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CHAPTER III

RACIAL, RELIGIOUS AND IDEOLOGICAL DIFFERENCES I The roots of the Sinhal a-Tami 1 problem go back more than two thousand years^_ Though the conflict is known as an ethnic conflict the role of religions and ideologies ! connected with them colored with contrary historical perceptions believed for centuries together, has played a . t major role that a rational dialogue between the Sinhalese and seem impossible. Religious division has taken place in such a way that being a Buddhist implies being a

Sinhalese, and being a Hindu implies being a Tamil. If political consideration and advantages l;ave given filling to this division, mythology and tpeligious books and beliefs have added tremendously to this.

The Mahavamsa links the story of the landing of

Vijaya, "The ethnic origin myth" to a series of religious myths regarding the position of in as ordained by Buddha. According to the Chronicle Vijaya 1 landed on the day Buddha attained Nibhana." This I statement vests the 'origin myth' with a religious, significance. Even more significant is the assertion in the chronicle that an important incident took place just before his death "the guide of the world (Buddha)" having 54

accomplished the good of the whole world, attained the

supreme moment of bliss and was lying on his death bed.

The great sage, the noblest among speakers took Sakka (a

name for Indra, the Lord of Gods) who was standing by him

there in the vast assemT)Ty of deities:

"King 's son, Vijaya, from Lala-country has reached Lanka, together with seven hundred followers. Lord of gods my faith will be established in Lanka. Therefore protect him along with his followers and also Lanka diligently. The Lord of Gods heard the words of the Tathagatha and with respect entrusted the protection of Lanka to God Uppalaranna.

By such injunctions of the Master, the Chronicle

represents Vijaya and his supposed descendants-the

Sinhala Buddhists - as a chosen people with the special

mission of preserving the Buddhists religion. They are

reinforced by further myths of visits of Buddha to the

island to make the "pious" believe that the island has

been consecrated by Buddha. The Mahavamsa says about

Buddha's visit:

"In the evening on the full-moon day of Phussa in the ninth, month of his , the Conqueror by himself set forth for the Island of Lanka to purify it; for Lanka was known to the conqueror as a place where his doctrine would shine in glory; he thought, 'The Yakkas must be driven 4 way from Lanka which was filled with them. "• ^

According to The Mahavamsa records, Buddha made three visits to Sri Lanka. In his first visit he quelled the

Yakkas who offered to give him the whole island if he 55 released them from fear. During the second visit Buddha

believed to have gone to the Naga Dipa in the north where

he quelled the Nagas. In the third visit He believed to

have gone to places like Kalaniya and where

he rose to Sumanakuta and displayed his foot-print.

Sumanakutta is known as Sripada or Ajdam's Peak. The 1 record of .Buddha in The Mahavamsa ends like this:

“Thus, the Saviour, the Light of ithe world of boundless wisdom and immense compassion, came thrice to this beautiful island, anticipating the future benefit to Lanka and seeing the good of the gods, the nagas and others of Lanka at that particular moment. By this, the island, honored by the pious« came to be resplended as the righteous isle."

The Visits of Buddha to Sri La:ka are not supported by any

evidences of in or e^ven in the Buddhist

religious history. Buddhist legends in India also do not

support these visits of Buddha. More so there is a

serious question on the year suggested for the Nibhana of

Buddha and the arrival of Vijaya in Sri Lanka. According

to The Mahavamsa these events believed to have taken place

in 543 B.C. However, the suggested year of Buddha's

Mibhana by Indian historians and even by' scholars of 5 Buddhism is 486 B.C. Bdt the repeated references of these visits in The Mahavamsa and even in later historical and literary works such as Culavamsa, Thipavansa etc. and on being orally transmitted from generation to generation 56

in the buddhist rituals, they occupy a revered plsce in

present day Sinhalese-Buddhist popular beliefs. The idea

that Buddha himself had visited their isi and and decreed

that Sri Lanka would protect Buddhism "not the Hindu

India" is well embedded in the minds of every generation of Sinhalese. Dr Walpola Rahula a scholar monk says,

"For more than two millennia the Sinhalese have been inspired that they were a nation brought into being for the definite purpose of carrying the torch lit by Buddha".

This racial myth assumed pernicious dimensions owing to the common belief in the story of a war between the king Dutugemunu and the Tamil king Elara in 2nd cen'ury

B.C. King Dutugemunu ruled the south and Elara ruled the north. Both these kings are accepted as most righteous kings and Sinhalas and Tamils take pride to narrate the virtues of each of them. Dutugemunu waged a war against

Elara to protect Buddhism from the 'unbelievers' froni the island of Buddha. Legend tells that Dutugemunu was advised by his own father, not to go for war with a righteous king such as Elara but still he decided tc go for war in defense of Buddhism “not for kingdom but for

Buddhism". According to The Mahavamsa, five hundred

Bikkus accompanied Dutugemunu's crusading army to conquer

Anuradhapura. Having defeated Elara and unified the entire country into one kingdom Dutugemunu a true Buddhist lamented like , the killing of countless human 57

beings. According to The Mahavamsa he addressed the eight

Arhats or saints:

"How shall there be any comfort for me. Oh, venerable Sirs, since by me was caused tl^e slaughter of a great host numbering millions."

The replied: ___

"From this deed arises no hindrance in they way to heaven ...unbelievers and men of evil life were they, not more to be esteemed that beasts. But as for thee, thou wilt bring glory to the doctrine of the Buddha in manyfold ways; therefore cast away care from they heart, Oh, ruler of men . " 8

Thus not only folklore or Chauvinistic perceptions even

the religious classic justified the killing of "non­

believers" to safe-guard the Buddhist order and the

expelling of all culturally heterodox elements from Sri

Lankan society. Dr. Walpola Rahula characterized this as 9 the "beginning of nationalism among Sinhalese." On the

perpetuation of this myth. Professor Gananath Obeysekere

states:

"The mystic significance Dutugemunu as the saviour of the Sinhalese race and of Buddhism grew through the years and developed into one of the most important myths of the Sinhalese, ready to be used as a powerful instruments of Sinhalese nationalism in modern times. Although the justification for killing is unusual, the general message that emerges everywhere is the same: The Sinhalese kings are defenders of the secular realm and the Sasana: their opponents are the Tamils."^^

The excl us i vi st line perpetuated by most of the current

Academic popular writing on the is. 58 this Island of Lanka belongs to the Buddha himself;

therefore, the residence of wrong believers in this island'^

will never be permanent. i

"In the middle of the third century B.CC. history begins to emerge from tradition and legend. The settlements made by immigrants from the Indian main->-and in the north-west of Ceylon assumed the character of agric’ultural communities under chieftains or j^ulers who guided the plough themselves. These communities began to impound water from rivers and streams, for the production of , their staple food."

India was ruled by Emperor Ashoka at this period and

evidences of history shows that there has been greater

interaction between India and Sri Lanka during this

period.12 Mahavamsa records that Lankan kings Devanampity ! Tissa sent gifts to Emperor Asl.oka and in return Ashoka I sent countless gifts and more. 1 "He sent through the envoys this gift of three Dhamma I have taken in the Buddha, the Dhamma and the - I have declared myself a lay-disciple of the faith of the son (i.e. Buddha, sprung from the tribes of ). 0, best of men, yon too make your mind take delight in these supreme treasures and with faith take refuge in them."13

Thus the account given is that king Tissa of Sri Lanka was

given information of Ashoka's conversion by himself.

However, Buddhism had reached Sri Lanka through the first , , the son of Ashoka.

The Mahavamsa relates how Mahinda went in his mission to Ceylon in detail. Mahinda had already tak,en Buddhist

■ I, ' vows and now a thera or Elder. He waited till the moment 59

eeu wneri trie King i i b s d wouia oe reaay xo receive the

new teaching. On the right time "The great Indra

approached the excellent great Thera Mahinda and told him,

"Go to convert Lanka. It has been foretold by the Buddha. 14 We too shouldbe helpful to you there." Mahinda set out

for Lanka accompanied by four Theras, Sumana or Novice and

Bhanduka, a lay disciple; to make it known that they were

human beings.

"Coming here along with his following, he stood on the Sita-Peak in the noble land lovely Ambathala of the beautiful Missaka Mountain."

Mahinda met Tissa, who was out hunting on a hill not far from his capital, Anuradhapura. The meeting itself was worked out by a deity of that mountain. Mihimtale, the traditional place of the meeting of the Thera and king, is now one of the sites of pilgrimage in Sri Lanka. Here

Mahinda, having first satisfied himself of the king's ability to understand the Buddha's teaching by testing his power of intelligence, preached an important Buddhist sermon to him. The king was converted to Buddhism, and he and his retinee declared themselves ready to accept the new religion. Mahinda preached to God's court officials and common people, secured their adherence to Buddhism.

The gods who held the island in their acceptance, it was natural that the court and people should receive it with equal enthusiasm. Thus kings, Gods, court and masses were 60 united in their allegiance to Buddhisml^The king then donated a royal park to Mahinda and his theras. Of this gift of the park Bhikku Rahula writes:

"This gift expressed in a tangible and visible form the inner religious devotion of the king and assured the material security necessary for the spiritual life of the monks. Mahinda therefore', made in public the most important declaration that Buddhism would be established in Lanka. The stress lies in the significance of the word 'established'. It was in this royal park that the , the seat of the most influential groups of Bhikkus in Sri Lanka was built later on. Its devotion to , through its own members and kings and notabilities who were its benefactors, decided both the actions of kings and the loyalties of Sinhalese in the island. Mahavamsa records that when Mahinda poured the dedicational water on Mahavihara the earth quaked. 'The ruler of the earth asked him, why does the earth quake?' He replied, 'because of the establishment of the faith in the island.'"' I The records of The Mahavamsa give the impression that the sections of The Mahavamsa dealing with this part of history, not only talk about the conversion of a king and his subjects to a newreligion, but also its establishments as the state religion of the kingdom. The idea of establishment of Buddhism in a given geographical unit and its implicationsmay not be found in the teachings of Buddha, Buddha sent his disciples to go about in the world preaching the dhamma for the good of the many. But nowhere had he given injunctions or instructions regarding a ri,tual or particular method of ■ / 'establishing' the Sasana in a country. Bhikku Rahula 61

writes "The word, Sasana literally means, 'doctrine',

'teaching', 'message', 'order'". But to ordinary man in

Sri Lanka it means "the Buddhist religion with its

institutions, monasteries, monuments, the Sangha, beliefs, 18 customs, ceremonies ejtc." According to Mahavamsa the

relics and the branch of were broiight by

Mahinda's sister and was planted with great ceremonyi for

the veneration of the people. With her arrival the order , 1 of Bhikkunis, or female monks was instituted.

"When Mahinda died sixty years after he had been ordained a Bhikku, everything required for an institutionalized religion in a country had been provided: a ruler formally and ceremonially crowned head of the country who voluntarily and intelligently accepts the religion; various grades of its people, not /orgetting its supernatural protectors, who like wise willingly accept the new teaching; an organizajtion identified with the religion vested by the king with property and holding it by right; the symbolical acknowledgement of the authority of the new constitution and the inclusion of the royal capital in its boundaries; specific objects of worship imported into the country making it self-sufficient for the religious devotion of the masses."

One of the fifth century A.D. Pali commentary on The

Mahavamsa, 'Samantapasadika' gives an account of how I Mahinda answered the king when he was asked whether

Buddhism was firmly established in Sri Lanka. Mahinda is reported to have told that the religion was established, but that its roots had not as yet gone deep?". Mahinda replied "when a son born in Ceylon of Ceylo,ne^e^ parents 62

becomes monk in Ceylon, studies the in Ceylon and

recites it in Ceylon, then the roots of the sasana are 20 deep set." The remark attributed to Mahinda in the

commentary is impregnated with strong nationalist

sentiment. The sign _oJ permanence of the religion is

given in the initiation of a religious order composed' of

the nationals of the country. Effectiveness of Buddhism

in Lanka was to be proved by the power of the Sangha,

recruited from the people, and performing the rites and

ceremonies associated with the order, in the language of

the country perhaps, for according to Mahinda brought the

sacred books for the Buddhists with him and had them

translated into Sinhalese.

The Mahvamsa story and the commentary's elaboration

of one detail of it may yield different interpretations.

But to most Buddhists in contemporary Sri Lanka, whether

they have considered eithjsr Mahavamsa or Samantapasasdika

comment on it, it would appear that the test of the Sasana

in the country, is its official status as institution

identified with the Sangha, patronized by the state and

patronizing it. The records of 1500 years ago are not the

dead handI of the past, they are the voice of the living present. A specific relationship was here instituted between religion and state. The identification of the

state with the religion and the maintenance of the latter 63

as the most important factor of the strength and well

being of both. It is likely that The Mahavamsa brought

into being what its own time wished to produce but it

still remains the strongest reagent in the emotion of

Sinhalese Buddhists. ___

Bhikku Rahula writes that only a Buddh'ist had the

legitimate right to be king of Sri Lanka and he was 21 expected to be a Bodhisattava also. Ludewyk quotes the

Jefavanarama slab inscription of Mahinda IV which

proclaims that "none but the Bodhisatavas would become

kings of Sri Lanka, and receive this assurance from the 22 Omniscient Buddha". The Sangha a both religious body and

political force which kept the national consciousness

alive in spite of the deficiencies of kings and the

disadvantages of the state. The king interfered at times

in matters of religion and Bhikkus, who never expected to be civil servants or politicians, did interfere in affairs of state.

With the background of history, one can say that

"Sinhalese collective identity, in terms of self aspiration, is not an ethnic identity but an ethno­ religious; identity - Sinhalese - Buddhist. The dominant' distinguishing nark is Buddhist religious culture, which is central in the se1f-perception of the Sinhalese

Buddhists. Only the emergence of after the* 64

arrival of Portuguese brought about a cleavage in

Sinhalese-Buddhist identity. To the Sinhalese Buddhists,

the Sinhalese non-Buddhists are as much non Sinhalese as

Tamils or Muslims, for their point of reference is religion and not linguistic identity.

The history of the Sri Lankan Tamil people ^fter the

Ellara's death is lost in obscurity, as for tlie next 100 years, the Pali chronicles describe only the struggle of

, I the Sinhalese kings with the invading South Indian Tamil kings. The Tamil kingdom had no chronicle which is detailed as the Mahavamsa and its political history has to be reconstructed from stray references in a variety of sources. However, the 13th and 14th centuries saw the formation of a powerful Tamil kingdom with Jajffna as the capita! in Sri Lanka. From that time, Sri Lanka was divided into two ethno-linguistic nation-states; the

Tamils in the north and east and the Sinhalese in the

South and the west - the two effectively separated by 23 impenetrab1e jung1e . These two ethno-linguistic nations remained separate and isolated by reason of separate political loyaltiesand differences in language, r^eligion, culture and customs. Hinduism was the only religion of I the Tamils until the advent of European powers led to the introduction of and the conversion of a minority of Tamils to Catholic or protestant Cjiristianity. 65 In 1505 the Portuguese conquered the Maritime Sinhalese

kingdom of Kotte, near , and for over a century

attempted to conquer the Tamil kingdom, but without much

success. The Tamil kings of those years Sankili gave

great assistance to the Sinhalese kings of in his

fights against ithe foreign powers, even by obtaining 1 24 reinforcement from south Indian kings. In 1621 the

Portuguese finally won the war of conquest, captured the ■ I Tamil king Sankili and took him as a captive to Goa, where

he was hanged. For a few years the Tamils continued their

resistance but were subjugated. The Portuguese

administered the Tamil kingdom, "Jaffna Patnam" as they

called it cs a separate domain. The Dutch who captured

the Tamil Kingdom from Portuguese also retained the same.

Only when the British took possession, for administrative

convenience unified the low country Sinhalese, the

Kandyan and Tamil areas and brought them under a single 25 unitary political authority-the government of Ceylon.

The Tamil ethnic identity remains a linguistic and

cultural identity; unlike the all-inclusive ethno­

religious identity of the Sinhalese buddhists. To the

Tamils, it is the language culture index that is dominant

and commands loyalty, not any particular religious

adherence. This does not deny the fact that 81% of Tamils are Hindu? viho have great pride about their particular 66 26 religion and culture. The Hindu-Tami 1 s and Muslim Tamils

\ did not have any confrontation based on their religion.

Even the introduction of Christianity and the conversion

of many Tamils to Christianity did not cause any split in

Tamil ethnic identity or-self-perception, nor lead to the I I emergence of any perceptible antithesis between Tamil 27 ■ i ! Hindus and Tamil Christians. An important fact of Tamil

collective identity is that, owing to centurii^s of an

insular linguistic and cultural way of life and a shared

historical experience, the possess and

assert an identity distinct and separate both from the

Tamils of Tamil Nadu and the Indian or plantation Tamils.

They almost consciously cut themselves off from the former i • because of their desire for a unified polity in 'which they

felt their future lay. They also pride themselves on

speaking "pure Tamil" in contrast to the Madras Tamil which according to them is laden with Telugu, Malayalam

and words. With the plantation Tamils, the Sri

Lankan Tamils had no connection whatsoever until recent

times, and then it was a tenuous political link of 28 leadership level .

Traditionally, Tamils lived by agriculture in the

'dry' or 'arid' zones less favorably endowed by nature than the west zones occupied by the Sinhalese. As a i result, the Tamils took advantage of the colonial 6/

governments decision to open the administrative service to

locals proficient in . They studied

English in the Christian Missionary colleges established

in Jaffna, and in open competition with the rest of the

population, entered in.__Civi,l, clerical, technical and

professional services in significant numbers. This avenue I of employment gave increased incentive for English

education, which the Tamils came to venerate and

government service became their biggest industry. These

made the Tamils virtually a lower-middle class community

in the island. And, in the competitive context they found

themselves, that they developed the middle-class virtues

of hard work, thrift, loyalty and single minded devotion I I to duty and the conservative traits of security, narrow

individualism and also advancement. The Sinhalas were

gifted by fear complex and felt they had to seek a new

identity, when the British left for two

reasons. First, though in a majority in the Island, the

Sinhalas felt they were a minority in the South Asian

Region with no one to identify themselves with. So, they I believed that they had to carve out an identity of their

, own and better to do this in their own country. Secondly,'^

a movement for Tamil, succession from India had predated

independence in 1947. There were justified fears

of a link between the Island's Tamils and the Tamils in Peninsular India. The Sinhalas have long had a vision o

the Island being invaded by Dravidian armies from acros 29 I the Palk straits.

The trauma of empirical conquest and th ___ disestablishment of tffe two major religions produced i ' I the north a Tamil-Hindu revival movement headed] b.

Arumugam Navalar and in the South a Sinhalese-Buddhis

revival headed by Anagarika . Both reformer

were educated in protestant mission schools and brough

this kind of wor1dly ascetism into Hinduism and Buddhism

Navalar gave contemporary Hinduism a philosophical base i

Saiva Siddantha while Dharmapala affirmed the ascetic an

abstract values of doctrinal Buddhism largely influence

by Western Commentaries on Buddhism. Both- provided

philosophy and an ethic for classes that had practicall.

no historical parallel in the past. Dharmapala not onl.

affirmed the traditional Sinhalese-Buddhist identity bu 30 opposed it to other identities-Mus1im, Hindu, Christian.

Sri Lankan Buddhists responses stressful moments o

historical significance are intimately connected to ,

deeply entrenched tradition. They depend on theii

history, on beliefs and customs which have provide<

valuable succor over the centuries. "Sinhalese Buddhist:

share with the Jews the experience of having,, I Hei 1 sgeshichte or a 'story of Salvation at the nexus oi 69

their faith, seeing themselves and their national

territory as having more than just temporal significance.

For Sri Lanka as Dhammadipa - the most sacred spot because

the three’ miraculous visits of Gautama, Bhuddha is

evidently not something only discovered in the Mahavamsa

andCulavamsa, butis an emotion and conviction i acknowledged virtually by every Buddhist and certainly by 31 all Bhikkus."

Ordinary Sinhala Buddhist may not have studied much

of The Mahavamsa or but the fact is that

Sri Lankan Buddhism has not surrendered any of the

ideology of the chronicle. The philosophy of history

•^^a^lished in the consciousness of Sinhala Buddhist is 32 alive and y\(ell. This in turn brings it with ethno-

religious' exclusion and a sharp edge to communalism. For

the Sri Lankan Buddhist consciousness there is

conciliation and that is the sense of destiny Buddhism

provides for the self-described ‘ people' of the holy

island. With this philosophy of history in the back

ground religious leaders and contemporary politicians have

ed Buddhism to reassert a Sinhalese nationalism

supported by fundamentalists Buddhist terms.

It ,is worth to take note that in 1883 the Buddhists

^ d Catholic Christians were fighting each other on the streets of Sri Lanka. Exactly after one hundred years 70 there occurred the worst ethnic conflagration in the

entire history of Sri Lanka which turned out to be on of

the continuing worst crisis witnessed by the world in its 33 history. While the Tamils justify their fight against the

Sinhalese that they are fighting against suppression of a

language group often supported by ethnicity. Howeveri for

the Buddhists their fight against the Tamils is justified

not only by language and ethnicity but religion also.

Some of the literature published by Sinhalese-Buddhists may explain the premises by which the so called "Sinhala-

Buddhist Chauvinism" has influenced the idea of Sinhala-

Buddhist hegemony.

As it has been explained earlier, the doctrine of primacy and superiority of the Sinhala 'race' as original, true inhabitants of the island, linked to the myth that the Sinhalese were 'Aryan' migrants from . A publication of 1980 states like this "The Sinhalese race has clearly documented unbroken history of over 2500 years. There is no history older than the history of the

Sinhalese in Sri Lanka. That Sri Lanka belongs to the

Sinhala race is not based on mythology or fables handed down mouth to mouth. Ancient rock inscriptions in gold, f * ' huge viharas and dogobas, huge statues of Lord Buddha sculptured out of rocks, huge tanks and systems all bear unshakable witness to the heritage of the Sinhala 71 34 race and Sinhala country."

Associated with this is another concept based on the

idea of a beleaguered Island - the feeling that the

Sinhalese are really a minority in the region, with no

other country except Srj_.Lanka, unlike the other minority

groups which'have ethnic 'links other countries. A ; I Sinhalese pamphlet is translated thus:

"The Sinhalese have no other motherland than Sri , I Lanka. The Indian trade union leaders, the Borah

traders, other Indian traders, theSindhi traders and most

Tamil workers use Sri Lanka as a mine from which they

obtain money ,and invest it in large houses and lands which

they buy in the names of their children and close

i relatives in India. All lof them live with one foot in

India and the other in Sri Lanka. Their only loyalty to

Sri Lanka is as a gold-mine. They do not have any

sympathy towards the Sinhalese culture, language. Buddhism 35 or the Traditional ."

The concept that the Sinhala race has been placed in

a special relationship to Buddhism as its protector. I Demands have been made to save Buddhism from the

'infidels' or non-Buddhist' are resorted to, and

Yudha to save monuments and to protect Buddhists religion,^/ especially from Hinduism, An appeal on this regard goes like this: 72

"The link between the Sinhala race and Buddhism is so

dose and inseparable that it had led to the maxim. There

is no Buddhism without the Sinhalese and no Sinhalese

without Buddhism. This is an undeniable fact. The

literature of the Sinhalese is Buddhist literature. The

history of the Sinhalese is the . The I language of the Sinhalese is enriched by the doctrine of

the Buddha. The 'Era' of the Sinhalese is the 'Buddha I Era'. The culture of the Sinhalese is the Buddhist

culture. The of the Sinhalese is the Sinhalese

Buddhist flag.

With the establishment of Buddhism, the Sinhala

culture and civilization took on a new of mentation. The I life of the Sinhalese began to bei guided by Buddhism. Yet

from a few years ago, there has been an organized movement of anti-Sinhala , anti-Buddhi st barbarians to destroy a valuable archeological ruins and Buddhist shrines.

"It is undoubtable that the future generations, as well as our forefathers who sacrificed their lives for the freedom of their race and for the glory of their religion

I shall curse us for our silence. At least now in the name of our race, in the name of our forefathers and in the name of the unborn generations, let us all direct our 36 attention to this situation ." 73 It is on these concepts that the Sinhala Buddhists

ideology assumes that Sri Lanka is the land of Sinhala

Buddhists and that all other groups living in it are

aliens who are out to exploit the country and its people

for their own gain. Ifi the process sullying the 'purity' 1 I . and 'integrity' of Sinhala Buddhist ; peiople. 1 That this charge is now laid against the Tamils is evident from

this recent quotation: i

"Not only is this non-Sinhalese group trying to

destroy the rights of the Sinhalese people to their

motherland in the most unjust manner but they also

perpetrated nimerous other injustices on the unsuspecting 37 innocent Sinhala masses." I The credo of Sinhala-Buddhist ideology and the

national question can be summed up as follows:

Sri Lanka is the country of the Sinhala, the descendants of North Indian who are the original settlers of the island. Historically they built a civilization not second to any in the world, under the

influence of Buddhism. The Buddha himself visited Sri

Lanka to drive away the demon Lords and made it suitable for later Sinhala colonization and the preservation of the

Sinhala nation. The country although invaded frequently by the south Indians, was always a unitary state governed by an unbroken line of Sinhala nation. Today the whole 74

future of the Sinhala nation, the custodians of Buddhism

is in danger. The only solution to this problem is a

military care; the government should mobilize the armed

forces and defeat the Tamil youth in battle. If

necessary, military help should be obtained from whatever

available international sources. No further concessions

should be granted to the Tamils or other minorities and

the Sri Lankan state should continue as a unitary state 38 with a pre-eminent position for Sinhala Buddhists."

Thus it is precisely the interweaving of racist

thinking with Buddhism that forms the essence of Sinhala-

Bu(!^dhist ideology. This has given rise to preposterous

statements such as "There is no Buddhism without the

Sinhalese and no Sinhalese without Buddhism". This

interweaving occurs not only on the level of ideology but

also in actual practice, with Buddhist Bhikkus playing an

active political role at virtually every turn of the road.

Sinhalese resistance to developed in a

context of religions revivalism. The riot between

Buddhists and Catholic Christians in 1883 was generally designated a religious riot. But the inspector general of police at the time characterized this and other riots as 39 "politics under the cloak of religion." Around the turn of the century, , the Buddhist theologian, turned first against Christians and missionary 75 education, and then against Muslims as 'infidels of

degraded race'. This instigated the anti-Muslim riots of

1915. In the 1950s the new upsurge of Sirihala Buddhist

revivalism was again stirred up by Bhikkus. In the

forefront of the 'Sinhala only' agitation was the Eksath

Bhikku Peramuna (united front ofiMonks), an organization

set up for the purpose of intervening in the elections, in

response to the findings of the all Ceylon Buddhist . I congress of 1956 and its report 'The Betrayal of

Buddhism'. A 'Sinhala Army' was formed to acquire lands

from Tamils, led by a monk. In May 1958 Prime Minister

Bandaranaike was shot dead by a monk, reportedly and the

instigation of the Buddhadarikita There, Secretary of the

Eksath Bhikku Peramana. Accordingly, in the|ideological

sphere, through their grass roots networks of influence,

as mobilizers of popular opinion, the Bhikkus form an

integral part of the hegemonic block of Sri Lankan

Politics.

The momentum for an ideology like this became more

vociferous as reported in Sri Lanka Guardian: A newly formed council for Sri Lankan Buddhist societies led by prominent Buddhist monks and laymen presented 25 demands to all candidates. These included the declaration of Sri

Lanka as a Buddhist Republic, the reservation of all key posts in the government for Buddhists, a ban (jin 'increments 76 to embrace non-Buddhist faiths, the provision of housing, lands, permits for industries, social service assistance and higher education facilities according to racial quotas, making Sinhalese the sole medium of instruction and the provision of alL_basic facilities for the Buddhist 40 Sangha by the State.

It is important to study the 1 a-Tami 1 relationships during the British period the period immediately after the independence. The British period was a period of communal harmony by and large. The

British brought English Education to Sri Lanka. The

Western education, culture and ways of life were well accepted both by the Sinhalese and tha Tamils of Sri

Lanka. The elite from both the groups had well accepted the British way of life and they worked together with the

British in 'nation building'. During the pre-independence period, Tamils were appointed to highest positions of 41 office to work for the nation."

In 1912 Ponnabalam Ramanathan a Tamil man was nominated by the British Governor to represent the Ceylon 42 Tamils in the legislative council.

Tilak, Ratnakara goes on to add that "together they fought against any offensive acts of the British Govt, and won the appreciation of all local ethnic groups. For example they fought for the appeal of the obnoxious grain 77 tax which was i^.jecially harsh on the up-country Sinhala peasantry as evidence in the 1888 annual administration 43 report."

Tilak Ratnakara hastens to add:

"Ponnambalam Ramanathan was following the foot steps of his illustrious uncle Shri Muthu Kumaraswamy. Together with his brother Kumaraswamy and Arunachalam, Ramanathan carried on the struggle for the abolition of the grain 44 ! tax."

The Sinhalese and Tamils closely co-operated to build up the Ceylon National Congress during 1917-19. They elected not a Sinhala but a Tamil as their President. The Sinhalese and the Tamils found each other in good company and friendship for many 45 ' decades."

Tamil leaders were treated with great respect by the

Sinhala Buddhist of the time. Ramanathan was hailed by the Sinhala people as a sincere friend of theirs. The Sri

Lankan newspaper The Daily on its 28 May 1899 issue stated the following about Ponnambalam Ramanathan:

"The amount of time and labor he has devoted to questions affecting Sinhala people alone make it almost possible to say that he was representing the Sinhala people. His services towards Buddhism has endeared him 46 immensely to the Buddhist^ of Sri Lanka." 78 The Sinhal a-Mus 1 im riots of 1915 and the attitude of

Sri Lankan Tamils is an important point to analyze the Sri

Lankan-Tamil relationship of those years. Muslims of Sri

Lanka, known as the Moors are Tamil speaking people though do not claim acultura] identity with the Sri Lankan

Tamils. But their economic interests clashed with the

Tami1 bourgeois .

The Tamils by and large supported the Sinhalese during these riots. Tilak Ratnakara adds that when the

1915 riots broke out there among the stonchest defenders of helpless Sinhala Buddhist was the Tamil leader Mr. 48 Ramanathan."

This does not mean that curing the periods of colonial rule there were no differences of opinions between the Sinhalese and Tamils. Differences arose between the two communities on the question of ratios in communal representation and the granting of separate * electorate for the Sri Lankan Tamils in the Western

Province. The Sinhala leadership resented the principle of a 50:50 in the legislative council between them and the minorities. The communal demand was rejected outright.

However,j D. S. Senanayake immediately after the pre- independence elections of 1947 co-opted several members from the minorities in his cabinet, although he had a comfortable majority in the parliament. Two Tamils 79

including 6 G Ponnamba 1 am , the leader of the Tamil 49 Congress, were appointed as cabinet ministers. This was

again an example for collusion between the Tamil and

Sinhala leaders.

The Tamils in tii_e^ north and east were directly

benefited' by projectsi 'like the Kankesanthurai Cement Factory, the Paranthlan Chemical Factory, the Valchachenai

Paper Factory and the fishing harbors in Kankesanthurai . I and Batticoloa."50

While this was the case in relations between the

Sinhala and Tamil elite the Sri Lankan Tamils refused to consider the Indian Tamils in their political programmes.

It is mentioned earlier that the Sri Lankan Tamils considered the Indian Tamils as a poor untouchable, slaving community.

The glaring example of Sri Lankan Tamils colliding with Sinhalese, is well explained by the Sri Lankan

Tamil's attitude in their relationship to Indian Tamils.

The Kandyan Sinhalas were jealous of Indian settlers in their upcountry tea plantations. The Kandyans were afraid I of being uprooted from their own ancestral lands because of the swarming hordes of Indian Tamils. The Indian I Tamils population nearing a million was perceiving as posing a cultural and linguistic threat to the Kandyan

Sinhalas. The Kandyars 'asked for the disfranchisement of 80

the Indian Tamils whom they described as illiterate

laborers who were basically birds of passage,

uninterested in the affairs of Sri Lanka. This led to the

infamous citizenship Act No. 18 of 1948 and with

consequent acts disfranchised lakhs of Indian Tamils. The

striking factor to be noted here is most of the Sri Lankan

leadership included Mr. Ponnambalam simply did not show

any sympathy to the Indian Tamils rather joined the

Sinhalese. This led to the breaking up of Tamil Congress

as S.J.V. Chelvanayagam opposed the Bill and Federal

Party was born in 1949 .^^ However, the self-centered

Tamils of the North and East gave a thumping majority to

the Tamil congress in the elections of 1952 and even

Chelvanayagam could not be re-elected to the parliament.

This again proves the antipathy the Sri Lankan Tamils

shown against the Indian Tamils. However, this honey-moon between the Sri Lankan Tamils and Sinhalese did not last for long, as more demanding issues faced them soon. 81

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. A.W.P Guruge, The Mahavamsa, p. 533.

2. Ibid., p. 535.

3. Ibid., p. 492.

4. Ibid., p. 496.

5. D. C. Sircar, The Inscriptions of Ashoka, Calcutta, 1943, p. 9.

6 . Walpola Rahula, History of Buddhism in Ceylon: The Anuradapura Period, Colombo, 1956, p. 77.

7. A.W.P Guruge, op.cit., p. 635.

8 . Ibid., p . 636 .

9. Walpola Rahula, op.cit., p. 80.

10. G. Obeyesekere, "Collective Identities": National ism and Protest in Modern Sri Lanka, Colombo, 1979, p. 286.

11. E. F. C. Ludowyk, The Story of Ceylon, p. 43.

12. Ibid., p. 43.

13. A.W.P Guruge, op.cit., p. 555.

14. Ibid., p. 562.

15. Ibid., p. 562.

16. Ibid., p.-575.

17. Walpola Rahula, op.cit., pp. 86-87.

18. E. F. C. Ludewyk, op.cit., p. 46.

19. Ibid., p. 47.

20. Taka.kasu, Sumantapasadika (commentary on The M ahavamsa in Pali language translated in English)

21. Walpola Rahula, op.cit., p. 165. 82

22. E.F.C Ludewyk, op.cit., p. 48.

23. C. R. De , op.cit., p. 75.

24. Satchi Ponnambalam, op.cit., p. 29.

25. C. R. de Silva, op.cit., pp. 145-146.

26. "Race Relations in Sri Lanka" Center for Society and Religion Publication, p. 25.

27. Devaraja L. S. The Kandyan Kingdom, Colombo 1972, p. 47.

28. Partemavatham, S. The Kingdom & Jaffna, Colombo, 1978, p. 111.

29. Mohan Ram, Sri Lanka - The Fractured Island, Penguin Books, New Delhi, 1989, p. 134.

30. Gananath Obeyesekere, "Origin and Institutionalization of Political Violence," Sri Lanka, in Change and Crisis, p. 158.

31. Gananath Obeyesekere, "The Vicissitudes of the Sinhala Buddhist Identity through Time and Change" in Michael Roberts (ed) Collective Identities, Ndtionalism and Protest in Modern Sri Lanka, Colombo, 1979 , p . 279 .

32. K. Malalgode, Buddhism in Sinhalese Society: A Study of Religious, Revival and change, Berkeley, 1976, 256 . 33. Kumari Jeyewardena, "Ethnic Consciousness in Sri Lanka, Continuity and change", p. 11 (unpublished paper).

34. Translated from Kauda Kotiya, "Who is the Tiger?" undated 1980.(A pamphlet)

35. From 'Sinhalayage Adisi Hatura,' "The unseen enemy of the Sinhalese, 1970.(A pamphlet)

36. Translated from "Sinhaluni Budi Sasuna Bera Geniw" (Sinhalese Save the Buddhist Religion), 1981.

37. Translated from "Kauda Kotiya", Who is the Tiger? 1980. 83 38. Newton Gurusingh, "Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: Perceptions and Solutions," Frontline, March 23- April 5, 1985.

39. Kumari Jeyawardane, "The rise of Labor movement in Ceylon", Duhram N C, Duke University Press, 1972, p. 358.

40. Sri Lanka Guardian, October 15, 1982.

41. Tilak Ratnakara, Origins of the Ethnic Problem and Separatist Tamil , Colombo. Center for Ethnic Unity, 1981, p. 1

42. Kumari Jeyawardane, Diversionary Movements against Christians and Muslims "Lanka Guardian, Vol. 6 No. 23 & 24, pp. 8-9.

43. Tilak Ratnakara, p. 4.

4 4 . Ibid.,p.5.

45. V. P. Vaidik, Ethnic Crisis in Sri Lanka, India's Options, National Publishing House, New Delhi, 1986, pp. 19-20.

46. Sarasavi Sandaras a, The Daily, Sri Lanka, May 28, 1899.

47. Kumari Jeyawardane, "Diversionary Movements against Christians and Muslims, Lanka Guardian, Vol. 6 , No. 23, pp. 8-9.

48. Tilak Ratnakara, p. 2.

49. Ibi d ., p. 7 .

50. Vaidik, p. 20.

51. Howard Wriggins, Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Nation, Princeton, 1960, p. 212. 83 A

The main motif with a lion holding a sword In its paws represents the ethnic majority, the Sinhalese; the yellow stripe represents the Tamils; and the green stripe (1) the Muslims. Note there is a clear space between the main motif and the stripes representing the minorities