Langcrit and the Experiences Of

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Langcrit and the Experiences Of “But your face, it looks like you’re English”: LangCrit and the Experiences of Multilingual Japanese-Canadian Children in Montreal Alison Crump Department of Integrated Studies in Education July, 2014 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy © Alison Crump ii Acknowledgements Doing my PhD has felt like a true privilege. I have spent the past few years thinking deeply and writing about issues that I care strongly about, and connecting with incredible people along the way. It has been a wonderful, challenging, inspiring, and enriching journey, one that I could not have taken without the support, guidance, and friendship of many people. First and foremost, I want to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Mela Sarkar, for her unfailing enthusiasm and encouragement, her prompt replies to my many questions, and her support, expertise, and guidance. Thank you, also for your friendship, your Christmas baking parties (one of my favourite weekends of the year!), garden parties, and for somehow making me feel like I was your only supervisee, which is about as far from the truth as possible. You are awe-inspiring and have been a superb role model. I look forward to working with you in the future. I would also like to thank my wonderful committee members, Dr. Anthony Paré and Dr. Eve Haque for their valuable and insightful input on my work over the past few years. I had my first PhD committee meeting with Mela, Anthony, and Eve in a mom and baby café, when my daughter Mia was about a year old. I suspect that having a PhD meeting amongst nursing bras was probably a first for all of us, and it is a testament to how great my committee members are that they agreed with enthusiasm to meet me there. Anthony, I hope we will continue our Scrabble games, especially if our win-lose ratio stays where it is (I leave it up to you, Anthony, to interpret this statement as you see fit). There are other faculty members whose support and guidance I would like to acknowledge. Dr. Teresa Strong-Wilson, you were the first person who encouraged me iii to write. You helped me find my writing voice and guided me to develop an identity as a writer. Thank you! To my neighbour, Dr. Lise Winer, I am grateful for your generosity and for inviting my family and me into your home on many occasions. Dr. Mary Maguire, I truly appreciate your valuable feedback on drafts of my methodology chapter. Dr. Dip Kapoor, thank you for the steady supply of editing work, for modeling for me how to manage a project in a respectful and timely manner, and for your encouragement and support during my studies. I have met some wonderful, supportive, inspiring, creative, and caring friends at McGill over the years. Heather Phipps, Sumanthra Govender, Apple Green, Amarou Yoder, Charlette Ménard, Tom Fullerton, Dr. Beverly Baker, and all the BILDers, thank you for enriching conversations, for collaborations of many kinds, and for meals, coffee dates, and days off. I hope that I can continue to work with you on future projects, or to simply stay in touch and share our excitement about the work we are doing. To my daughters, Mia and Emi, thank you for your smiles every day, for showing me how much I still have to learn as a parent, for reminding me that a thesis is just that, and for your patience with me when I have been, as Margaret Atwood has put it, down the writing burrow. Hisashi, thank you for your support throughout this journey, and for giving me time to work when I needed it. I also want to acknowledge the contributions of my parents, Beth and Nor, who, aside from being their inspiring and supportive selves, kindly agreed to read drafts of these chapters. Their comments and questions helped me write what I hope is a readable and accessible thesis. To my siblings, Sarah, Doug, and Pat, thank you for being who you are, and for not asking me too often how my work was coming along. To my dear friend, Carole Carrier, thank you for motivating me to jog, for iv skipping off work to meet me for coffee, for family dinners, endless conversations, and for trips to the cabin. I would also like to acknowledge the financial support I have received during my doctoral studies from SSHRC (Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council). Without this funding, I am not sure I would be where I am today. Last, but certainly not least, I want to extend my heartfelt gratitude to the three families who participated in this inquiry, who opened up their homes to a stranger, and welcomed me in. To the four children in these families, I have learned so much from our conversations and our engagements. I thank you for your spirited playfulness, and your enthusiasm during my visits. It is because of you that I so thoroughly enjoyed my doctoral journey. v Abstract This inquiry explores how young multilingual, racialized children in Montreal, Quebec navigate and understand their multilinguality and multi-ethnicity. While the visage linguistique (linguistic face) of Montreal is now securely French in terms of language use in public space and public signage, as per the intentions of Bill 101, with increasing immigration from non-European (non-White) countries since the 1980s, the face of the carriers of the French language has become less and less White. Quebec’s official monolingual French language policy (Bill 101), however, neatly divides people into three linguistic categories: Francophone, Anglophone, and Allophone (speakers of languages other than French or English). These categories mask considerable linguistic diversity, especially in Montreal, the city that receives almost 95% of immigrants to Quebec. They also disavow the visible, or racialized aspects of identity. Nevertheless, it appears that identity for multilingual youth in Montreal is shaped by the intersections of the subject- as-heard and the subject-as-seen (Sarkar, Low, & Winer, 2007). As a result, the study of multilingualism and multilingual identities in Montreal needs to be informed by a theoretical perspective that can account for the intersections of audible and visible identities. Taking a social approach to multilingualism and drawing on language policy and critical race theory scholarship, I developed one such theoretical lens, which I have coined LangCrit (Critical Language and Race Theory). I engaged in a qualitative and exploratory case study inquiry with four multilingual Japanese-Canadian children, ages four to six, in their homes in Montreal. The guiding principal of my methodology was a commitment to engaging in research with young children, rather than about them. Two interrelated streams of findings vi emerged from data I generated with the children during home visits, one related to methodology, the other related to theoretical understandings of multilingualism. With respect to the first, I found four guiding criteria for doing research with young children: 1) fostering respectful relationships; 2) being playful; 3) using creative methods; and 4) carving out spaces to engage alone with the children. These created the contexts for conversations with the children about their understandings of their language practices. With respect to the latter, three common themes emerged: 1) strong multilingual and multiethnic identities; 2) fixed and fluid perceptions of language and languaging; and 3) intersections of audible and visible identity. In short, the children demonstrated a keen sense of what languages are appropriate to use with whom and where. These ideas seem to be shaped by their impressions of not only what language one speaks (subject-as- heard), but also how they look (subject-as-seen). The children use this knowledge to language flexibly as they follow or resist social expectations for language use. The thesis closes with a discussion of methodological, theoretical, and pedagogical implications of the inquiry. vii Résumé Cette étude vise à expliquer la compréhension et la représentation du plurilinguisme et de la pluriethnicité chez des jeunes enfants plurilingues de différentes ethnicités dans le contexte de Montréal (Québec). Alors que la langue française représente le visage linguistique de Montréal dans la sphère publique, comme le dicte la loi 101, l’immigration non-européenne (c’est-à-dire, non-blanche) étant en croissance depuis les années 1980, le visage de la nouvelle francophonie est de moins en moins blanc. Toutefois, au Québec, la Charte de la langue française (communément appelée la loi 101) divise nettement la population en trois catégories : les francophones, les anglophones, et les allophones (ceux qui ne parlent ni le français, ni l’anglais). Ces catégories masquent considérablement la diversité linguistique de Montréal, une ville accueillant presque 95 % des immigrants du Québec. Elles renient également les aspects visibles (ou racialisés) de l’identité. Cela dit, il semble que l’identité des jeunes multilingues est définie par le croisement entre le sujet-entendu et le sujet-vu (Sarkar, Low, & Winer, 2007). Ainsi, l’étude du plurilinguisme et des identités plurilingues à Montréal doivent être vues par une perspective théorique qui considère les aspects identitaires auditifs et visuels. En étudiant le plurilinguisme sous un angle social et en m’inspirant de la théorie critique de la race (Critical Race Theory) et des politiques linguistiques, j’ai élaboré une approche critique que j’ai nommée LangCrit (théorie critique sur la langue et la race). J’ai effectué une étude de cas qualitative et exploratoire avec quatre enfants (4 à 6 ans) canado-japonais et plurilingues. L’étude a été faite dans leur milieu familial. Ma méthodologie est principalement guidée par mon désir de faire de la recherche avec les enfants, au lieu de sur les enfants.
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