Black Liberation Army Communique
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Black Panther Party “We Want Freedom” - Mumia Abu-Jamal Black Church Model
Women Who Lead Black Panther Party “We Want Freedom” - Mumia Abu-Jamal Black Church model: ● “A predominantly female membership with a predominantly male clergy” (159) Competition: ● “Black Panther Party...gave the women of the BPP far more opportunities to lead...than any of its contemporaries” (161) “We Want Freedom” (pt. 2) Invisibility does not mean non existent: ● “Virtually invisible within the hierarchy of the organization” (159) Sexism does not exist in vacuum: ● “Gender politics, power dynamics, color consciousness, and sexual dominance” (167) “Remembering the Black Panther Party, This Time with Women” Tanya Hamilton, writer and director of NIght Catches Us “A lot of the women I think were kind of the backbone [of the movement],” she said in an interview with Michel Martin. Patti remains the backbone of her community by bailing young men out of jail and raising money for their defense. “Patricia had gone on to become a lawyer but that she was still bailing these guys out… she was still their advocate… showing up when they had their various arraignments.” (NPR) “Although Night Catches Us, like most “war” films, focuses a great deal on male characters, it doesn’t share the genre’s usual macho trappings–big explosions, fast pace, male bonding. Hamilton’s keen attention to minutia and everydayness provides a strong example of how women directors can produce feminist films out of presumably masculine subject matter.” “In stark contrast, Hamilton brings emotional depth and acuity to an era usually fetishized with depictions of overblown, tough-guy black masculinity.” In what ways is the Black Panther Party fetishized? What was the Black Panther Party for Self Defense? The Beginnings ● Founded in October 1966 in Oakland, Cali. -
The History of the Black Panther Party 1966-1972 : a Curriculum Tool for Afrikan American Studies
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-1990 The history of the Black Panther Party 1966-1972 : a curriculum tool for Afrikan American studies. Kit Kim Holder University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation Holder, Kit Kim, "The history of the Black Panther Party 1966-1972 : a curriculum tool for Afrikan American studies." (1990). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 4663. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/4663 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE HISTORY OF THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY 1966-1972 A CURRICULUM TOOL FOR AFRIKAN AMERICAN STUDIES A Dissertation Presented By KIT KIM HOLDER Submitted to the Graduate School of the■ University of Massachusetts in partial fulfills of the requirements for the degree of doctor of education May 1990 School of Education Copyright by Kit Kim Holder, 1990 All Rights Reserved THE HISTORY OF THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY 1966 - 1972 A CURRICULUM TOOL FOR AFRIKAN AMERICAN STUDIES Dissertation Presented by KIT KIM HOLDER Approved as to Style and Content by ABSTRACT THE HISTORY OF THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY 1966-1971 A CURRICULUM TOOL FOR AFRIKAN AMERICAN STUDIES MAY 1990 KIT KIM HOLDER, B.A. HAMPSHIRE COLLEGE M.S. BANK STREET SCHOOL OF EDUCATION Ed.D., UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS Directed by: Professor Meyer Weinberg The Black Panther Party existed for a very short period of time, but within this period it became a central force in the Afrikan American human rights/civil rights movements. -
JOANNE DEBORAH CHESIMARD Act of Terrorism - Domestic Terrorism; Unlawful Flight to Avoid Confinement - Murder
JOANNE DEBORAH CHESIMARD Act of Terrorism - Domestic Terrorism; Unlawful Flight to Avoid Confinement - Murder Photograph Age Progressed to 69 Years Old DESCRIPTION Aliases: Assata Shakur, Joanne Byron, Barbara Odoms, Joanne Chesterman, Joan Davis, Justine Henderson, Mary Davis, Pat Chesimard, Jo-Ann Chesimard, Joanne Debra Chesimard, Joanne D. Byron, Joanne D. Chesimard, Joanne Davis, Chesimard Joanne, Ches Chesimard, Sister-Love Chesimard, Joann Debra Byron Chesimard, Joanne Deborah Byron Chesimard, Joan Chesimard, Josephine Henderson, Carolyn Johnson, Carol Brown, "Ches" Date(s) of Birth Used: July 16, 1947, August 19, 1952 Place of Birth: New York City, New York Hair: Black/Gray Eyes: Brown Height: 5'7" Weight: 135 to 150 pounds Sex: Female Race: Black Citizenship: American Scars and Marks: Chesimard has scars on her chest, abdomen, left shoulder, and left knee. REWARD The FBI is offering a reward of up to $1,000,000 for information directly leading to the apprehension of Joanne Chesimard. REMARKS Chesimard may wear her hair in a variety of styles and dress in African tribal clothing. CAUTION Joanne Chesimard is wanted for escaping from prison in Clinton, New Jersey, while serving a life sentence for murder. On May 2, 1973, Chesimard, who was part of a revolutionary extremist organization known as the Black Liberation Army, and two accomplices were stopped for a motor vehicle violation on the New Jersey Turnpike by two troopers with the New Jersey State Police. At the time, Chesimard was wanted for her involvement in several felonies, including bank robbery. Chesimard and her accomplices opened fire on the troopers. One trooper was wounded and the other was shot and killed execution-style at point-blank range. -
Looking at the BUFP &
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Independent radical black politics: Looking at the BUFP & BLF First Published: October 2017. https://wordpress.com/post/woodsmokeblog.wordpress.com/1499 Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti‐Revisionism On‐Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. There is a history after Empire Windrush docking in 1948. Since then the involvement of black Britons in the assertion of their own equality in post-war Britain receives little recognition or acknowledgement. There is a rich vein to explore and acknowledge with the varied and complex history of self-organizing within different minority communities that have help shaped British society through expression of their political awareness, active democracy and involvement against the racism of state and society, raising the demands for equality and justice. Even a narrow focus on any decade in recent British history brings to light a varied and complicated history of struggles for civil rights and justice to be respected in terms of family rights, immigration, employment, defence of communities from racist attacks and policing that was as vibrant and heroic as its American counterpart. The organisation of independent and emphatic opposition -
Afrikan Revolutionary Assassinated!!!
VOLUME·1 1 NUMBERII FEBRUARI1973 15 CENTS AFRIKANREVOLUTIONARY ASSASSINATED!!! concrete PanAfrikanism linking The news of the assassination of Afrikans in the West with Afrikans on Brother Amilcar Cabral should come the continent, so Brother Cabral, as a shattering shock to all Afrikan when he began to move past the people and all people who are seriously involved in the Liberation of theories of PanAfrikanism into the Afrikan people as well as the concrete establishment of Liberation of all oppressed people all PanAfrikanist ties, was also mur over the world. Brother Cabral, dered . Secretary-General of (PAIGC) We accuse the American govern Afrikan Party for the Independence of ment with active , decisive support of Guinea -Bissau and Cape Verde this blow against Afrikan Liberation. Islands, was a leader in the struggle It's no secret that Hitler-Nixon and of World Afrikan Liberation, a true his fascist advisors not only support PanAfrikanist whose intellectual Portuguese colonialism in the United understanding of revolution was Nations, but with the tax money of matched only by his actual com American citizens, and in a country mittment as leader of an Afrikan Amilcar Cabral with at least 30 million Afrikans living revolutionary party engaged in ar colonialism to murder him. Brother that the National Assembly of Guinea within it, it's shocking that white med struggle . Cabral's thrust at linking up the Bissa u had been formed in December, racists should continue to act as if President Toure has already ac struggle between Afrikans on the that Secretary-Gene ral Cabral had there were no Afrikans living in cused the forces of Portuguese continent and Afrikans of the Western announced plans of Guinea-Bissa u to America. -
ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation
ABSTRACT Title of dissertation: SLAVE SHIPS, SHAMROCKS, AND SHACKLES: TRANSATLANTIC CONNECTIONS IN BLACK AMERICAN AND NORTHERN IRISH WOMEN’S REVOLUTIONARY AUTO/BIOGRAPHICAL WRITING, 1960S-1990S Amy L. Washburn, Doctor of Philosophy, 2010 Dissertation directed by: Professor Deborah S. Rosenfelt Department of Women’s Studies This dissertation explores revolutionary women’s contributions to the anti-colonial civil rights movements of the United States and Northern Ireland from the late 1960s to the late 1990s. I connect the work of Black American and Northern Irish revolutionary women leaders/writers involved in the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Black Panther Party (BPP), Black Liberation Army (BLA), the Republic for New Afrika (RNA), the Soledad Brothers’ Defense Committee, the Communist Party- USA (Che Lumumba Club), the Jericho Movement, People’s Democracy (PD), the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP), the National H-Block/ Armagh Committee, the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA), Women Against Imperialism (WAI), and/or Sinn Féin (SF), among others by examining their leadership roles, individual voices, and cultural productions. This project analyses political communiqués/ petitions, news coverage, prison files, personal letters, poetry and short prose, and memoirs of revolutionary Black American and Northern Irish women, all of whom were targeted, arrested, and imprisoned for their political activities. I highlight the personal correspondence, auto/biographical narratives, and poetry of the following key leaders/writers: Angela Y. Davis and Bernadette Devlin McAliskey; Assata Shakur and Margaretta D’Arcy; Ericka Huggins and Roseleen Walsh; Afeni Shakur-Davis, Joan Bird, Safiya Bukhari, and Martina Anderson, Ella O’Dwyer, and Mairéad Farrell. -
Black News Table of Contents
Black News Table of Contents Boxes 7 through 11 of the Civil Rights in Brooklyn Collection Call Number: BC 0023 Brooklyn Public Library – Brooklyn Collection Box 7: Location MR 1.5 Vol. 1 No. 1, October 1969 Willie Thompson “Black News “of Bedford Stuyvesant The Uhuru Academy Explanation Of the So-called Generation Enemies of the Black Communities Gap Radical Approach toward low-income housing Vol. 1 No. 4, November 15, 1969 The Black study circle Christmas Nigger “The Beast” ( a poem) Harlem’s demand for self-determination Make it, Buy it, or Take it Black Study Circle Black soul plays Understanding Enemies of the Black community All out race war in U.S. Marines…1970 The Black Ass Kickin' Brigade The Healer Forced out of their Home Modern Cities and Nigger incompetence “One Bloody Night” What’s on? No School! protest Bobby Seale From Sister to Sister Are policemen really pigs or worse? Vol. 1 No. 2, October 1969 Liberty House Ocean Hill Brownsville –Revisited-1969- Keep the grapevine buzzin Less Campbell Lindsay owes his body and soul Seminar for Black women Enemies of the Black Communities Black people spend $35 billion annually “The Death Dance” (a poem) Post Revolution thought ( a poem) Community control of the land “I Love America” (a poem) Vol. 1 No. 5 December 1, 1969 Another Black patriot doomed by the pig Rapping on Racists America is so beautiful in the Autumn The arrogance of Model Cities Ho Chi Minh – The man and his plan The soap-opera syndrome “The Needle”(a poem) His Master’s voice A Black father’s one man crusade against Vol. -
Black Revolutionary Icons and `Neoslave' Narratives
Social Identities, Volume 5, N um ber 2, 1999 B lack Revolutionary Icons and `N eoslave ’ Narrative s JOY JAMES U niversity of C olorado Over the centuries that America enslaved Blacks, those men and women most determined to win freedom became fugitives, ¯ eeing from the brutal captivity of slavery . Many of their descendants who fought the Black liberation struggle also became fugitives. These men and women refused to endure the captivity awaiting them in retaliation for their systematic effort to win freedom. But unlike runaway slaves, these men and women fought for a more expansive freedom, not merely as individuals, but for an entire nation, and sought in the face of interna- tionally overwhelming odds to build a more humane and democratic political order. (Kathleen Neal Cleaver, 1988) As a slave, the social phenomenon that engages my whole consciousness is, of course, revolution. (George Jackson, 1972) Neoslave Narrative s Historically, African Americans have found themselves corralled into dual and con¯ ictual roles, functioning as either happy or sullen slaves in compliant conformity or happy or sullen rebels in radical resistance to racial dominance. The degree to which historical slave narratives continue to shape the voices of their progeny rem ains the object of some speculation. In his introduction to Live from Death Row: This is M umia Abu-Jam al,1 John Edgar Widem an argues that many Americans continue to encounter black life and political struggles through the `neoslave narrative’ (popularise d in the 1970s by the television miniseries Roots based on Alex Haley’s ® ctional text of the same title). -
Women in the Black Panther Party: an Internal Struggle for Power, Equality, and Survival
TCNJ JOURNAL OF STUDENT SCHOLARSHIP VOLUME XVII APRIL, 2015 WOMEN IN THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY: AN INTERNAL STRUGGLE FOR POWER, EQUALITY, AND SURVIVAL Author: Robert James Seither Faculty Sponsor: Keisha Blain, Department of History ABSTRACT This essay examines the complex gender relations in the Black Panther Party (BPP). At the outset, hyper- masculine ideals drove the party forward as an organization of powerful men. This intrigued many African American males struggling to find an identity. Throughout the late 1960s and early 1970s, gender roles significantly changed within the party as male leaders were arrested or killed by police and opposing federal groups, and women began to move up the ranks in numbers and leadership. The gains made by women during their continued push for this equal footing made significant improvements for the Black community and kept the party afloat at its weakest times. Though women were eventually able to hold executive roles, true gender equality could never be achieved in the BPP given the party leaders’ sexist views and the party’s strict gender hierarchy. The continued struggle became a divisive issue that played a large part in the Party’s eventual demise. INTRODUCTION In the mid- to late 1960s, many African Americans became tired of the slow and sometimes superficial gains that the nonviolent advocate leaders like Martin Luther King Jr. were making. Drawing on many of the teachings of Malcolm X, and earlier Black nationalists, Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale formed the BPP in Oakland, California in 1966 with the purpose of empowering the Black male and providing armed self-defense against police brutality. -
I:\2016==GR Sharma Formating Jo
Journal of Criminal Justice and Law Review Vol. 5 • Nos. 12 • JanuaryDecember 2016 Racial slavery, that “peculiar institution” of the American South, has proven to be one of the United States’ most enduring. In the immediate aftermath of the Civil War, it was repackaged and re-articulated as a convict underclass. The justification for the marginalization of that convict underclass, a group I refer to as the “criminal caste,” was often articulated in the same terms that had been used to justify racial slavery, a pattern that reflected an underlying commitment to white supremacy. The purpose of this article is to examine the role of historical white supremacy, articulated through colorism and the systematic denigration of blackness, in the construction of a criminal caste in New Orleans. As historian Adam Rothman observed, the Americans who moved west from Virginia and the Carolinas to settle the fertile lands of the Lower Mississippi River Valley, took their values with them as they sought to transmute the wild frontier of Louisiana into “slave country” (Rothman, 2007). Central to those values was a racialized caste system that stipulated black bondage as a necessary counterpoint to white liberty. The internal logic of that caste system demanded that where whiteness signified privilege, blackness necessarily signified subordination; where whiteness signified virtue, blackness signified degeneracy and brutishness. Where whites signified, as a group, the American citizenry, blacks (and non-white people, more generally) signified subjects of the American state, separate from the body politic and unfit for citizenship. This sensibility was, in fact, articulated explicitly by Chief Justice Roger B. -
U.S. Department of Justice Federal Bureau of Investigation Washington, D.C. 20535 August 24, 2020 MR. JOHN GREENEWALD JR. SUITE
U.S. Department of Justice Federal Bureau of Investigation Washington, D.C. 20535 August 24, 2020 MR. JOHN GREENEWALD JR. SUITE 1203 27305 WEST LIVE OAK ROAD CASTAIC, CA 91384-4520 FOIPA Request No.: 1374338-000 Subject: List of FBI Pre-Processed Files/Database Dear Mr. Greenewald: This is in response to your Freedom of Information/Privacy Acts (FOIPA) request. The FBI has completed its search for records responsive to your request. Please see the paragraphs below for relevant information specific to your request as well as the enclosed FBI FOIPA Addendum for standard responses applicable to all requests. Material consisting of 192 pages has been reviewed pursuant to Title 5, U.S. Code § 552/552a, and this material is being released to you in its entirety with no excisions of information. Please refer to the enclosed FBI FOIPA Addendum for additional standard responses applicable to your request. “Part 1” of the Addendum includes standard responses that apply to all requests. “Part 2” includes additional standard responses that apply to all requests for records about yourself or any third party individuals. “Part 3” includes general information about FBI records that you may find useful. Also enclosed is our Explanation of Exemptions. For questions regarding our determinations, visit the www.fbi.gov/foia website under “Contact Us.” The FOIPA Request number listed above has been assigned to your request. Please use this number in all correspondence concerning your request. If you are not satisfied with the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s determination in response to this request, you may administratively appeal by writing to the Director, Office of Information Policy (OIP), United States Department of Justice, 441 G Street, NW, 6th Floor, Washington, D.C. -
The Urban Guerrilla in the United Terrorism, on the Other Hand, Is Usu States Is Consiclelclble
If you have issues viewing or accessing this file contact us at NCJRS.gov. -----.--- -- --- - . -, {I'- " ';;'-~~'~~~~"".---- I.'T ~morilimalmosf ··always in l/olvesYiolence. ~ .' But the urban gu~rdlfa can .ti~e almost any ac:tiv ity ... thaUS' desIgned to disrupt __.... .....:fheJunctioningof government or By he I~stablishmeht/o'" . THOMAS J.DEAKIN Spaded Agent .. F~derl\ll BUl'ea~.· of InvestigCltfon .' .' Washington, Pi.C. T he influence of urban guerrilla of this genre of revolutionary activity day's political world, urban guerrilla theories developed in other countries as it is practiced here and illuminates warfare can be defined as criminal during the past several decades on some of the dilemmas encountered by conduct for revolutionary purposes. would-be terrorists in the United the urban guerrilla in the United Terrorism, on the other hand, is usu States is consiclelclble. To understand States. ally violent criminal activity designed to intimidate for political purposeiJ. the development of urban guerrilla Such an examination requires, first, The distinction is in goals sought, and activity in this country, it is neces a definition of terms, although the only sometimes in methods used. The sary to examine its historical and media uses "terrorist," "urban guer- guerrilla is working toward revolu geographic antecedents. This examina rilla," and "revolutionary" almost tion. The terrorist acts to focus att.en tion helps focus on the peculiar nature interchangeably. In the context of to- tion on a particular grievance. r-~~~~~~"~~""~"~"" ____ iL-. October 1974 MICROFICHE A word on the distinction between urban and rural guerrillas: While the difference would appear to be simply geographic, there exists an argument /THE URBAN GUERRILLA between proponents of the two types of guerrilla warfare.