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'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation
ENGLAND’S ANSWER: IDENTITY AND LEGITIMATION IN BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY By STUART STROME A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2014 1 © 2014 Stuart Strome 2 To my grandfather 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank my mom, dad, grandparents, and entire family for supporting me through this taxing process. Thank you for being voices of encouragement through can sometimes be a discouraging undertaking. Thank you to the rest of my family for being there when I needed you most. I truly love you all! I would like to thank my professors and colleagues, who provided guidance, direction and invaluable advice during the writing process. They say you don’t get to choose your family yourself, although whoever up there chose it did a wonderful job. I’d like to thank all my colleagues and mentors who provided intellectual inspiration and encouragement. Most specifically, I’d like to thank my dissertation committee, Dan O’Neill, Ido Oren, Aida Hozic, Matthew Jacobs, and above all, my committee chair, Leann Brown. Dr. Brown was incredibly supportive throughout the process, kept me grounded and on track, and provided a shoulder to cry on when needed (which was often!) I’ve never heard of a committee chair that would regularly answer phone calls to field questions, or sometimes just to act as a sounding post with whom to flesh out ideas. You are an inspiration, and I am lucky to have you as a mentor and friend. -
Of the Labour Movement: Harnessing Labour Participation
2. A ‘roll call’ of the labour movement: Harnessing labour participation The Chile Solidarity Campaign’s strategy at the 1974 May Day rally was simple: assemble a strong contingent and move as close to the front as possible. The CSC was hoping that Lawrence Daly of the National Union of Mineworkers would mention Chile in his address, and they planned to hand out 15 000 copies of a special leaflet covering the situation of trade unions in Chile.1 Like participation in May Day, trade union involvement in the movement of solidarity with Chile used a range of strategies familiar to any student of democratic politics in Britain, from mass demonstrations to petitions. Union involvement in the Chile campaign was not just financial with a representative aspect as described in the previous chapter. Union actions for Chile were primarily indirect and predominantly led by groups of individuals outside the trade unions. Trade unions often relied on this particular type of indirect action in order to fulfil their internationalist obligations, and the CSC exploited the opportunistic and resource-optimising nature of British trade unions to garner support for their cause. As such, the relationship was symbiotic. Interestingly, the actions described in this chapter were taken in the style of both industrial national and social movement unionism, often at the same time. Although the origins and machinations of the first anniversary demonstration have already been explained in the previous chapter, its essential features as a public ritual are typical of many others and are worth lingering over in detail. The establishment of artistic and cultural activities, including banner making, mural painting and the use of music are, is explored in this chapter, highlighting the blend of labour tradition with social movement and new left strategy. -
City Limits: Sexual Politics and the New Urban Left in 1980S Sheffield Payling, Daisy
University of Birmingham City limits: sexual politics and the new urban left in 1980s Sheffield Payling, Daisy DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2017.1306194 License: Creative Commons: Attribution (CC BY) Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (Harvard): Payling, D 2017, 'City limits: sexual politics and the new urban left in 1980s Sheffield', Contemporary British History. https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2017.1306194 Link to publication on Research at Birmingham portal General rights Unless a licence is specified above, all rights (including copyright and moral rights) in this document are retained by the authors and/or the copyright holders. The express permission of the copyright holder must be obtained for any use of this material other than for purposes permitted by law. •Users may freely distribute the URL that is used to identify this publication. •Users may download and/or print one copy of the publication from the University of Birmingham research portal for the purpose of private study or non-commercial research. •User may use extracts from the document in line with the concept of ‘fair dealing’ under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (?) •Users may not further distribute the material nor use it for the purposes of commercial gain. Where a licence is displayed above, please note the terms and conditions of the licence govern your use of this document. When citing, please reference the published version. Take down policy While the University of Birmingham exercises care and attention in making items available there are rare occasions when an item has been uploaded in error or has been deemed to be commercially or otherwise sensitive. -
Bowing out in Style: a Critical Discourse Analysis Of
Bowing out in style: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Margaret Thatcher's and Tony Blair's farewell addresses Vegar Andreassen Hovedfagsoppgave i engelsk Det humanistiske fakultet Universitetet i Tromsø Vår 2007 1 Table of Contents Acknowledgments 4 Introduction 5 1. Theoretical framework 9 1.1. Historical outline 9 1.2. Preliminary remarks 11 1.3. Definitions and clarifications 13 1.4. Different approaches to CDA 15 1.4.1. Teun van Dijk and the Socio-Cognitive Model 15 1.4.2. Ruth Wodak and the Discourse-Historical Model 20 1.4.3. Norman Fairclough and the ‘Order of Discourses’ 23 1.5. Fields typically studied in CDA 25 1.5.1. CDA and media discourse 25 1.5.2. CDA and political discourse 27 1.6. Criticism of CDA 28 1.7. CDA and metaphors 31 2. Method and material 34 2.1. Methodology 34 2.2. Material 36 2.2.1. Socio-economic profiles of the newspapers in question 37 3. Analysis 40 3.1. The speeches 40 3.1.1. Analysis of Margaret Thatcher’s last parliamentary session as PM 40 3.1.2. Analysis of Tony Blair’s last conference speech as Labour leader 52 3.1.3. Summary and comparison of the two speeches 62 3.2. The newspaper editorials 65 3.2.1. The newspapers’ coverage of Thatcher’s speech 65 3.2.2. The newspapers’ coverage of Blair’s speech 79 3.2.3. Summary and comparison of the editorials 90 2 4. Concluding remarks 95 5. References 97 6. Appendix A: The speeches B: The newspaper editorials 3 Acknowledgments I am very grateful to professor Toril Swan at the University of Tromsø who has been my supervisor while writing this thesis. -
No 493 MARCH 1985 30P PROTESTS at UNDUE HASTE "IUNITE IRELAND"
FOUNDED 1939 Organ of (he V v ;V Connolly Association | IN THIS ISSUE Page 2 — TERROR ACT Page 3 — EEC PLOTS M OCR AT Page 4 — INTERNATIONAL Page 5 — BELFAST JOTTINGS No 493 MARCH 1985 30p ; Page 6 — IRISH SONGS Page 7 — BOOK REVIEWS LABOUR MPs Page 8 — DONAL MacAMHLAIGH virtually incommunicado on FERRY CUTS innocent people, and asked members to look at causes. THIS YEAR "I believe that ultimately the Unionists will have to ac- cept their essential Irishness WORSENING cross-channel CHALLENGE and be part of a united services will be worse still. Ten Ireland." million pound loss-making B & I is RELATIVES to form a cartel with privatised Mr John Hume, in a short but British sea-link the result of which dignified speech, protested at the will be to cut 700 sailings, and one inadequacy of the review of the can guarantee make the surviving working of the Act. Ihe person ones even less comfortable than who conducted it began his work on February 7th and finished it on they are. TERROR ACT February 15th. He did not consult, nor did he invite There will be job losses, but B & consultations, with the J. promise that these wilt be responsible organisations which "minimal." PROTESTS AT UNDUE HASTE represent the Irish Community. Mr Hume said that under this Act ! The heaviest losses will fall on nobody had the responsibility ol the Rossclare services to South telling the relatives of an arrested Wales. But Sealink will not be "IUNITE IRELAND" - Martin Flannery person. Not only should an chartering an extra vessel for the arrested person be allowed access to a solicitor, there should be an summer holiday period. -
The Culture of Football: Violence, Racism and British Society, 1968-98
The Culture of Football: Violence, Racism and British Society, 1968-98 Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation Authors Bebber, Brett Matthew Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 28/09/2021 06:10:11 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194186 THE CULTURE OF FOOTBALL: VIOLENCE, RACISM AND BRITISH SOCIETY, 1968-98. by Brett M. Bebber A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR IN PHILOSOPHY WITH A MAJOR IN HISTORY In the Graduate College University of Arizona 2008 2 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by Brett Bebber entitled The Culture of Football: Violence, Racism and British Society, 1968-1998 and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Date: 4/21/08 Laura Tabili Date: 4/21/08 David Ortiz Date: 4/21/08 Susan Crane Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate’s submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate College. I hereby certify that I have read this dissertation prepared under my direction and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement. -
Extensions of Remarks
March 8, 1988 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS 3549 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS THE IRAN/CONTRA AFFAIR constitutional system of shared powers be initiatives and were supplied misleading in tween the Congress and the President be formation. made to work in the formulation and imple Colonel North said, "I did not want to HON. LEE H. HAMILTON mentation of foreign policy in a dangerous show the Congress a single word." OF INDIANA world?" In the Iran/Contra affair, secrecy was IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES III. WHY DID THE COMMITTEES HOLD PUBLIC used to justify lies to the Congress, to the Tuesday, March 8, 1988 HEARINGS? Attorney General, to Cabinet officers and The Committees were created to find even to the CIA. Secrecy was used not as a Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Speaker, I would like to shield against our adversaries but as a insert a copy of a speech that I gave summa facts, and to investigate the process failures. Our purpose was to get the facts, not the weapon against our own democratic institu rizing the Iran/Contra affair into the CONGRES President. tions. SIONAL RECORD: The Congress gets information principally Admiral Poindexter wrote in one of his THE IRAN/CONTRA AFFAIR through holding hearings. The Select Com prof notes, "Withhold true objectives from staffs." I. WHY WERE THE HEARINGS HELD? mittees obtained large amounts of evidence through staff work and private depositions <4> Intelligence was misused. The hearings were held because in the Too often intelligence estimates were used course of the conduct of the Government's but the open hearings contributed to the public understanding of these events and as a tool to make policy look good rather business something went seriously wrong. -
A 'Fertile Ground for Poisonous Doctrines'?
A ‘fertile ground for poisonous doctrines’? ANGOR UNIVERSITY Collinson, Marc Contemporary British History DOI: 10.1080/13619462.2019.1710130 PRIFYSGOL BANGOR / B Published: 02/04/2020 Peer reviewed version Cyswllt i'r cyhoeddiad / Link to publication Dyfyniad o'r fersiwn a gyhoeddwyd / Citation for published version (APA): Collinson, M. (2020). A ‘fertile ground for poisonous doctrines’? Understanding far-right electoral appeal in the south Pennine textile belt, c.1967-19791. Contemporary British History, 34(2), 273- 298. https://doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2019.1710130 Hawliau Cyffredinol / General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. 02. Oct. 2021 A ‘fertile ground for poisonous doctrines’?1 Understanding far-right electoral appeal in the south Pennine textile belt, c.1967-1979 Historical far-right organisations have long proved pervasive, but are rarely interpreted as competitive political parties. While these minority parties and movements never secured significant representation, they influenced municipal and constituency political activity. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science Department of Government
THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT Whose party? Whose interests? Childcare policy, electoral imperative and organisational reform within the US Democrats, Australian Labor Party and Britain’s New Labour KATHLEEN A. HENEHAN A thesis submitted to the Department of Government of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy LONDON AUGUST 2014 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 91,853 words. 2 ABSTRACT The US Democrats, Australian Labor Party and British Labour Party adopted the issue of childcare assistance for middle-income families as both a campaign and as a legislative issue decades apart from one and other, despite similar rates of female employment. The varied timing of parties’ policy adoption is also uncorrelated with labour shortages, union density and female trade union membership. However, it is correlated with two politically-charged factors: first, each party adopted childcare policy as their rate of ‘organised female labour mobilisation’ (union density interacted with female trade union membership) reached its country-level peak; second, each party adopted the issue within the broader context of post-industrial electoral change, when shifts in both class and gender-based party-voter linkages dictated that the centre-left could no longer win elections by focusing largely on a male, blue-collar base. -
Communists Text
The University of Manchester Research Communists and British Society 1920-1991 Document Version Proof Link to publication record in Manchester Research Explorer Citation for published version (APA): Morgan, K., Cohen, G., & Flinn, A. (2007). Communists and British Society 1920-1991. Rivers Oram Press. Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on Manchester Research Explorer is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Proof version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Explorer are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Takedown policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please refer to the University of Manchester’s Takedown Procedures [http://man.ac.uk/04Y6Bo] or contact [email protected] providing relevant details, so we can investigate your claim. Download date:30. Sep. 2021 INTRODUCTION A dominant view of the communist party as an institution is that it provided a closed, well-ordered and intrusive political environment. The leading French scholars Claude Pennetier and Bernard Pudal discern in it a resemblance to Erving Goffman’s concept of a ‘total institution’. Brigitte Studer, another international authority, follows Sigmund Neumann in referring to it as ‘a party of absolute integration’; tran- scending national distinctions, at least in the Comintern period (1919–43) it is supposed to have comprised ‘a unitary system—which acted in an integrative fashion world-wide’.1 For those working within the so-called ‘totalitarian’ paradigm, the validity of such ‘total’ or ‘absolute’ concep- tions of communist politics has always been axiomatic. -
King Ted's a Biography of King Edward VII School Sheffield 1905-2005
King Ted's A biography of King Edward VII School Sheffield 1905-2005 By John Cornwell Published by King Edward VII School Glossop Road Sheffield, S10 2PW KES E-Mail address is: [email protected] First Edition Published October 2005 Copyright © John Calvert Cornwell 2005 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, by photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. All views and comments printed in this book are those of the author and should not be attributed to the publisher. ISBN Number 0-9526484-1-5 Printed by DS Print, Design & Publishing 286 South Road Walkley Sheffield S6 3TE Tel: 0114 2854050 Email: [email protected] Website: www.dspad.co.uk The cover design is by Andrew Holmes, a KES Y13 Sixth Form student in 2005. The title page from a watercolour by Ben Marston (KES 1984-90), painted in 1993. CONTENTS FOREWORD...................................................................................................................7 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.............................................................................................8 TOM SMITH’S LEGACY 1604-1825...........................................................................13 THE TAKEOVER 1825-1905.......................................................................................22 WESLEY COLLEGE - A PALACE FOR THE CHILDREN OF THE KING OF KINGS....36 MICHAEL SADLER’S MARRIAGE PROPOSAL 1903 - 1905...................................58