Official Background Guide
Model United Nations at Chapel Hill XVIII
February 22 – 25, 2018
The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Table of Contents
Letter from the Crisis Director …………………………………………………………………… 3
Letter from the Chair …………………………………………………………………………… 5
Key Terms ……………………………………………………………………………………… 6
Indo-Pakistani Wars and the Kashmir Issue ……………………………………………………… 7
Importance of and Case for Kashmir …………………………………………………………… 12
Nuclear Weapons and Terrorism ……………………………………………………………… 15
Present Situation ……………………………………………………………………………… 19
Questions to be Addressed ……………………………………………………………………… 22
Further Reading ………………………………………………………………………………… 22
Position List …………………………………………………………………………………… 23
JCC: India vs. Pakistan Page 2
Letter from the Crisis Director Dear Delegates,
My name is Val Ong and I will be your crisis director for this Joint Crisis Committee of the Kargil War, a committee encompassing a few critical years of Indo-Pakistani relations. This committee is extremely relevant to numerous areas of international relations, as it touches on terrorism, nuclear proliferation, sectarian violence, and international crisis management. However, what makes this committee stand out is how, in spite of its importance to modern South Asian history and international relations more broadly, it has been relegated to obscurity. One of the principle aims of this committee will be to serve as an educational platform on a key conflict, whose ripple effects are still felt, yet rarely mentioned, today. I hope to see a lot of high-quality debates around some incredibly grave issues, as well as a fair amount of political intriguing behind the scenes. Delegates should note the committee will begin in late October/early November 1998.
About myself: I am a junior studying U.S. History and Peace, War and Defense, and am currently typing this letter in India, where I am studying abroad for the Fall 2017 semester. My Hindi/Urdu is fairly good, so if any delegates wish to go the extra mile and learn the language, it would be much appreciated.
I have participated in Model UN for the past three years, during which time I have partook in MUNCH, UNCMUNC, our college conference, and the Travel Team. Outside of Model UN, I participate in Musical Empowerment, a college-based non-profit dedicated to providing music lessons to underserved members of the community, where I teach guitar. I am also a member of the Dialectic and Philanthropic Society, the oldest student organization at UNC, and work with The Internationalist, an up-and-coming undergraduate research journal on international affairs. In addition, I am currently undergoing the trials and tribulations of applying to law school, which takes up a surprising amount of my time. In my free time, I enjoy playing with my dogs, a nice cup of coffee, and the occasional Netflix binge session.
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If you have any questions about the committee, Model UN, or UNC in general, feel free to reach out to me ahead of the conference at the email address below. I look forward to meeting you all in person and a great conference.
Sincerely, Richard Denton “Val” Ong [email protected]
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Letter from the Chair
Esteemed Delegates,
I and the rest of the India-Pakistan JCC staff have the distinct pleasure of welcoming you to the 18th installment of Model United Nations at Chapel Hill! My name is Christina Quigley and I am a senior here at the University of North Carolina studying Economics. Having served as a staffer, Chargé de Affairs, and Director-General for the conference in the past, I’m delighted to complete my MUNCH experience as a Chair for the conference.
Set in the bustling metropolis of Chapel Hill, North Carolina, this year’s conference promises a diverse spread of topics about which to debate, from 16th century Japanese politics, to the inner workings of the Malaysian Parliament, to the diverse and complex issues faced by the different UN sectors. Aside from providing a unique set of topics, MUNCH prides itself on offering an extremely fast-paced crisis experience complete with an engaged set of staffers to bring delegates’ ideas to life throughout the weekend. The India-Pakistan Committee will be no exception. We have worked tirelessly to provide a realistic and intensive crisis simulation and are so excited to bring it to life throughout the weekend.
With this in mind, we hope to exceed the expectations of returning MUNCH delegates and create an appetite for the conference among those attending for the first time. This year, we are optimistic in doing so—the numbers reflect the immense amount of effort put into the conference, including over 500 delegates and around 70 Chairs, Crisis Directors, and staffers.
We are absolutely thrilled to finally have you here in Chapel Hill and hope you will see for yourself the unique crisis experience the India-Pakistan committee has to offer!
Sincerely,
Christina Quigley
Chair for the Pakistan Committee
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Key Terms
LOC – Line of Control
J&K – Jammu and Kashmir
LeT – Lashkar-e-Taibba
JKLF – Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front
ISI – Inter-Services Intelligence, the Pakistani CIA
Kt – Kiloton of TNT
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Indo-Pakistani Wars and the Kashmir Issue
The roots of the Indo-Pakistani rivalry date back to the founding of the two nations in 1947, when India became independent from the British Empire and was partitioned into two states,
Pakistan and India. The extremely controversial partition took effect August 15, 1947, producing two nations along religious lines and causing the displacement of over 14 million people and deaths ranging in estimates from several hundred thousand to two million. The issue of the contested territories of Jammu and Kashmir arose from partition and although it was originally a legal issue, it has since become a far greater struggle over religion, culture, and power in Southern Asia.
When the British Raj was partitioned with the Indian Independence Act of 1947, it was specified that the rulers of the Indian princely states -political entities controlled by monarchs who had been subject to British rule- would choose which nation to join. The Hindu Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir, Hari Singh, decided joining India would infuriate his predominantly Muslim population, and so elected to remain independent. However, in the Muslim western areas of J&K, specifically in Poonch, Muslim militias led by Muhammad Ibrahim Khan began a rebellion against the high taxes of the Maharaja, which was swiftly put down in August, 1947. However, this prompted Pakistan to cut off all movement and trade with J&K in order to protect their Muslim brethren. After high tensions for a few weeks amidst the chaos of the partition, Pakistan troops and
Pashtun tribesmen from northwestern Pakistan invaded J&K in October under the pretext of supporting the Muslims therein. As soon as Pakistan invaded, Maharaja Singh reached out to India for assistance and signed an accession agreement that ceded Jammu and Kashmir to India, so as to protect his people from the Pakistani invasion. India was able to successfully airlift troops to
Srinagar, the provincial capital, where Indian forces defeated the initial invasion. The war continued until January 1, 1949, where a ceasefire was declared under Security Council Resolution 47 and the
UN Commission for India and Pakistan, but disagreements over both who rightfully ruled J&K and
JCC: India vs. Pakistan Page 7 regional disarmament led to the failure of the commission to produce a lasting peace. Although the commission initially intended to hold a plebiscite in Jammu and Kashmir to decide the region’s fate, the Indian government under Prime Minister Nehru backed out for fear of the Muslim population joining Pakistan.
During the 1950s, the two nations took very different paths. Pakistan aligned itself with the
United States in the Cold War, gaining sizeable military aid and support from Washington as a result.
However, in 1958, Gen. Ayub Khan led a military coup de’tat to seize control of the government and appoint himself president. India, meanwhile, remained steadfastly non-aligned in the Cold War under the long Prime Ministership of Jawaharlal Nehru from independence in 1947 until 1964, during which time India established a stable democratic constitutional order. However, peace between India and Pakistan was not to last. The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, the second in the three wars so far, lasted from August, 1965 until September of the same year. After the Indian loss to
China in the Sino-Indian War of 1962, Pakistani President Ayub Khan believed both India’s military too weak to withstand a focused Pakistani campaign to seize Kashmir, and the Muslim populace in the region to be sympathetic to Pakistan. Furthermore, the development of an alliance with the
United States as part of SEATO, and subsequent American military assistance, led to Pakistan having a qualitative edge over the Indian forces. Pakistan launched Operation Gibraltar, in which approximately 30,000 irregular forces infiltrated Indian-occupied Kashmir disguised as member of the populace, with the intent to foment armed insurrection against the Indian government.
However, the plan failed due to poor coordination, Indian intelligence on the operation, and the loyalty of the populace towards India. The failure of Operation Gibraltar led to the outbreak of full scale war between the two nations which until September 23. The war led India and Pakistan developing strategic ties with the Soviet Union and People’s Republic of China respectively, so as to gain diplomatic, economic and military support to outcompete their rival. The war proved
JCC: India vs. Pakistan Page 8 indecisive, although is widely seen as a Pakistani strategic defeat, with the Tashkent Declaration forcing both sides to withdraw to the 1949 ceasefire line and agree not to meddle in each other’s internal affairs.
The 1965 war was followed shortly by the 1971 war, which like the 1965 war, lasted only a few weeks. Linguistic, cultural and lack of political representation between West and East Pakistan, which is today Bangladesh, led Eastern Pakistani political movements to push for independence. In response, Pakistani President Yahya Khan ordered Operation Searchlight, in which the Pakistani military committed genocide against the Bengali people of East Pakistan, under the pretext of preventing oppression of Biharis. Up to 3 million people were killed in the violence over the course of eight months. In response, the Bangladesh Liberation War began, which saw widespread defections of Bengalis from the Pakistani government, guerilla warfare against the Pakistani military and international solidarity movements for the people of Bangladesh. Pakistan turned increasingly jingoistic as 1971 wore on, with the popular Crush India campaign going into full swing that fall; this was partially due to Indian support for Bengali liberation groups, including terrorist organizations.
As over 10 million refugees streamed from Bangladesh into India over the course of the war, India was forced to take action. As both sides prepared for war, Pakistan decided to launch 11 preemptive air strikes against India on December 3, 1971. India responded by launching a three-pronged assault into East Pakistan, successfully surrounding the capital Dacca and forcing an end to the war by
December 16. The war produced the independence of Bangladesh, a defeat for Pakistan at the hands of the larger Indian military, and led to the Simla agreement, which restored relations to their pre- war status.
The 1980s saw the growth of the Kashmiri independence movement, which has sought to secede from India and has received ample support from Pakistan. The Jammu and Kashmir
Liberation Front (JKLF) began operating in the region in 1984 out of Muzaffarabad in Pakistani
JCC: India vs. Pakistan Page 9 controlled Azad Kashmir. Pakistan, after successfully supporting Islamist groups in the Soviet War in Afghanistan, began supporting the JKLF and the more religiously fanatical Jamaat-e-Islami
Kashmir (JIJK) during the 1980s. In 1987, the Muslim United Front (MUF), a united coalition of
Islamic political parties, received wide majorities in the provincial elections, but won only four out of
43 contested constituencies. Farooq Abdullah, leader of the provincial branch of the secular Indian
National Congress party, was believed to have led widespread electoral fraud against the MUF.
Resentment over the 1987 election contributed directly to the beginning of the insurgency in 1989, which started with an influx of Afghan Mujahadeen -the Islamist fighters who resisted the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan with the support of the CIA- into Kashmir. As Pakistan, we know the
Indian forces in J&K engage in brutal repression of the independence movement, committing human rights abuses on a daily basis. Although we may support some freedom fighters in their struggle against India’s illegal occupation of Kashmir, we do so in the right, and any accusations by
India of supporting terrorism are absolutely groundless.
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This map details the various regions of Jammu and Kashmir, as well as their respective holders.
Another area of tension between the two nations is on the Siachen Glacier. The Siachen
Conflict, which began in 1984, has also seen bloodshed between India and Pakistan. Taking place on the highest battlefield on Earth, the conflict began when India’s Operation Meghdoot seized control over the glacier, which was previously unoccupied and unclaimed. Since then, Pakistani and Indian forces have skirmished on the frozen and inhospitable chunk of ice, battling in some of the most difficult conditions in the history of warfare. Combat has been almost constant since its inception, but it remains at a low intensity. Nevertheless, this conflict continues to be a thorn in the side of both Pakistan and India, as each side tries to outdo the other in their constant jockeying for strategic positioning.
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Importance of and Case for Kashmir
Kashmir is absolutely critical to Pakistani security; Islamabad is only roughly 80 kilometers from the Kashmiri border, meaning yielding the territory to India would leave Pakistan incredibly vulnerable to attack and intimidation by its main geopolitical rival. Pakistan is not a country possessing strategic depth; its geographic core is the Punjab Plain, where over half the population lives and the country’s economic centers are situated. However, it is located right next to India with no natural barriers between them. Furthermore, the west of the nation, dominated by Pashtun and
Baloch groups, is ethnically different from the east, which is home to Punjabis, Sindhis, and the
Mujhair people in the south. Kashmir also embodies a tremendous amount of national prestige for
Pakistan, as it is the crux of the complex and multifarious rivalry between New Delhi and Islamabad.
Either a Pakistani-controlled Jammu and Kashmir or an independent Jammu and Kashmir, which could serve as a buffer state in Pakistan’s sphere of influence would be in Pakistan’s national interest.
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Physical map of Pakistan. Jammu and Kashmir serves as the only natural boundary preventing India from
surrounding the highly-populated Punjab Plain on both sides. (Source: Columbia University)
Pakistan was founded on the two-nation theory of partition; which states India was meant to be a home for Hindus while Pakistan was meant to be a home for Muslims. As a Majority-Muslim state, Jammu and Kashmir rightfully belongs to Pakistan rather than India, thereby superseding the
Instrument of Accession signed between the Indian Parliament and Maharaja Singh. This argument is further belied by the fact that there was a Muslim revolt in Poonch, demonstrating the Maharaja as a tyrannical leader ruling over a population which wishes to join Pakistan. By this line of argument, we can see Jammu and Kashmir carries with it nothing less than the soul of Pakistan, which must not be lost to India.
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Lastly, Pakistan maintains it is the rightful suzerain of Kashmir based on a number of arguments, including historical, moral and legal factors. Pakistan’s main contention revolves around the ongoing Kashmiri insurgency and associated separatist movement, which Pakistan sees as proof the people of Kashmir do not wish to be a part of India. Widespread extrajudicial killings by Indian security forces in Kashmir - data is hard to come by, but estimates are as high as a 100,000 since
1989- as well as sexual violence, forced disappearances, and torture prove India’s reign over J&K to be a tyrannical violation of human rights law. However, the Indian government disputes these claims as Pakistani propaganda, despite corroboration by international groups such as the International Red
Cross and Human Rights Watch. In the view of Pakistan, this, combined with India’s refusal to hold a plebiscite on the province’s fate in 1947 or since, proves India to be in violation of the decisions of the 1947 UN Commission in India and Pakistan.
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Nuclear Weapons and Terrorism
Both Pakistan and India, as countries naturally afraid of a large scale military attack by the other, have long been attempting to gain a deterrent over the other by developing nuclear weapons that could possibly shift the balance of power in the region. However, for Pakistan, it is even more critical. India possesses a far superior economy, population, pool of natural resources, and territory than Pakistan, meaning it would win in any conventional war between the two nations. History has proven this, as Pakistan has lost every war it has ever fought against India, meaning a new national security strategy is necessary for Pakistan to get the upper hand. Pakistan has specifically invested in two capabilities to get an edge on New Delhi: terrorism and nuclear weapons. With India’s first nuclear test in 1974, a Pakistani bomb became a necessity for the nation’s survival. Prime Minister
Bhutto, obsessed with the 1971 surrender to India, became fixated on India’s nuclear program, vowing Pakistan would develop its own bomb even if it had to “eat grass.” Pakistan’s nuclear program bore a striking resemblance to the American Manhattan Project, as both were military programs utilizing civilian scientists. The nucleus of Pakistan’s research program was the Theoretical
Physics Group (TPG) which was overseen by the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC).
Dr. Abdul Khan joined the project in 1974 and spearheaded Pakistan’s uranium enrichment capabilities through the Kahuta Research Laboratories, which he managed. It is also widely suspected that Khan received technical assistance from the Chinese, who had begun to align themselves with Pakistan after the 1971 war. By 1978, Pakistan was capable of developing a nuclear device and by 1983, Pakistan was routinely conducting cold tests -tests which do not achieve critical mass sufficient to cause a nuclear explosion- and was capable of building an aircraft-deliverable fission-boosted nuclear weapon.
The reelection of right-wing politician Nawaz Sharif to the post of Prime Minister of
Pakistan in 1997 helped increase tensions with India, particularly over the nuclear issue. Sharif’s
JCC: India vs. Pakistan Page 15 party, the PML-N, has been ardently opposed to any compromise with India on the Kashmir issue, taking a hardline stance on India in general, although Sharif has been seen as been more moderate on this. Sharif’s relative moderation towards India contrasts sharply with the Pakistani military, whose obsession with India is boundless. In 1997, Sharif became the first Prime Minister to acknowledge the existence of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons and energy program, despite longstanding rumors of its existence. Indeed, in 1985 the U.S. Congress passed the Pressler Amendment, which authorized the president to withhold military and economic assistance from Pakistan should the nation continue with its nuclear program. This amendment was first implemented by President Bush in 1990, cutting off support from one of Pakistan’s key allies.
When India initiated the Pokhran tests in May 1998, Pakistan had no choice but to follow suit, and launched its first nuclear underground test, Chagai-I on May 28, 1998, with a maximum yield of 40 kt. The test was conducted under the auspices of Dr. Ishfaq Ahmad of the PAEC. The test was opposed by some members of the cabinet, such as Sartaj Aziz and Chief of the Naval Staff
Bokhari, who argued Pakistan’s economy was too weak and its foreign exchange reserves were too low to withstand international sanctions from the test; however, their objections were ignored and they were overruled. Prime Minister Sharif stated the tests were a direct response to the Indian tests, and would not have occurred without Indian provocation. Although India had exploded a thermonuclear device and Pakistan had not, unlike the Indian nuclear program, Pakistan disclosed that it had constructed several neutron bombs, a low-yield high-radiation device ideal for battlefield combat. The tests proved wildly popular with the Pakistani public, but far less so with the international community. UN Security Council Resolution 1172 imposed sanctions on both India and Pakistan for their nuclear tests, and several powers, including the United States, followed suit with their own harsher sanctions. Despite these sanctions, a nuclear weapons capacity was necessary for Pakistan, not only because India had developed the same capability, but because nuclear
JCC: India vs. Pakistan Page 16 weapons were needed to compensate for relative deficiencies in conventional military capacities.
Fortunately, with Chagai-I, Pakistan became the world’s seventh nuclear power and completely eliminated any doubts of a credible nuclear response to an Indian attack.
The other capability which Pakistan has been forced to develop to compensate for its failures against India is its asymmetric military forces, which some might deride as “terrorism.” Since
1993, the United States has included Pakistan on its list of state sponsors of terror, although
Pakistan prefers to think of itself as supporting freedom fighters and political visionaries. The roots of this policy date back to the Soviet War in Afghanistan, during which Pakistan, along with the
CIA, covertly funneled weapons, supplies and funds to the Mujahadeen. However, Pakistan, particularly the ISI, began to adopt this tactic for use in Jammu and Kashmir. It has provided support and shelter to groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba, the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front, and al-Qaeda. Pakistan’s support typically functions as follows. First, young men radicalized in madrassas in rural Pakistan volunteer to join a freedom fighter organization, which offers one of the best economic opportunities available to rural young men; a salary, food and a sense of belonging are all benefits enjoyed within these groups. These young fighters are sent to training camps in
Pakistani-controlled Kashmir, where they are allegedly given Pakistani training and weapons and are then sent on operations in Indian-administered Kashmir and assist the ongoing insurgency in the province. These freedom fighters, however, are not a formal arm of the Pakistani military; this gives
Pakistan plausible deniability, but also means these fighters will occasionally attack targets within
Pakistan which they oppose on ideological grounds. Pakistan often feigns denunciations and reprisals against these groups, but as they operate more or less as an arm of Pakistani intelligence, these are often halfhearted measures. The current ruling PML-N political party has been notoriously soft on these freedom fighters. Like nuclear weapons, Pakistan’s alleged support for these freedom
JCC: India vs. Pakistan Page 17 fighters has drawn international criticism and outcry, most vocally from India, yet these groups remain critical to Pakistan’s security.
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Present Situation
Although India currently possesses approximately ⅔ of Kashmir to Pakistan’s ⅓, most of the region’s population is located in the Kashmir valley, under India’s control. The valley is predominantly Muslim and is located in the eastern section of India’s side of the LOC. The capital of Kashmir is Srinagar, and is connected to the Jammu and Kashmir’s provincial capital, Leh, only by the 1D highway, which runs through the easily-defensible and strategically-important town of
Kargil. This point is the Achilles heel of India’s control over Kashmir, as severing this route would cut off supplies to Srinagar and force India’s withdraw from the region.
The situation in Pakistan changed significantly with the electoral victory of Nawaz Sharif’s conservative PML-N party in 1997. Benazir Bhutto’s liberal PPP had been in power since 1993, but accusations of corruption and a stagnant economy all but guaranteed Sharif’s election to Prime
Minister in the 1997 election. However, due to international sanctions in response to Pakistan’s nuclear tests, the economic situation has deteriorated further, with rising unemployment and national debt forcing Sharif to end the nation’s nascent space program.
Sharif’s administration, with its heavy majorities in both houses of parliament, has also seen the adoption of the thirteenth and fourteenth amendments to the Pakistani constitution. These amendments combined have made it virtually impossible to remove the Prime Minister by legal means outside of an election, thereby severely limiting the checks on his power. This maneuver has proven to be incredibly unpopular with the Pakistani public and led to a constitutional crisis with the judiciary. After a month of indecisiveness regarding Sharif’s constitutional reforms’ legality, a mob of
Sharif’s supporters marched into the Supreme Court on November 30, disrupting the judicial hearings on the new amendments. When Chief Justice Sajad Ali Shah struck down the thirteenth amendment, the military, so often the final voice in Pakistani politics, backed Sharif, resulting in the
JCC: India vs. Pakistan Page 19 passage of the amendment, albeit through dubious means. However, although certain parts of the military might back Sharif on certain issues, on others they may take an entirely different tack.
The most recent and scandalous news out of Pakistan has to be the dismissal of the respected and hoary General Karamat, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. PM Sharif has been insistent upon his control over the country and reluctant to share it with anyone else, making a collision with the military inevitable. Sharif currently chairs the Defense Committee of the Cabinet
(DCC), but General Karamat gave a speech in October 1998 at National Defense University calling for the creation of a National Security Council, a body which in the past has been used to provide the military undue influence in civilian affairs. In a nation with as many past military coups as
Pakistan, civil-military relations tend to be a touchy subject. On October 6, 1998, Sharif summoned
Karamat to his office and relieved him of command immediately, marking the first time a four-star general had been dismissed from service in Pakistani history. The episode has made Sharif even more unpopular, particularly within the military where Karamat was widely respected. The dismissal has been criticized by some in the cabinet, including Sartaj Aziz and by most of the opposition. Gen.
Musharraf has been temporarily appointed to Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, but if PM Sharif were to give an order to the military without the approval of the ranking generals, it is unlikely to be followed. Sharif and his cabinet must tread incredibly carefully to avoid antagonizing the military further, which would almost inevitably lead to a coup d'etat. Furthermore, it is also very possible the military could make significant decisions of their own volition without the approval of Sharif or his cabinet, following their own agenda rather than that of politicians, who have always been far less popular in Pakistani history.
At present, a meeting between the leaders of India and Pakistan is scheduled to occur in
Lahore in February 1999, where an agreement on nuclear testing is expected to be signed. The foreign ministries of both countries have agreed to start a new bus route between New Delhi and
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Lahore, the inauguration of which will coincide with this historic bilateral meeting. It is hoped the conference will help decrease tensions in the nuclear armed standoff in South Asia, but regardless of what happens, the meeting will be a can’t-miss event.
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Questions to be Addressed
• What steps can we take to take improve our security situation in Kashmir?
• How should we respond to Indian aggression?
• How can we mediate tensions so as to avoid nuclear war?
• What is the domestic situation in Pakistan and in the event of a coup, what actions will the
committee take?
Further Reading
Midnight’s Furies by Nisid Hajari
The Longest August: The Unflinching Rivalry Between India and Pakistan by Dilip Hiro
India, Pakistan, and the Bomb: Debating Nuclear Stability in South Asia by S. Paul Kapur and Sumit
Ganguly
Kargil: From Surprise to Victory by Ved Prakash Malik
The Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger and a Forgotten Genocide by Gary J. Bass
Asymmetric warfare in South Asia: The Causes and Consequences of the Kargil Conflict ed. Peter R. Lavoy.
Deadly Embrace: Pakistan, America, and the Future of the Global Jihad by Bruce Riedel
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Position List:
Prime Minister – Nawaz Sharif
As Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Sharif is the Chief Executive of Pakistan and leader of the right-wing Pakistan Muslim League- Nawaz. Prime Minister from 1990-1993, Sharif was caught up in a scandal regarding his electoral victory. It was alleged that he had won by securing bribes from the Inter-Services Intelligence, leading to his removal by the President, with heavy influence from the Chief of Staff of the Army. After Benazir Bhutto’s liberal and secular Pakistan
People’s Party was voted out in 1997 amidst an atrocious economic slump and widespread government corruption, Sharif came to power with a level of popularity that was never seen before in Pakistani history. He then passed the 14th amendment to the Constitution, which effectively prevented the Prime Minister from being dismissed by the President, prevented elections from being called outside of the regular five-year interval, and prevented legislators from deviating from the party line. In 1997, Sharif openly acknowledged Pakistan’s nuclear program, and promised to use nuclear power to promote economic development in the country. His second term has seen political fights with the judiciary and the military, which has a long history of coup d'etats.
Director General of Inter-Services Intelligence – Gen. Ziauddin Butt
A four-star general, Butt has had a long career of service in the Pakistani Army, and currently serves as head of ISI, Pakistan’s premier intelligence agency and arguably the most powerful organization within the country. The organization is made of military officers drawn from different branches of service, and is noted for providing support, with assistance from the CIA, to the Taliban during the
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and subsequent Afghan Civil War. Since 1988, ISI has provided support to Kashmiri freedom fighters who seek to remove the strategic and disputed province of
Jammu and Kashmir from Indian control. ISI has a notorious history of allegedly rigging Pakistani
JCC: India vs. Pakistan Page 23 elections, and has a sizeable external as well as internal intelligence operations. Although ISI ostensibly reports to the Prime Minister, it, along with the military, has historically operated with a great deal of autonomy, and has provided large amounts of support to terrorist organizations such as the Haqqani Network, Lashkar e-Taiba, and al-Qaeda. It is widely believed ISI was responsible for the 1993 terrorist bombings in Bombay.
Science Advisor to the Government – Dr. Ishfaq Ahmed
Noted Pakistani nuclear scientist Dr. Ahmed has served as chairman of the Pakistan Atomic Energy
Commission since 1991, where he is in charge of Pakistan’s civilian nuclear program and related nuclear research. Since the 1971 war with India, Ahmed has been responsible for the clandestine development of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons program. An outspoken advocate for nuclear power in the developing world, Ahmed’s expertise has been invaluable to the Pakistani government’s nuclear weapons program.
Interior Minister – Shujaat Hussein
A successful businessman and conservative politician of the right-wing Islamic Democratic Alliance,
Hussein is a high-profile member of Nawaz Sharif’s cabinet. However, his relationship with Sharif is becoming strained, especially after Sharif declared economic emergency and took control of the
Karachi stock exchange in 1998. He also claims that Sharif received frequent briefings from
Pakistani generals about the events leading up to the Kargil conflict, which Sharif claims to have no knowledge of. As the Interior Minister, Hussein is in charge of implementing domestic policies and ensuring state security, meaning he has an extremely powerful portfolio.
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Foreign Minister – Sartaj Aziz
Economist and Pakistani Senator belonging to the PML-N, Aziz was appointed Finance Minister after the 1997 landslide victory for Prime Minister Sharif, where he was an ardent proponent of privatization in the Pakistani economy. After a cabinet reshuffle in 1998, Aziz became Foreign
Minister, making him responsible for the foreign affairs and foreign policy of Pakistan. Head of the
Pakistani Foreign Service, Aziz is the nation’s chief diplomat and is a good friend of PM Sharif. Aziz will be responsible for managing the international economic sanctions levied against Pakistan for its nuclear tests, a task which will be critical to improving Pakistan’s strategic outlook and domestic stability through economic development.
Chief of Staff of the Army – Gen. Pervez Musharraf
A graduate of the Pakistani Military Academy, Musharraf has served in the army since 1965, and worked his way up the ranks to eventually command the elite Special Service Group. As Chief of
Staff of the Army, Musharraf is the highest ranking military officer in the Pakistani Army; he also has a history of tension with PM Sharif. Musharraf has long been a proponent of terrorists, paramilitary forces and regular military forces infiltrating Indian lines within the state of Kashmir, in order to foment dissent in Indian controlled Kashmir. As Chief of Staff of the Army, he is one of the most powerful figures in Pakistan, and holds a post which has traditionally been used to launch coups against civilian governments. He is good friends with Gen. Mahmoud Ahmed, Gen. Aziz
Khan, and Lt. Gen. Shahid Aziz, is very popular within the Pakistani military, and is in favor of
Pakistani support for terrorist groups, such as the Taliban. He is currently the temporary Chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
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Chief of Air Staff – P.M. Qureshi
The highest ranked officer in the Pakistani Air Force (PAF), Air Chief Marshal Qureshi commands the Pakistani Air Force, a position he was promoted to in 1997. He served in the 1971 war with
India, and now commands the entire Pakistani Air Force, under the Prime Minister and President of
Pakistan. At present, the PAF is the best possible delivery system for Pakistani nuclear weapons, although launch authority currently resides with the cabinet, rather than with the PAF.
Chief of Naval Staff – Adm. Fasih Bokhari
The highest ranking officer of and overall commander in the Pakistani Navy, Adm. Bokhari is the only one of the Pakistani Chiefs of Staff who was opposed to testing a nuclear weapon; he is also opposed to Pakistan infiltrating Indian Kashmir, making by far the most pacifist of all the military figures in the Pakistani cabinet. In 1998, he invited Gen. Karamat to speak at National Defense
University, where Karamat, then Chief of Staff of the Army, delivered a speech calling for the creation of a National Security Council, a reform which would have strengthened the military’s influence over the civilian government. This speech led to Karamat’s resignation, and the appointment of Gen. Musharraf in his place. Although Gen. Musharraf is the temporary Chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Adm. Bokhari is his senior and is expected to be appointed to the post on a permanent basis.
Minister of Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas – Lt. Gen. Abdul Majeed Malik
Lt. Gen. (ret) Malik is responsible for managing ties between the provinces of Azad Kashmir and
Gilgit Baltistan, which are not represented in federal legislative bodies. As a result, this ministry is their voice in the national government, although it does not have authority over internal provincial matters; that authority remains with the provincial government. Malik serves as the voice of the
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Kashmiri people in the federal government of Pakistan, although he might not represent his interests over theirs’.
Director General of the Federal Investigative Agency – Malik Asif Hayat
After serving in the Pakistani Army until 1975, Hayat held a number of posts in the Pakistani government and police force. As head of the FIA, Hayat’s portfolio extends of counter-terrorism efforts, counter-espionage, federal crimes, and anti-smuggling efforts. The FIA has had a historically tense relationship with ISI, its much larger and more powerful counterpart, as FIA is responsible for cracking down on terror groups within Pakistan, and ISI provides those same groups a great deal of support. The FIA is noted for its strong ties to Israeli Mossad, and currently operates under the
Ministry of the Interior.
Director General of Military Intelligence – Lt. Gen. Jamshed Gulzar Kiani
Consisting entirely of uniformed military officers and enlisted men, the Directorate of Military
Intelligence is responsible for collecting intelligence of military value for the Pakistani Armed
Forces, particularly on enemy positions and capabilities. Lt. Gen. Kiani is a member of the military elite of Pakistan and a close friend of Gen. Musharraf. The Directorate of Military Intelligence is very active in Kashmir, and is responsible for collecting information on the Indian military, although the ISI will often intrude on the DMI’s portfolio.
Pakistani Ambassador to the United States – Riaz Khokhar
As Ambassador to the United States, Khokhar is the primary person responsible for relations with the United States, Pakistan’s most important ally and the world’s only superpower. However, since the 1970s, the United States has maintained economic sanctions against Pakistan due to its nuclear
JCC: India vs. Pakistan Page 27 weapons program. Rifts grew in the relationship with America’s funding of the Afghan Mujahadeen, but the relationship deteriorated significantly with the passage of the Presser Amendment in the
1980s, which forbad economic and military assistance to Pakistan unless the U.S. President certifies on an annual basis that Pakistan does not have a nuclear weapon. Recently, U.S. relations with India have improved significantly.
Ambassador to the United Nations – Ahmad Kamal
Kamal is an experienced diplomat with a great deal of influence within the United Nations, especially considering he does not come from a P5 nation. The UN has historically played a role in the adjudication of the Kashmir conflict, and is seen as being a means of determining who rightfully possesses the region, although it has not had much influence for the past few decades. At present, the UN will be critical to Pakistan fighting economic sanctions against its nuclear program, which are strangling the impoverished nation’s development.
Leader of the Opposition – Benazir Bhutto
Head of the liberal and secular Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), Bhutto is the daughter of Zulfikar
Bhutto, the former PM who was ousted and killed in a military coup in 1978. During the reign of
Zia-ul-Haq, Bhutto repeatedly jailed before becoming PM after Haq’s removal from power. She served as PM 1988-1990, and again from 1993-1996. Her most recent term was marred by high inflation, slow economic growth, and corruption scandals involving her husband, which led to the dismissal of her government in 1996. She has historically taken a tough line on relations with India, while providing support to the Taliban in Afghanistan.
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Commander of X Corps – Lt. Gen. Mahmoud Ahmed
Personal friend of Gen. Musharraf, Lt. Gen. Ahmed has held a number of posts throughout the
Pakistani army. At present, he commands the X Corps, a large Corps of approximately 80,000 men, which is the main Pakistani army unit Pakistani occupied Kashmir. The unit has had a historically outsized influence on Pakistani politics; headquartered at Rawalpindi, the X Corps is one of the closest military units to Islamabad, and has been used to launch a number of military coups in the country’s history. Components of X Corps are also currently stationed on the Siachen Glacier.
Chief of the General Staff – Gen. Aziz Khan
Gen. Khan, close friend of Gen. Musharraf, currently serves as CGS of the Pakistani Army, one of the most prestigious posts within the entire Pakistani military. Serving under the Chief of Staff of the Army, Gen. Khan is responsible for military planning and operational execution, as well as military intelligence. The CGS has historically worked closely with the Directorate of Military
Intelligence, due to the necessity of military intelligence in operational plans. He is, like the rest of the Pakistani army, excessively anti-Indian and focused solely on how to defeat India in a war.
Minister of Railways – Sardar Muhammad Yaqub Khan Nasar
Hailing from Balochistan, where he is a popular, albeit obscure figure, Nasar is a close personal friend and aide to Prime Minister Sharif. He was elected to the National Assembly in the 1997 elections, and has served as Minister of Railways since. In his present position, he runs the state- owned Pakistan Railway company, which manages all of Pakistan’s railways, in addition to managing the national rail network and railway policies. The national railway system is important for Pakistan’s ability to conduct a military mobilization.
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Minister of Communications and Highways – Raja Nadir Pervez Khan
A member of the PML-N party, Khan served with distinction in the Pakistani army in both the 1965 and 1971 wars with India, winning several awards in the process. After being discharged under dubious circumstances, he entered politics, serving in the National Assembly almost continuously since 1985. As Minister of Communications, he is responsible for formulating and implementing policy related to wireless and wired communications, as well as transportation, excluding railways. In addition to controlling the national TV and radio channels, and regulating telephone networks, the ministry is responsible for the Pakistani road system. This includes maintaining and expanding roads, as well as enforcing traffic violations through the National Highways and Motorway police. This position is also important, as the road network is essential for transporting men and materiel during wartime.
Chief Minister of Punjab – Shehbaz Sharif
Brother of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, Shehbaz Sharif is Chief Minister of Pakistan’s second- largest, most populous province, most developed, and most liberal-leaning province, Punjab. As
Chief Minister, he is the chief executive of the provincial administration. Despite its domestic importance, Pakistani Punjab borders the Indian provinces of Indian Punjab, Rajasthan, and Jammu and Kashmir, making it the likely location of any full-scale war with India.
Director of Military Operations – Lt. Gen. Shahid Aziz
Lt. Gen. Shahid Aziz currently holds both the portfolio as head of the ISI’s analysis wing and the portfolio of the Director of Military Operations of the Pakistani Army. A good friend of Gen.
Musharraf, Lt. Gen. Aziz is one of the higher ranking generals within the Pakistani army, where he has considerable clout. He is a staunch proponent of supporting Pakistani infiltration of Indian
JCC: India vs. Pakistan Page 30 positions in Kashmir, as well as the support of asymmetrical terrorist and paramilitary organizations by the Pakistani Army and ISI. He, like almost every other Pakistani general, is staunchly anti-Indian.
Governor of the State Bank of Pakistan – Muhammad Yaqub
The State Bank of Pakistan, which is uniquely located in Pakistan’s financial capital Karachi rather than Islamabad, is the central bank of Pakistan, thereby regulating Pakistani monetary policy and the
Pakistani rupee. The bank oversees the complex financial system of Pakistan, regulating banks, controlling foreign exchange reserves, and ensuring the Pakistani economy complies with Islamic law and philosophy. A powerful economic force in the developing country, the Governor heads the
Board of Directors, which administers the State Bank.
Attorney General of Pakistan – Chaudhry Muhammad Farooq
A former Minister of Law and Parliamentary Affairs, Farooq serves as the Attorney General. As such, he is the government’s chief lawyer, representing it in court and in international court on relevant legal disputes, such as the Kashmir issue. He is the government’s primary legal adviser, making him a bridge between the judiciary, parliament, and executive.
Minister of Information and Media Broadcasting – Mushahid Hussain
With a long career in Pakistani politics, Hussain has served as head of The Muslim newspaper, member of the Federal Senate and personal assistant to Prime Minister Sharif. Currently, he is in charge of the Ministry of Information, Broadcasting and National Heritage. In his current capacity, he oversees the release of government information to the general public, media relations, and various cultural organizations.
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Minister of Commerce – Ishaq Dar
The purpose of the Ministry of Commerce is to, through trade liberalization and facilitation, contribute to the national economy, achieving higher market access for Pakistani products and improving the wellbeing of the Pakistani people. A large and complex department, the ministry has purview of Pakistan’s trade policy, and serves to advise the Prime Minister on appropriate policies.
Ishaq Dar, as current Minister of Commerce, will have a difficult job, as Pakistan’s developing economy is languishing under the heavy international sanctions in response to its nascent nuclear weapons program. He is also currently the Minister of Finance.
Commander of Special Services Group – [REDACTED]
The 5,600 man strong SSG is the primary special forces arm of the Pakistani Armed Forces. Known as the ‘Black Storks’ for their distinctive uniforms, they have participated in virtually every Pakistani military conflict since their inception in 1956, and even a few more than that. They are experts in counter-terrorism, infiltration and mountain warfare, a helpful skill as they are currently station in northern Pakistan, and along the Kashmir border.
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