 'Ipso quoque tempore turcafur costrum quod didtur BeCefG ... in quo comes Tholosanus poslierar rnunirionern \,;/'Os Sfrenuos Poncium de ViIlanm'G et O!il'orius (sic!) de Terminis ef alios hel/arores .' Humbert de Beaujeu retook Labecede in 1227 'el mililihus el peditibus nocte jilgientihus non paucis .' 4 Olivier's next deed for the count was the kidnapping, with a gang of jaidils, of the traitor Jordan de Cabaret, who died in Raymond VII's custody in 1228, and whose treachery consisted of protecting his family property by flinging himself on the mercy of Louis IX's deputies.S Other seigneurs, including Olivier, as has already been noted. later followed Jordan's lead, their sheer numbers protecting them from the count's fury. In 1229, having appeased the sovereign lord fate had wished upon him, Olivier retreated to Queribus. the sou thern mountain fastness he held jointly with the faidit Chabert de Barbaira. which did not fall into royal hands until 1255.