Azu Acku Serial Ds371 2 A33
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
My Life with the Taliban
MY LIFE WITH THE TALIBAN Courtesy of www.pdfbooksfree.pk ABDUL SALAM ZAEEF My Life with the Taliban Edited by Alex Strick van Linschoten and Felix Kuehn Courtesy of www.pdfbooksfree.pk Columbia University Press Publishers Since 1893 New York Chichester, West Sussex Copyright © Abdul Salam Zaeef 2010 Editors’ introduction and translation Copyright © Alex Strick van Linschoten and Felix Kuehn, 2010 Foreword Copyright © Barnett R. Rubin, 2010 All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Za’if, ‘Abd al-Salam, 1967 or 8– My life with the Taliban / Abdul Salam Zaeef. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-231-70148-8 (alk. paper) 1. Za’if, ‘Abd al-Salam, 1967 or 8– 2. Taliban—Biography. 3. Afghan War, 2001—Biography. 4. Prisoners of war—Afghanistan—Biography. 5. Prisoners of war—United States—Biography. 6. Guantánamo Bay Detention Camp—Biography. I. Title. DS371.33.Z34A3 2010 958.104'7—dc22 [B] 2009040865 ∞ Columbia University Press books are printed on permanent and durable acid-free paper. This book is printed on paper with recycled content. Printed in USA c 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 References to Internet Web sites (URLs) were accurate at the time of writing. Neither the author nor Columbia University Press is responsible for URLs that may have expired or changed since the manuscript was prepared. Courtesy of www.pdfbooksfree.pk CONTENTS Kandahar: Portrait of a City ix Editors’ Acknowledgements xxv Editors’ Notes xxvii Character List xxix Foreword by Barnett R. Rubin xxxvii Preface by Abdul Salam Zaeef xli Maps xlviii–xlix 1. -
Leveraging the Taliban's Quest for International Recognition
Leveraging the Taliban’s Quest for International Recognition Afghan Peace Process Issues Paper March 2021 By Barnett R. Rubin Summary: As the United States tries to orchestrate a political settlement in conjunction with its eventual military withdrawal from Afghanistan, it has overestimated the role of military pressure or presence and underestimated the leverage that the Taliban’s quest for sanctions relief, recognition and international assistance provides. As the U.S. government decides on how and when to withdraw its troops, it and other international powers retain control over some of the Taliban’s main objectives — the removal of both bilateral and United Nations Security Council sanctions and, eventually, recognition of and assistance to an Afghan government that includes the Taliban. Making the most of this leverage will require coordination with the Security Council and with Afghanistan’s key neighbors, including Security Council members China, Russia and India, as well as Pakistan and Iran. In April 2017, in a meeting with an interagency team on board a military aircraft en route to Afghanistan, U.S. President Donald J. Trump’s new national security advisor, retired Army Lt. Gen. H.R. McMaster, dismissed the ongoing effort to negotiate a settlement with the Taliban: “The first step, the national security adviser said, was to turn around the trajectory of the conflict. The United States had to stop the Taliban’s advance on the battlefield and force them to agree to concessions in the process .... US talks with the Taliban would only succeed when the United States returned to a position of strength on the battlefield and was ‘winning’ against the insurgency.”1 1 Donati, Jessica. -
Massacre of Hazaras in Afghanistan
1 Genocide OF Hazaras In Afghanistan By TALIBAN Compiled by: M.A. Gulzari 5th March 2001 2 To those innocents, who killed by Taliban. A Hazara Hanged publicaly in Heart Bazar 3 CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 Massacres of Mazar Eyewitness………………………………………………………………………………… ……….4 MASSCRES OF MAZAR SHARIF………………………………….8 I. SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS .........................................................................12 BACKGROUND ......................................................................................................................16 III. THE FIRST DAY OF THE TAKEOVER ...........................................................................18 8 The Taliban fly white flags from their vehicles.......................................................................23 V. ABDUCTIONS OF AND ASSAULTS ON WOMEN..........................................................24 V. ABDUCTIONS OF AND ASSAULTS ON WOMEN..........................................................25 VI. DETENTIONS OF PERSONS TRYING TO LEAVE.........................................................26 II. ATTACKS ON CIVILIANS FLEEING MAZAR.................................................................27 VII. THE APPLICABLE LAW.................................................................................................28 VIII. THE TALIBAN’S REPRESSIVE SOCIAL POLICIES....................................................29 IX. CONCLUSION...................................................................................................................30 CHAPTER2……………………………………………………………………………… -
The Current Detainee Population of Guantánamo: an Empirical Study
© Reuters/HO Old – Detainees at XRay Camp in Guantanamo. The Current Detainee Population of Guantánamo: An Empirical Study Benjamin Wittes and Zaahira Wyne with Erin Miller, Julia Pilcer, and Georgina Druce December 16, 2008 The Current Detainee Population of Guantánamo: An Empiricial Study Table of Contents Executive Summary 1 Introduction 3 The Public Record about Guantánamo 4 Demographic Overview 6 Government Allegations 9 Detainee Statements 13 Conclusion 22 Note on Sources and Methods 23 About the Authors 28 Endnotes 29 Appendix I: Detainees at Guantánamo 46 Appendix II: Detainees Not at Guantánamo 66 Appendix III: Sample Habeas Records 89 Sample 1 90 Sample 2 93 Sample 3 96 The Current Detainee Population of Guantánamo: An Empiricial Study EXECUTIVE SUMMARY he following report represents an effort both to document and to describe in as much detail as the public record will permit the current detainee population in American T military custody at the Guantánamo Bay Naval Station in Cuba. Since the military brought the first detainees to Guantánamo in January 2002, the Pentagon has consistently refused to comprehensively identify those it holds. While it has, at various times, released information about individuals who have been detained at Guantánamo, it has always maintained ambiguity about the population of the facility at any given moment, declining even to specify precisely the number of detainees held at the base. We have sought to identify the detainee population using a variety of records, mostly from habeas corpus litigation, and we have sorted the current population into subgroups using both the government’s allegations against detainees and detainee statements about their own affiliations and conduct. -
The Other Battlefield Construction And
THE OTHER BATTLEFIELD – CONSTRUCTION AND REPRESENTATION OF THE PAKISTANI MILITARY ‘SELF’ IN THE FIELD OF MILITARY AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL NARRATIVE PRODUCTION Inauguraldissertation an der Philosophisch-historischen Fakultät der Universität Bern zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde vorgelegt von Manuel Uebersax Promotionsdatum: 20.10.2017 eingereicht bei Prof. Dr. Reinhard Schulze, Institut für Islamwissenschaft der Universität Bern und Prof. Dr. Jamal Malik, Institut für Islamwissenschaft der Universität Erfurt Originaldokument gespeichert auf dem Webserver der Universitätsbibliothek Bern Dieses Werk ist unter einem Creative Commons Namensnennung-Keine kommerzielle Nutzung-Keine Bearbeitung 2.5 Schweiz Lizenzvertrag lizenziert. Um die Lizenz anzusehen, gehen Sie bitte zu http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/ch/ oder schicken Sie einen Brief an Creative Commons, 171 Second Street, Suite 300, San Francisco, California 94105, USA. 1 Urheberrechtlicher Hinweis Dieses Dokument steht unter einer Lizenz der Creative Commons Namensnennung-Keine kommerzielle Nutzung-Keine Bearbeitung 2.5 Schweiz. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/ch/ Sie dürfen: dieses Werk vervielfältigen, verbreiten und öffentlich zugänglich machen Zu den folgenden Bedingungen: Namensnennung. Sie müssen den Namen des Autors/Rechteinhabers in der von ihm festgelegten Weise nennen (wodurch aber nicht der Eindruck entstehen darf, Sie oder die Nutzung des Werkes durch Sie würden entlohnt). Keine kommerzielle Nutzung. Dieses Werk darf nicht für kommerzielle Zwecke verwendet werden. Keine Bearbeitung. Dieses Werk darf nicht bearbeitet oder in anderer Weise verändert werden. Im Falle einer Verbreitung müssen Sie anderen die Lizenzbedingungen, unter welche dieses Werk fällt, mitteilen. Jede der vorgenannten Bedingungen kann aufgehoben werden, sofern Sie die Einwilligung des Rechteinhabers dazu erhalten. Diese Lizenz lässt die Urheberpersönlichkeitsrechte nach Schweizer Recht unberührt. -
Law and Order URC
Law and Order URC NEWSCLIPPINGS JANUARY TO JUNE 2019 LAW & ORDERS Urban Resource Centre A-2, 2nd floor, Westland Trade Centre, Block 7&8, C-5, Shaheed-e-Millat Road, Karachi. Tel: 021-4559317, Fax: 021-4387692, Email: [email protected], Website: www.urckarachi.org Facebook: www.facebook.com/URCKHI Twitter: https://twitter.com/urc_karachi 1 Law and Order URC Targeted killing: KMC employee shot dead in Hussainabad Unidentified assailants shot and killed an employee of the Karachi Metropolitan Corporation (KMC) at Hussainabad locality of Federal B Area in Central district on Monday. The deceased was struck by seven bullets in different parts of the body. Nine bullet shells of a 9mm pistol were recovered from the scene of the crime. According to police, the deceased was called to the location through a phone call. They said the late KMC employee was on his motorcycle waiting for someone. Two unidentified men killed him by opening fire at him at Hussainabad, near Okhai Memon Masjid, in the limits of Azizabad police station. The deceased, identified as Shakeel Ahmed, aged 35, son of Shafiq Ahmed, was shifted to Abbasi Shaheed Hospital for medico-legal formalities. He was a resident of house no. L-72 Sector 5C 4, North Karachi, and worked as a clerk in KMC‘s engineering department. Rangers and police officials reached the scene after receiving information of the incident. They recovered nine bullet shells of a 9mm pistol and have begun investigating the incident. According to Azizabad DSP Shaukat Raza, someone had phoned and summoned the deceased to Hussainabad, near Okhai Memon Masjid. -
The Battle for Pakistan
ebooksall.com ebooksall.com ebooksall.com SHUJA NAWAZ THE BATTLE F OR PAKISTAN The Bitter US Friendship and a Tough Neighbourhood PENGUIN BOOKS ebooksall.com Contents Important Milestones 2007–19 Abbreviations and Acronyms Preface: Salvaging a Misalliance 1. The Revenge of Democracy? 2. Friends or Frenemies? 3. 2011: A Most Horrible Year! 4. From Tora Bora to Pathan Gali 5. Internal Battles 6. Salala: Anatomy of a Failed Alliance 7. Mismanaging the Civil–Military Relationship 8. US Aid: Leverage or a Trap? 9. Mil-to-Mil Relations: Do More 10. Standing in the Right Corner 11. Transforming the Pakistan Army 12. Pakistan’s Military Dilemma 13. Choices Footnotes Important Milestones 2007–19 Preface: Salvaging a Misalliance 1. The Revenge of Democracy? 2. Friends or Frenemies? 3. 2011: A Most Horrible Year! 4. From Tora Bora to Pathan Gali 5. Internal Battles 6. Salala: Anatomy of a Failed Alliance 7. Mismanaging the Civil–Military Relationship 8. US Aid: Leverage or a Trap? 9. Mil-to-Mil Relations: Do More 10. Standing in the Right Corner 11. Transforming the Pakistan Army 12. Pakistan’s Military Dilemma 13. Choices Select Bibliography ebooksall.com Acknowledgements Follow Penguin Copyright ebooksall.com Advance Praise for the Book ‘An intriguing, comprehensive and compassionate analysis of the dysfunctional relationship between the United States and Pakistan by the premier expert on the Pakistan Army. Shuja Nawaz exposes the misconceptions and contradictions on both sides of one of the most crucial bilateral relations in the world’ —BRUCE RIEDEL, senior fellow and director of the Brookings Intelligence Project, and author of Deadly Embrace: Pakistan, America and the Future of the Global Jihad ‘A superb, thoroughly researched account of the complex dynamics that have defined the internal and external realities of Pakistan over the past dozen years. -
The Afghanistan Presidential Elections: Dangerous Portends?1
ISA S Brief No. 125 – Date: 19 August 2009 469A Bukit Timah Road #07-01, Tower Block, Singapore 259770 Tel: 6516 6179 / 6516 4239 Fax: 6776 7505 / 6314 5447 Email: [email protected] Website: www.isas.nus.edu.sg The Afghanistan Presidential Elections: Dangerous Portends?1 Shakti Sinha2 Introduction The Afghanistan Presidential elections, scheduled for 20 August 2009, are interestingly poised. Unfortunately, the adjective ‘interesting’ also has negative connotations as in the traditional Chinese curse, “May you live in interesting times!” The reason is that the election results, far from leading war-ravaged Afghanistan towards peace and stability, may set the stage for further confrontation and increased instability. This brief looks at three plausible scenarios and how each is expected to contribute to this gloomy forecast. These are i) President Hamid Karzai winning in the first round; ii) no candidate winning a plurality, with the top two candidates, a Pashtun (President Karzai) and a non-Pashtun (Dr Abdullah), squaring off for a runoff; and iii) Dr Abdullah emerging as the top candidate, even if he does not win a plurality of votes in the first round.3 The Current Situation Before we go into the implications of these potential situations, an assessment of the current situation would help underpin the central theme of this brief. In order to win the Presidential elections, a candidate must win a clear plurality of votes (50 percent). In the event that no one is able to win outright in the first round, the elections will go to a second round, scheduled for 1 October 2009, and they will be contested by the top two vote-getters in the first round. -
The Taliban at War: Inside the Helmand Insurgency, 2004–2012
The Taliban at war: inside the Helmand insurgency, 2004–2012 THEO FARRELL AND ANTONIO GIUSTOZZI* Ten years ago the Taliban appeared to have been defeated. In retaliation for the 9/11 attacks, the United States had invaded Afghanistan and, in a matter of months, had overthrown the Taliban regime.1 In December 2001 Hamid Karzai had been appointed the interim Afghan president by a loya jirga (grand council), and in January 2002 the international community had agreed to provide extensive assis- tance to stabilize and rebuild the Afghan state. By mid-2002, US and British task forces were chasing the last remnants of the Taliban out of the country and hunting down Al-Qaeda terrorists.2 A decade later, Karzai is still in power and Afghanistan has received massive international developmental and security assistance.3 But the Afghan state is also battling a Taliban insurgency that shows little sign of abating. How did the Taliban return to Afghanistan, and why have they not been defeated? We answer these questions by looking inside the Afghan insurgency, using Helmand province as a case-study. We draw on a large number of original interviews with Taliban field commanders and fighters to produce a uniquely detailed picture of the Taliban at war. The picture that emerges is of a resilient insurgency that has adapted under immense military pressure to become more centralized and more professional. The Taliban have suffered very heavy attrition in Helmand, but they are far from defeated. Up to now, assessments of the war have been primarily based on analysis of western and Afghan government efforts.4 In this article, we examine how the * For feedback on earlier drafts of this article, we wish to thank Mark Beautement, Ryan Evans, Carter Malkasian, Mike Martin and the two anonymous reviewers, as well as audiences at presentations in 2012–13 in the ‘Changing character of war’ programme at Oxford University, the Afghan Studies Group at King’s College London, and the Centre for War Studies at the University of Southern Denmark. -
Afghanistan: Elections, Constitution, and Government
Order Code RS21922 Updated May 1, 2006 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Afghanistan: Elections, Constitution, and Government Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary In 2004 and 2005, Afghanistan adopted a permanent constitution and elected a president and a parliament. The parliament is emerging as a significant force in Afghan politics, as shown in debate over a new cabinet proposed in March 2006. However, insurgent violence continues to threaten Afghan stability. See CRS Report RL30588, Afghanistan: Post-War Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy, by Kenneth Katzman. Post-Conflict Political Transition Afghanistan has not previously had a fully elected government, although there were parliamentary elections during the reign of King Zahir Shah, the last of which was in 1969. Presidential, parliamentary, and provincial elections, and adoption of a constitution were part of a post-Taliban transition roadmap established by a United Nations-sponsored agreement of major Afghan factions signed in Bonn, Germany on December 5, 2001, after the Taliban had fled Kabul (“Bonn Agreement”).1 The Bonn meeting formed an interim administration, led by Hamid Karzai, an ethnic Pashtun leader. Subsequently, a new constitution was approved at a “constitutional loya jirga,” or traditional Afghan assembly in January 2004. The constitution sets up a strong elected presidency, but, at the urging of Karzai’s minority-dominated “Northern Alliance” faction, it gave substantial powers to an elected parliament, such as veto power over cabinet nominees. The constitution provided for the following.2 ! Presidential elections (held by June 2004). Two vice presidents run on the same election ticket as the president, and one succeeds him in the event of the president’s death. -
B COUNCIL REGULATION (EC) No 881/2002 of 27
2002R0881 — EN — 26.12.2009 — 042.001 — 1 This document is meant purely as a documentation tool and the institutions do not assume any liability for its contents ►B COUNCIL REGULATION (EC) No 881/2002 of 27 May 2002 imposing certain specific restrictive measures directed against certain persons and entities associated with Usama bin Laden, the Al-Qaida network and the Taliban, and repealing Council Regulation (EC) No 467/2001 prohibiting the export of certain goods and services to Afghanistan, strengthening the flight ban and extending the freeze of funds and other financial resources in respect of the Taliban of Afghanistan (OJ L 139, 29.5.2002, p. 9) Amended by: Official Journal No page date ►M1 Commission Regulation (EC) No 951/2002 of 3 June 2002 L 145 14 4.6.2002 ►M2 Commission Regulation (EC) No 1580/2002 of 4 September 2002 L 237 3 5.9.2002 ►M3 Commission Regulation (EC) No 1644/2002 of 13 September 2002 L 247 25 14.9.2002 ►M4 Commission Regulation (EC) No 1754/2002 of 1 October 2002 L 264 23 2.10.2002 ►M5 Commission Regulation (EC) No 1823/2002 of 11 October 2002 L 276 26 12.10.2002 ►M6 Commission Regulation (EC) No 1893/2002 of 23 October 2002 L 286 19 24.10.2002 ►M7 Commission Regulation (EC) No 1935/2002 of 29 October 2002 L 295 11 30.10.2002 ►M8 Commission Regulation (EC) No 2083/2002 of 22 November 2002 L 319 22 23.11.2002 ►M9 Commission Regulation (EC) No 145/2003 of 27 January 2003 L 23 22 28.1.2003 ►M10 Commission Regulation (EC) No 215/2003 of 3 February 2003 L 28 41 4.2.2003 ►M11 Commission Regulation (EC) No 244/2003 -
I NEW YORK UNIVERSITY Separating the Taliban from Al-Qaeda: The
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY i CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION Separating the Taliban from al-Qaeda: The Core of Success in Afghanistan Alex Strick van Linschoten Felix Kuehn February 2011 NYU Separating the Taliban from al-Qaeda: The Core of Success in Afghanistan | A CIC Study CIC NEW YORK UNIVERSITY CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION The world faces old and new security challenges that are more complex than our multilateral and national institutions are currently capable of managing. International cooperation is ever more necessary in meeting these challenges. The NYU Center on International Cooperation (CIC) works to enhance international responses to conflict, insecurity, and scarcity through applied research and direct engagement with multilateral institutions and the wider policy community. CIC’s programs and research activities span the spectrum of conflict, insecurity, and scarcity issues. This allows us to see critical inter-connections and highlight the coherence often necessary for effective response. We have a particular concentration on the UN and multilateral responses to conflict. Table of Contents Separating the Taliban from al-Qaeda: The Core of Success in Afghanistan | A CIC Study Key Findings 1 1. Overview 1 2. September 11 and the Taliban 5 3. An Avoidable Insurgency 6 4. Engaging Taliban on al-Qaeda 7 5. U.S. Policy and al-Qaeda 9 6. Conclusion 11 Endnotes 13 Key Findings 1. Overview • The Taliban and al-Qaeda remain distinct groups For much of the international community, relations with different goals, ideologies, and sources of recruits; between the Taliban and al-Qaeda – as well as the Taliban’s there was considerable friction between them before ties to the wider universe of jihadist groups – pose the September 11, 2001, and today that friction persists.