CONTENTS

Executive Summary ...... 2

Introduction ...... 3

Somaliland Elections ...... 4

Methodology ...... 5

November 2017 presidential election...... 7

Citizens’ concerns ...... 7

Citizens’ expectations ...... 9

Election dynamics ...... 9

NEC as a key actor ...... 9

Political parties: views on electoral process ...... 10

The Media ...... 13

Civil society actors ...... 14

International election observers ...... 14

Security institutions ...... 15

Diaspora involvement ...... 17

Closing the gaps within the electoral system ...... 18

Concluding remarks ...... 19 Dr Adan Yusuf Abokor and Nasir M. Ali

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY and the emergence of multi-party politics, the role of the diaspora in state building has In any democracy, the opportunity to vote declined. This is due to the emergence of (and be elected), and the freedom of divisions, occurring as various diaspora association, including the ability to form members have sided with politicians and join organizations and associations representing different political parties. concerned with political and public affairs, Political parties have, therefore, are necessary rights. In , for contributed to a deeply divided society, almost two decades, these were considered both at home and abroad. customs, with the participation of citizens in the political process seen as being Somaliland’s political parties need urgent necessary. However, Somaliland’s citizens legal, institutional and political reform. This are always skeptical about the pledges of is necessary to accommodate all of the politicians during any campaign—knowing state’s intellectuals and elites, and also to that these often fail to materialize after a give a chance to those who have the politician has won office. Over the last ambition to run the state. decade, Somaliland’s citizens have increasingly lost trust in their politicians. A major problem for Somaliland’s political More reliable delivery of pledges made parties is that democracy within the parties during election campaigns would be one is either weak or, in reality, absent. This way to help restore this lost trust. means that the party old guard usually have the final say in nominating electoral The relationship between the citizen and candidates. the politician is not the only factor in understanding the context of democracy in The National Electoral Commission (NEC) is Somaliland. This is also negatively affected an institution in need of particular attention by the relationships between different from both the state and its citizens. political parties. While parties contest Countering the institutional weaknesses of politics bitterly, their relations mostly the NEC, including on the legal and remain friendly. Security institutions, civil administrative side, may help improve society actors, and donors have also played citizens’ trust in this institution. an active and constructive role, not only in Overcoming these weaknesses will not be this election, but more generally on an easy task. It will require the support of Somaliland’s road to becoming a viable the political parties, government and the multi-party democracy. friends of Somaliland from the international community, who have One of the most concerning examples of supported it since the inception of its citizen disengagement in this latest democracy. election was exemplified by the changing role of the Somaliland Diaspora. Previously, Of comparable importance to the NEC is the diaspora had actively participated in the Committee for the Registration of state and peace building endeavors in Political Associations and the Approval of Somaliland. However, since the start of Parties. This agency, which is tasked with Somaliland’s democratization processes, overseeing the behavior of the political

2 Assessing the 2017 Somaliland Presidential Election

parties, has failed to perform its about their choice of leaders. Many people responsibility of holding parties feel that their leaders are not effective and accountable to their charters, rules and are nostalgic about the old days of directly regulations effectively. The weaknesses of appointed city mayors, some of whom the political parties are mainly caused by were thought to be particularly effective. the absence of a regulatory framework. The agency has failed to properly evaluate The participation of citizens in politics political parties or, subsequently, to force requires institutions to be permanently them to rectify the institutional accessible to the population, and also the weaknesses and gaps observed. If political sustained engagement of young people. In parties are to survive and adhere to its rules democratic societies, the participation of and regulations, the Committee should be citizens in politics is very important. In institutionalized under the auspices of the Somaliland, the consolidation and growth NEC. of citizen participation in democracy is an important context for this analysis. INTRODUCTION While the relationship between citizens and In May 2001, Somaliland’s citizens went to politicians is quite encouraging, the the polling stations to approve an interim politicians have not transformed their party constitution in a public referendum systems and structures as is needed. Many coordinated by the Government of people now see political parties as tools Somaliland. The constitution called for used to win control over the state, which multi-party politics and democratic they then abandon. elections. Since then, Somaliland has held a series of contested elections at different The central theme of this study is to analyze levels: local, parliamentary and and understand the controversies between the presidential. This makes Somaliland one of citizens and politicians; examine the viability of the few functioning constitutional the Somaliland electoral processes, the democracies in the Muslim world. challenges it faces; citizens’ perception of the electoral system in general and the 2017 Elections have become a familiar presidential election in particular. The major occurrence in Somaliland. They are seen as question this study attempts to answer is: why a pillar of democracy, enabling voters to do people vote for a particular party. Without a choose representatives who will exercise a doubt, the party system in Somaliland is clan- public mandate on their behalf. oriented, rather than national interest-driven.

This hampers citizen participation as many When analyzing the participation of citizens in contemporary Somaliland citizens see parties as being dominated by a politics, there are two contradictory particular clan or allied clans against others. dimensions: first, the arena in which citizens involve themselves in politics is widening and, more broadly, people appear to be more active than ever before. Second, there is increasing citizen disenchantment

3 Dr Adan Yusuf Abokor and Nasir M. Ali

SOMALILAND ELECTIONS political career—he later became Somaliland’s president.2 A decade after it declared its separation from the rest of Somalia in 1991, Following the 2002 and 2003 elections, Somaliland conducted its first national Somaliland continued its democratization election. Nine political associations, who process and conducted its third general registered to run in local elections, electoral process. In September 2005, participated. Somaliland conducted its first parliamentary election where political The election, held in December 2002, not parties participated. This was the first and only allowed citizens to elect their local the last parliamentary election conducted representatives, but also to determine the in Somaliland. The postponement of the official three political parties that would be parliamentary elections was a blow to registered as the only authorized political Somaliland’s democratization processes parties in Somaliland. The Justice and and has had a negative impact on its 3 Welfare Party (known as UCID); the Unity, citizens’ trust in electoral processes. Peace, and Development Party (known as Kulmiye); and the United Democratic Somaliland has since experienced People’s Party (known as UDUB) became successive postponements to its elections. Somaliland’s political parties.1 The latter For instance, the presidential election collapsed after a decade of existence. scheduled for 2008 was finally held in June 2010. The successive postponements In April 2003, Somaliland conducted its first created rifts within the political parties. In presidential election. The three chairmen of addition, local councils, which were elected its authorized political parties all ran for in December 2002 with a 5-year mandate, office. The election was bitterly contested remained in office for almost 10 years by UDUB (the ruling party), Kulmiye (the (2002–2012). largest opposition party) and UCID. The UDUB candidate, Dahir Rayale Kahin, won The extension of presidential terms, made the election by a narrow margin of 80 by the House of Elders (Guurti), is the votes. Though some members of Kulmiye biggest challenge to Somaliland’s protested the election results, its candidate democratization processes. Yet this ‘Silanyo’— a extension is not the only dilemma, but also political veteran who had served as a the House of the Representatives and local minister in the Somalia’s military councils remain another challenge and government and the longest serving problem on the nation’s road to democracy chairman of the Somali National and respect of democratic principles. Movement (SNM)—vowed to accept the result without conditions. This concession 2 Hassan Ibrahim, Mohammed and Terlinden, Making contributed to Silanyo’s successful future Peace, Rebuilding Institutions: Somaliland – A Success Story? In Somalia: Current Conflicts and New Chances for State Building. Berlin: Heinrich Böll Foundation. Ulf (2008). Volume 6 (English Edition). 1 International Crisis Group Africa Report No 110, 3 International Crisis Group, ‘Somaliland: A Way out of the ‘Somaliland: Time for Leadership’, Addis Electoral Crisis’, Nairobi /Brussels: International Crisis Ababa/Brussels/, 2006. Group, 2009.

4 Assessing the 2017 Somaliland Presidential Election

METHODOLOGY Table 1: Population and sample distribution by city Overview (%)

To gain a comprehensive understanding of Location Eligible Voters Sample Percent Somaliland’s 2017 presidential election, the Hargeisa 179,328 476 47% Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies (in 118,411 313 31% collaboration with Rift Valley Institute) 64,160 169 17% conducted research to assess the problems 23,022 60 6% and challenges associated with the Total 384,921 1018 100% electoral process. The study adopted a mixed methodology to triangulate data Household survey during collection and analysis phases. It focused on four cities: Hargeisa, Burao, Household surveys were used with the aim Borama, and Las Anod. A household survey of conducting a face-to-face quantitative was employed using survey questionnaires, survey. These surveys asked questions aimed at obtaining a representative picture relating to personal demographics, access of the target populations, while the key to information regarding the election and informant interviews were used to probe electoral processes, collection of the voting deeper and cross-validate issues that card, access to voting and perceptions of emerged from the household surveys. This the electoral processes, including security mixture helped the research quality to concerns. triangulate the data collected. Questions were asked of the respondents Sampling method from randomly selected households. A team from the IPCS and the regional While the population varies from one city to universities collected 1018 questionnaires in another, eligible voters of each city were four cities from December 4–15, 2017. found, which enabled the application of a sampling formula to determine a IPCS employed Systematic Random representative sample size. The study took Sampling (SRS) where enumerators into account certain statistical parameters, randomly selected any 4th household after such as the level of confidence desired a random start point. A gender balance was (95%) and margin of error (+ or – 5%). emphasized across the entire survey.

Key informant interviews

The second method employed for data collection was personal interviews with key informants who possessed expert knowledge on the Somaliland electoral processes. The aim was to go deeper into

5 Dr Adan Yusuf Abokor and Nasir M. Ali

the subject and cross-validate the issues This inclusivity gives reliability and balance raised in the questionnaires. to the study.

The interviews were conducted between Figure 2: December 2017 and January 2018. Eight Marital status of the respondents (%) key informants were interviewed, including the National Electoral Commission (NEC), the Ministry of Interior, the three political parties (Kulmiye, UCID, and ), the Somaliland Journalists Association (SOLJA), the Somaliland Non-State Actors Forum (SONSAF), and the Somaliland Woman Umbrella (Nagaad). The interviewees expressed their views on a number of key questions, including their own engagement and experience with the election processes.

Descriptions of the respondents One of the important expectations of voters from the 2017 presidential election In this study, 44% of the respondents were was that candidates would work to create female, while 56% were male. jobs for unemployed youth. As the following figure shows, 21% of the Figure 1: respondents were employed full-time, 17% Gender of the respondents (%) were part-time employed, 21% were unemployed and looking for jobs, while 24% were unemployed and neither seeking jobs nor creating other sources of income. Besides these, 14% of the respondents were students, while 3% were retired and neither seeking jobs nor engaging in work. While explaining the level of unemployment in the country, the Ministry of National Planning and Development (2017) has argued that profound levels of unemployment disproportionately affect youth graduates. According to the ministry, A diverse group of people took part in the unemployment rates amount to 65.5 % in study with different social statuses and urban areas, 40.7 % in rural areas, and 47.4 backgrounds, ranging from single to % across the whole country. Therefore, married, to divorced, as well as widowed. creating job opportunities for the 44% of the respondents were single unemployed and underemployed was the compared to the 54% married. 1% were major reason for people to vote for any divorced and another 1% were widowed.

6 Assessing the 2017 Somaliland Presidential Election

candidate who may pledge and promise to Figure 4: address this critical issue. Respondents’ registration status (%)

Figure 3: Employment status of the respondents (%)

While 85% of the respondents registered, 15% did not. The study sought to understand why not. There were various NOVEMBER 2017 PRESIDENTIAL reasons given as to why respondents did ELECTION not to register. 33% were out of their localities or were on holiday, 24% wanted Citizens’ concerns to register in their respective region but did not manage to get there in time, 19% were Somaliland is the only constitutional not interested in the election and were democracy in the Horn of Africa that has tired of the elections and their outcomes, conducted several contested local, 10% had a health condition that prevented parliamentary and presidential elections.4 their access to the registration posts, 7% However, this democratic achievement has saw it as a waste of time and believed that not been without challenges, including the election would not bring any change, political, economic and legal issues. To while 2% argued that their clansman were understand its citizens’ concerns, the study not registered and thus they decided not to approached people in selected cities and register either. asked whether they registered to vote in the presidential election. Overall, across 15% of those who did not register were Somaliland, 85% of the respondents stated asked if they would like to register if they that they had registered. were given another chance. 73% of people stated that they would like to register and 27% insisted they would maintain their decision to not register even if they were given that opportunity. Why were such a high number of people interested in 4 Article 22 (2) of the Somaliland Constitution guarantees registering if they were given another the rights of the citizens to vote and to be elected by fulfilling the conditions and requirements obliged by other chance? The answer is that the level of state’s laws and regulations.

7 Dr Adan Yusuf Abokor and Nasir M. Ali

tribalism and clan based antagonism 10% were away from the country, 9% did increased during the election campaign.5 not care about the outcome of the election, Therefore, those of voting age became 6% changed their minds about interested in participating in both the participating in the election, 6% lost their campaign and the voting, as the following registration slips, 4% were in a poor health, figure shows. and finally 4% argued that no party policy appealed to them. Figure 5: Citizens’ decision whether to register again One positive indicator is that citizens did or not (%) show an understanding of their democratic rights, for instance, to elect or to be elected in the 2017 presidential election. 94% of the respondents approached by the study cast their votes, while 6% had not voted for various reasons, including: logistical problems, which included movement (transportation was banned except for those who had special permission from the NEC), or health conditions.

Figure 7:

Voting for the presidential election (%) Figure 6: Collection of voting card (%)

While 85% of the respondents had registered, 72% of those had never voted

before the 2017 election as the following There are various reasons why the 8% did figure shows. This is an indication of one of not collect their voting cards. Indeed, 54% two things. First, there was a bitter contest of the 8% stated that the time period for between the two major political parties collecting the cards was too short, while Kulmiye and Waddani. This influenced their respective constituencies. Second, many of 5 The two main political parties, Kulmiye and Waddani, those participating had not had an were criticized as using the clan slogan as a tool of campaigns. They were warned by election monitoring board several times.

8 Assessing the 2017 Somaliland Presidential Election

opportunity to vote in previous years tribalism and clan conflict would remain because of age. deep root in their communities.

Figure 8: Figure 9: Voting for the first time (%) Citizens’ hopes and expectation in the 2017 election (%)

Citizens’ expectations

In Somaliland, the first loyalty of people is ELECTION DYNAMICS often clan and they tend to decide who to vote for based on their clan affinity. In the NEC as a key actor 2017 election, citizens were deeply divided. One positive thing, however, emerged from Conducting a free and fair election in this process: citizens expressed their hopes Somaliland is no easy task. Indeed, the and expectations that an election would electoral commission—with the help of bring positive change to Somaliland (see both domestic and international figure 9). These included: change and stakeholders—has tried to organize the development, recognition of Somaliland as election in a manner that would guarantee an independent country and political a successful outcome. This could be change, peace and stability, employment achieved with the participation of all and the economic progress, justice and stakeholders. equality; democracy and good governance, reduction of inflation, improving water and According to the National Electoral infrastructure, improving health and Commission, the credibility of the election education sectors, fighting corruption in all can be attributed to several factors: the levels, and improving the agriculture and existence of an independent national fuel production sectors. While some electoral commission, an internationally respondents had expectations that the accepted voter registration system, the election would promote these issues, 6% of revision of different electoral legislations, the respondents expressed concerns that and the production of a common electoral the election would bring no form of positive change, while another 3% stated that

9 Dr Adan Yusuf Abokor and Nasir M. Ali

law, which was passed by Somaliland’s While the NEC has logistical and House of Representatives.6 administrative weaknesses, the While a viable system was in place, and the respondents approached by the study preparation process for the election was across Somaliland’s four major cities were relatively effective, but there were still generally satisfied by the way the NEC challenges. For instance, the successive managed the election. The figures varied postponement of the election, plus the lack between political parties as shown by of civic education, decreased the turnout. Figure 10 below.

The lack of civic education among the Figure 10: population was an obstacle to smooth Satisfaction with NEC electoral electoral processes. Ordinary citizens, civil management (%) society actors and members of the national electoral commission approached for this study agreed that there were weaknesses in how stakeholders reached out to the general population to convince them to register to vote and collect their voting cards.7

The electoral commission did manage to prepare a reasonably level playing field for the competing political parties, albeit after a number of difficulties and challenges. Before the election, the commission raised concerns about whether political parties Political parties: views on electoral process would abide by the code of conduct they had collectively agreed would guide their The Somaliland presidential election in actions.8 However, these fears were largely 2017 went through various stages, from the unfounded. Indeed, Justice and Welfare registration of voters to the distribution of Party a.k.a UCID was given a political voting cards and finally the campaign and achievement award for its success in polling day itself. The slow pace of controlling its membership. preparations caused a delay, with successive postponements leading many citizens to decline either to register, collect their voting cards or even to vote. 6 Discussion with a member of the National Electoral Commission, Hargeisa, Somaliland. 7 This gap and challenges was acknowledged by NEC The process was relatively successful both during the interview. before and after the campaign. However, 8 In a joint session, the three political parties and the NEC according to the opposition parties, jointly signed an agreement (electoral code of conduct). The agreement carries fundamental elements, for something went wrong during the voting instance, avoid using hate speech and inflammatory card distribution phase. In the eastern words that might jeopardize the peace and stability of the , many cards fell into nation and coexistence of the people, and cooperate with the election board. unauthorized hands, for instance, in the

10 Assessing the 2017 Somaliland Presidential Election

hands of traditional chiefs and leaders who political parties, Kulmiye expressed similar collected many cards to distribute to their complaints and concerns about the clan members who were, for one reason or commission’s preparations for the election. another; away from their villages (some For instance, it highlighted the danger of had left the country or migrated from their printing ballot papers, which the localities due to drought).9 These practices commission did unilaterally without clearly undermined the democratic process. informing or consulting with the political This experience is contrary to what parties.11 happened in the western part of the country, like in the Sahil, Hargeisa and The ruling party also highlighted another Awdal regions, in which the uncollected important issue. According to Kulmiye, voting cards were sent back to the NEC very few government officials were willing headquarters.10 to work with the party as most of the ministers were not expecting to be Indeed, both NEC and the competing reappointed if their party was re-elected. political parties had different views and This argument was supported by other ideas about the way in which the election intellectuals who linked Kulmiye’s internal was organized and later conducted. The conflicts and rifts with the government’s political parties, particularly the opposition, intervention in the party affair. However, underline several challenges, for instance, Kulmiye highlighted that the Waddani the parties questioned the capacity of the party did not expose the weaknesses of the electoral commission, but acknowledged government as they were targeting the preparation and the high-tech Kulmiye’s presidential candidate, who equipment used to eliminate double voting. never worked as a minister or trusted advisor during the Silanyo administration.12 The working relationship between the political parties and the NEC was generally Despite their political differences, the three good. Moreover, the Ministry of Interior, political parties acknowledged the whose prime responsibility is to preserve participation of the eastern regions in the and protect the internal security of the election. This could be attributed to the state and safety of the citizens, also worked effective security preparation that was effectively with the political parties. Both undertaken by state security institutions to opposition parties acknowledged the role enable the election to take place. Beyond of the security institutions in protecting the security issues in the eastern regions, a their property and supporters. concern highlighted by several respondents The ruling Kulmiye party also viewed the was the severe drought that hit the eastern election positively, including its relationship part of the country, which affected the with the NEC. However, like the other election preparation process, including voting card distribution.

9 This kind of practice appeared in certain localities mainly in the eastern regions, for instance, Ainabo, El Afwein, and Garadag. NEC arrested those who collected the cards on behalf of the absent voters. 11 Interview with a senior officer from KULMIYE party, 10 Interview with a senior official from the UCID political Hargeisa, Somaliland. party, Hargeisa, Somaliland. 12 Ibid., 11.

11 Dr Adan Yusuf Abokor and Nasir M. Ali

In democratic societies, citizens decide who movement of politicians and their to vote for based on at least two important supporters from one to factors: a) their political ideologies and another. This study raised a question that loyalties; b) the party program, which seems critical to the respondents: given a seems that it could have a positive impact second chance, which party would you vote on their socioeconomic status and for? Interestingly, 78% of the ruling party livelihood. However, this choice is not supporters remained in their party, while possible in Somaliland and the Somali 3% shifted to UCID, 3% to Waddani, and 1% context in general. The Somaliland and decided to vote for none of the three. 14% Somali political structure is mainly based did not know which one to vote for. on clan loyalty.13 In this study, as the Furthermore, 79% of Waddani supporters following figure shows, 55% voted for the remained in their political party, 5% shifted ruling party, while 38% voted for Waddani to Kulmiye, 2% to UCID, 3% to none of the and the rest (6%) for UCID. There is a valid three, and 10% did not know who to vote question to ask, namely: why the voters for. decided to vote for those political parties? Several elements determined these Indeed, a lack of political ideology and decisions, including: political loyalty, clan party loyalty appears to be the reason why affinity, party programs, and the characters many supporters and politicians move from and legacy of the candidates. one party to another. For instance, 19% of UCID voters in the 2017 election stated that Figure 11: they would vote for Kulmiye, 45% would Party distribution of votes (%) remain in their political party, 19% would switch their support to Waddani, 5% to none of the three, and 12% did not know who to vote for.

In the Somaliland and Somali context, party supporters are dynamic political actors and frequently move from one party to another. Those who follow Somaliland’s political dynamics may observe the

13 A. Bulhan, Hussein, In-between Three Civilizations: Archaeology of Forgotten Experience and the Triple Heritage of Somalis. Bethesda, Maryland: Tayosan International Publishing, 2013.

12 Assessing the 2017 Somaliland Presidential Election

Table 2: state security apparatuses or the electoral Who would you vote for if given a second commission during the election. However, choice? (%) according to people working in the media, the NEC established its own media network Which Given a second chance, which party would you vote for? whose responsibility it was to disseminate party did None the NEC’s news to the public at large you vote of Don't for? Kulmiye Ucid Waddani them know Total through both private and public media. Kulmiye 78% 3% 3% 1% 14% 100% Ucid 19% 45% 19% 5% 12% 100% Despite some generally positive Waddani 5% 2% 79% 3% 10% 100% developments, opposition parties have had Sources: Survey from four cities in their own concerns with the performance Somaliland, 2017 of the media during the election. According to Waddani, the public media such as the The Media National TV, the Radio Hargeysa and the state-owned newspaper did not report In the 2017 presidential election, the media fairly. This does not necessarily mean that both print and broadcast were relatively the state media did not offer airtime to the neutral when compared to previous opposition, but principally that this was not Somaliland elections. This neutrality can be in prime-time slots. Specifically, Waddani attributed to a number of factors, including stated that during the last days of the but not limited to: campaign, the state-controlled media offered airtime to the opposition but only 1) An agreement that was reached by during the less popular afternoon hours. the political parties and the private Most of the time was offered to the media to engage with the media government and the ruling party. One equally; consequence of this was that Waddani had 2) The state-owned media—most to invest more in private media, which was importantly, the Somaliland costly. Some members of the private media National Television and the only were also more favorable to the ruling radio operator in the country, the party—usually a consequence of the Radio Hargeysa—played a neutral pressure that government had put on it.15 role in airing the programs and news related to the opposition parties. Due to advances in technology, social media played an expanded role in this In addition, the Somaliland Journalists election, at times negative. To avoid violent Association (SOLJA) organized a series of conflicts between citizens and the training events before the election aimed at dissemination of propaganda against the training journalists on how to report during election results, the three political parties, 14 the election period. the government and the electoral commission agreed to suspend social Neither the opposition parties nor private media experienced problems from the

14 Discussions with a Somaliland Journalists Association 15 Interview with a senior official from Waddani political chairman, Hargeisa, Somaliland. party, Hargeisa, Somaliland.

13 Dr Adan Yusuf Abokor and Nasir M. Ali

media during the election day and for 48 also played an important role in making the hours afterwards. election free and fair. Civil society actors According to civil society actors, the Since 1991, when Somaliland declared election was inclusive and participatory for independence from Somalia, civil society the political parties, local and international actors in Somaliland have rapidly increased. electoral observers. SONSAF took the lead This had a positive impact on the state’s in producing the CSOs report on the overall community development, peace election. SONSAF not only produced building processes and democratization. reports on the process, but also acted as the local organization whose responsibility Somaliland’s civil society groups, almost it is to deploy over 620 local observers to without exception, all took part in the the country’s polling stations.17 democratization processes of the state, including the 2017 election. These Local civil society organizations and institutions include: Nagaad, an umbrella Somaliland’s traditional leaders have group including more than 30 local non- remained relatively free from the influence governmental women’s organizations, and of politicians and their political parties. the Somaliland Non-State Actors Forum They have developed a policy to avoid the (SONSAF), another umbrella organization, alignment of their institutions with any comprised by professional associations in political party or political group. However, Somaliland. Both organizations played a during this election, an opposition party, role in the election processes. specifically Waddani, expressed grievances against civil society organizations, Women’s organizations were given special particularly those engaging in the election permission to be involved in the electoral and electoral processes of the state. The process, including through electoral Academy for Peace and Development, observation and extending training whose role was to mediate between the programs to staff working on the elections. political parties, was seen to have lost the Furthermore, as the voter registration trust of this political party. involved a sophisticated new biometric system, NEC organized a pre-test as a pilot- SONSAF was also accused of favoring the project to ascertain how reliable the system government and ruling party. This begs the was. To carry this out, Nagaad selected 30 question: to what extent was the neutrality women to participate in organizing the pre- of the civil society actors compromised, test tasks.16 either through their actions or perception?

The Electoral Monitoring Board and a International election observers mediation committee composed of traditional leaders, CSOs and other activists The arrival of international observers in Somaliland elections is a common

16 Interview with a senior officer from Nagaad Umbrella, 17 Interview with a senior officer from SONSAF, Hargeisa, Hargeisa, Somaliland. Somaliland.

14 Assessing the 2017 Somaliland Presidential Election

phenomenon. In this election, around 60 which affected the results. 23% of the international observers came to Somaliland respondents raised different types of to follow the process, including the factors, which they believed to be the preparation, voting and tallying of votes. source of irregularities, such as clan alliances, government intervention and The observers divided themselves into bribing of the electoral commission. groups and were dispatched across the country, mainly visiting the major cities. Figure 12: The purpose of this process was to follow Citizen perception of the election (%) how the election day went, particularly to see if there were any irregularities at the polling stations. For instance, if there were party slogans in and around polling stations, if the parties were campaigning there, and if unauthorized people were able to enter the polling stations.

Opposition political parties expressed their concerns, stating that in some polling stations underage voters were clearly in evidence. This can be regarded as a breach of the electoral laws, which NEC were responsible for implementing. However, According to NEC, the role that the international observers stated that the international community played in the election was conducted fairly. election was a positive one. Its various components acted as a pressure group to International observers noted that the monitor the process. It also provided voting process was peaceful. However, the Somaliland with all necessary materials and Waddani party has argued that the assistance, including ballot papers, voter observers did not witness the attack on its cards and the system used for the biometric vehicles during the campaign by Kulmiye voter registration. They also provided supporters. This could be because the technical assistance, especially the number of observers was relatively small software required by the NEC, which they and therefore unable to monitor all polling tailored according to demand. stations—a criticism used by Waddani. Though Waddani expressed grievances Security institutions over the election processes, the survey conducted by the Institute for Peace and The role of the security apparatus across Conflict Studies and the Rift Valley Institute the country during the election deserves shows a different reading of events. In the mention. The Ministry of Interior is context of this study, 71% of citizens responsible for coordinating the internal argued that the election was free and fair, security of the state. It worked closely with while 23% of citizens highlighted that the NEC during the election. However, its staff election was mired by fraud and rigging,

15 Dr Adan Yusuf Abokor and Nasir M. Ali

has expressed their grievances against the study, Hargeisa, the largest city and the electoral commission. According to the political capital of Somaliland, had the officials at the ministry, the electoral lowest number of security concerns. This commission undermined its role in the compares to Las Anod, which had the electoral processes and even excluded it highest, and Burao which had the second from the task-force assigned to work with highest level of security concerns, while the electoral commission during the Borama was ranked third. registration process. According to the ministry, this didn’t affect their Further analysis is needed to understand responsibility for maintaining peace and why security concerns were greater in some security during the electoral process.18 areas than others. In Las Anod, citizens linked their concerns to Somaliland’s In most African countries, ruling parties border conflict with Puntland State of dominate state institutions and serve their Somalia, which threatened to prevent the party interests.19 In Somaliland, where the election taking place in Sool and exercise of democracy is flourishing, the regions. The second city to note is Burao, security institutions have never inclined to which is bitterly contested by Kulmiye and the ruling party. According to the ministry Waddani, the largest opposition party in of the interior, while those running it were Somaliland. This contest between the two members of the ruling party, the ministry parties impacted on the city and polarized provided security services to opposition its citizens at the grassroots level. This kind parties during the campaign. of polarization has never helped the coexistence of the citizens at large. This does not mean that there weren’t any However, the citizens’ concerns over challenges. The 21 day campaign was a security in Borama, which is the burden both on the state and the political cornerstone of the Somaliland state and parties. Minimizing the number of days of peace building endeavors, was a surprise. campaigning in future is necessary. This is an indication of how the election and Furthermore, increasing the number of the campaign has deeply divided the security personnel, including traffic police, community at large at clan, sub-clan and deployed during the campaign would be an kinship levels. advantage.20 Figure 13: Somaliland’s citizens had their own Security concerns over the election concerns about the prospect of the election and its implications on the security and coexistence of society at large. For instance, of the four cities surveyed in this

18 Interview with a senior official at the Ministry of Interior, Hargeisa, Somaliland. 19 Salih, Mohamed & Nordlund, Political Parties in Africa: Challenges for Sustained Multiparty Democracy. Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, Per (2007). 20 Ibid., 18.

16 Assessing the 2017 Somaliland Presidential Election

Diaspora involvement communities abroad and divided the diaspora. In the contemporary Somalis history, the role of the diaspora has been a relatively The establishment of political parties along positive one. Prior to the eruption of the clan-lines is the major if not the sole source war in the 1980s, Somalis, including the of Somaliland’s division both within the Somalilanders living in the Gulf States, country and outside. Politicians raise funds earned money and invested it back in their from clan-affiliated diaspora and take home country. This was true during the advantage of every mechanism necessary days of the struggle in the 1980s and even to reach their goal. The major goal of the after the separation of Somaliland from the politicians is to secure funds from the rest of Somalia in 1991. Somaliland citizens diaspora and thus retain their state power. contributed greatly to the peace and This kind of engagement has impacted on reconciliation conferences and building state security and the coexistence of blocks of the state, including Somaliland’s citizens. democratization efforts. The 2017 election was no exception and it This was also true in the 1990s, when the was more bitterly contested than previous civil war broke out in Somaliland. The ones. The divisions between the diaspora, diaspora struggled to end the war and as well as between the local citizens, were influenced leaders on to both sides to end extremely obvious to the extent that each the violence. The Somaliland Forum, a well- diaspora member allied his/herself to their known forum for all Somalilanders, is an respective candidate and raised funds to example of these efforts.21 support him both within and outside the country. This division is the main reason However, the role of the Somaliland why both the government and NEC refused diaspora is changing. There are different to give the diaspora a role as international and diverse factors and contributors that election observers. have led to this. This includes the democratization of the state and the It is important to note that clan loyalty has emergence of political parties based on had a strong influence on families both at clan and kinship, which has polarized the home and abroad. This is clear when we analyze citizens’ perception of the election and how they decided to vote for their 21 Some Somalilander individuals abroad were very much distressed by the sad events in Somaliland. These respective candidates. The following figure Somalilanders held meetings in the countries they lived in shows that 69% of the respondents voted (e.g. Denmark, Sweden, Norway, , Djibouti, the the same way as their family members—an Netherlands, etc.) and discussed how best they could help in bringing the civil conflict to an end. These activities indication that the clan factor was culminated in an enlarged conference in , UK, 29- influential in deciding the vote. 30 April 1995. About 80 Somalilander delegates from Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Holland, Sweden, United State of America and the United Kingdom participated in the conference. One of the main objectives of the conference was to define a practical role that like- minded Somalilanders abroad could play in restoring peace and stability in Somaliland.

17 Dr Adan Yusuf Abokor and Nasir M. Ali

Figure 14: trust. This is true when we analyze our Decision of citizens to vote similar to family survey results. The majority (76%) of members (%) respondents were satisfied by the system of the Somaliland elections (see figure 15).

Figure 15: Satisfaction of citizens with electoral system (%)

The other important factor was the role of social media, which was very critical in this election as Facebook, LinkedIn, and the Twitter were seriously threatening the security, stability and social cohesion of the state. Indeed, as previously noted, the NEC It is important to acknowledge that the requested that telecom companies suspend NEC could not in itself resolve any of these social media access during the election, challenges, all of which require sustained particularly on election day and the and systematic action on the part of all of following 48 hours. Given the emphasis on the stakeholders and interested parties. In this, the negative side of the diaspora some respects, the NEC might place involvement was that when they arrived in Somaliland more prominently in the groups which were based on clan, they limelight by identifying the challenges and created competition that encouraged clan problems from within to gain the attention rivalry and threatened security. of the state and its citizens. However, to overcome the electoral challenges, there CLOSING THE GAPS WITHIN THE are a number of factors that need to be ELECTORAL SYSTEM applied and evaluated. This means that the NEC needs to perform a participatory Since 1991, Somaliland has managed to evaluation involving all stakeholders in build its institutions from the ashes of order to learn from each election. At conflicts and civil wars without much present, the NEC mostly relies on the work international engagement or intervention. of others, such as the reports of local and The Somaliland National Electoral international observers. The NEC has Commission is one of the successful state plenty of time between elections that can institutions. This does not mean that the be utilized for reviewing and improving NEC doesn’t have any problems, but despite these, the NEC generally has public

18 Assessing the 2017 Somaliland Presidential Election

some of the systems, gaps and challenges members. This means that clan loyalty has of the electoral process. had a stronger influence over voting behavior than party, particularly in the 2017 Most importantly, the NEC needs to rethink presidential election. and reformulate issues that are creating a positive public posture in the country and Multi-party and pluralist politics is a new design new forms of cooperation with local exercise in Somaliland. However, political and international stakeholders. To build a parties are regarded by ordinary citizens viable electoral system, the NEC needs to and intellectuals as one of the major drivers consider continuing and extending proper of division, which hampers the internal training for junior students from the cohesion of the society. The presence of universities. In this election, students from some institutional weaknesses within the some universities faced challenges that had parties, which have both political and legal an effect on their work and put the burden dimensions, may have also contributed to both on the NEC and the voters. Equally this. It appears that the political parties important, NEC needs to appoint monitors have failed to unite the citizens under an of their own who supervise their staff at the ideological framework and flagship. Rather, polling stations. they have accentuated resurgence in clan loyalty. Therefore, there is an urgent need The election monitoring board has been an for further institutional reforms and for important actor in successive Somaliland restructuring of parties. elections. However, there is a need to review their selection criteria and formalize The success of the Somaliland political their role in the election processes. Though parties rests on adhering to party charters the monitoring board faced challenges, in a and laws of the state and respecting the few cases they succeeded. For example, citizens’ unity and coexistence. In this during the voter card distribution, Waddani sense, though the political parties engaged and Kulmiye were actively campaigning, determinedly in successive but after they were warned by the board, democratization processes, building party they responded positively. The other case is capacity should be a long-term priority. The the use of negative campaigning that relied major responsibility rests on the leaders of upon inappropriate language, which was political parties, who should outline ways also reduced after the board took action. forward and strategies to overcome institutional weakness. CONCLUDING REMARKS

In Somaliland, there are interrelated factors that influence one another and have an impact on the state’s transition to democracy. It is important to note that citizens are uninvolved and uninformed regarding the registration and cards distribution period. In addition, many of the citizens voted the same way as their family

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