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Downloaded from Pubfactory at 09/24/2021 09:26:43PM Via Free Access 98 First Steps Chapter 3. First steps Abstract: The beginning of excavations on the west side of the “step pyramid.” Surprising results of first trial pits. Between diplomacy and friendship. Keywords: geophysical survey, first mummies, mysterious walls. Various factors determine the choice of a location for excavations. If they are rescue excavations, there is no choice. You need to dig where a motorway, a factory or a house is to be built. But sometimes, e.g. in the case of the con- struction of another dam on the Nile, which is going to flood an enormous area with the waters of an artificial lake, you get to choose the site. This is what happened at the turn of the 1950s and 1960s, when a new dam was being built in Aswan. The whole archaeological world rushed to help rescue the monuments and artefacts. Not only because the great international cam- paign was under UNESCO patronage but also because of the extraordinary rules concerning the division of the excavated relics, put in place due to the especially difficult work conditions caused by haste, the insufferable climate, and complicated desert logistics. And so, every country participating in the campaign could receive half of the archaeological material it excavated, or its equivalent. By such means, several countries accumulated new wealth, acquiring small Nubian shrines, taken out of their original contexts, then reconstructed and placed in honorary locations. One such shrine stands today on a hill next to the Royal Palace in Madrid, two others were placed in the great museums: the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York and the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden, the Netherlands.1 1 The Temple of Debod (Madrid): F. J. Martín Valentín et al., Debod: Tres décadas de historia en Madrid, Madrid 2001. The Temple of Dendur (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York): C. Aldred, The Temple of Dendur, New York 1978. The Temple of Taffah (Museum of Antiquities in Leiden): H. D. Schneider,Taffeh: rond de wederopbouw van een Nubische tempel, Leiden 1979; M. J. Raven, “The Temple of Taffeh: A Study of Details,”Oudheidkundige mededeelingen van het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden 76 (1996), pp. 41–62; M. J. Raven, “The Temple of Taffeh,”Oudheidkundige mededeelingen van het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden 79 (1999), pp. 81–102. See also: D. Arnold, Temples of the Last Pharaohs, Oxford 1999, p. 193 (Debod), p. 240 (Taffah), p. 244 (Dendur); and K. Myśliwiec, Herr Beider Länder. Ӓgypten im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr, Mainz am Rhein 1998, figs. 56–57, p. 215, figs. 82–83; K. Myśliwiec,The Twilight of Ancient Egypt. First Millennium B.C.E., Ithaca–London 2003, pp. 195–196, fig. 56, 57. Karol Jan Myliwiec - 9783631820612 Downloaded from PubFactory at 09/24/2021 09:26:43PM via free access 98 First steps Having completed the prospection of the whole area destined to be flooded by the waters of the Nubian (or Nasser) Lake, Professor Kazimierz Michałowski chose Faras located in Sudanese Nubia, close to the Egyptian- Sudanese border. On the surface of the hill lay blocks from a temple of the New Kingdom period, decorated with hieroglyphic inscriptions.2 The professor believed that the hill’s interior concealed this very temple. Reality surpassed all his expectations. He found something that the global media immediately proclaimed to be the “Faras miracle,” and about the discoverer it was written that he had “drawn the best ticket at the [Nubian] lottery:” a giant early-Christian cathedral, the walls of which were covered with sev- eral layers of magnificent paintings, reflecting centuries of the development of Nubian art.3 Polish research in Alexandria also began with rescue excavations. When bulldozers tried in vain to soak their teeth into the resistant matter of white marble blocks, arranged in a sequence with an oddly rounded edge, Kazimierz Michałowski, luckily lecturing at the time at the University of Alexandria as a visiting professor, was summoned immediately. With no hint of hesitation he announced, “This is an ancient theatre!” He saved a whole district of the cosmopolitan metropolis from the first centuries AD. Soon systematic Polish excavations commenced there, and they continue to this day. A great role in the choice of a location for an excavation site is played by written sources. In many cases, they identify with a significant degree of probability where one can expect to find the ruins of an ancient city, and even provide its name. However, sometimes the opposite occurs, when one knows the toponym but not the city’s location. Even more frequently, one excavates the remains of impressive architecture, not knowing the name of the city which has revealed a fragment of its past glory. It was on the basis of studies into a papyrus mentioning a previously unknown yet important monastic centre in the Fayum Oasis that Professor Ewa Wipszycka-Bravo initiated research in modern-day Naqlun, where Professor Włodzimierz Godlewski’s archaeological mission later discovered countless riches of Early Christian culture.4 2 J. Karkowski, The Pharaonic Inscriptions from Faras (“Faras” 5), Warszawa 1981. 3 K. Michałowski, “Polish Excavations at Faras 1961,” Kush. Journal of the Sudan Antiquities Service 10 (1962), pp. 220–244 and Kazimierz Michałowski’s reports in Kush. Journal of the Sudan Antiquities Service 11 (1963), pp. 233–256; 12 (1964), pp. 195–207, 13 (1965), pp. 177–189; cf. W. Godlewski, Pachoras – The Cathedrals of Aetios, Paulos and Petros. The Architecture (“PAM Supplement Series” 1), Warszawa 2006. 4 W. Godlewski, “Naqlun,” pp. 171–203. Karol Jan Myliwiec - 9783631820612 Downloaded from PubFactory at 09/24/2021 09:26:43PM via free access First steps 99 Archaeological identification of sites previously known only from written sources happens increasingly more often thanks to modern Arabic names. Oftentimes, they conceal a transformed ancient toponym. Present-day Naqlun bears the echoes of the ancient Naqloni, and Tell Atrib is nothing but the Coptic Atrepe, created from the Greek Athribis, which, in turn, is derived from the Old Egyptian Hut-(ta)-heri-ib(et). This later name can be translated as ‘the abode [located] at the heart,’ which would be an allusion to the local relic upon which the whole local theology was constructed in pharaonic times. According to primaeval beliefs, here stored was the heart of Osiris, the god dismembered by his mortal enemy, Seth.5 It is in search of such associations, combining language, religion and topography, leading to the identification of ancient towns, that Egyptologists organise excursions to various provinces of modern Egypt. The researchers visit small villages, talk to the inhabitants, listen to their tales, while simultaneously closely observing whether the walls of the simple huts might not contain a stone block with the remains of a text in one of the ancient languages. Even just a few so preserved hieroglyphs can point in the right direction, enabling the identification of an ancient city. In the case of Saqqara, there was no need to play the role of detectives starting an investigation from ground zero. Rather, from the very beginning we were surprised that at a site where archaeological research in Egyptology had begun 150 years ago, where teams of researchers from the whole world had fought to receive excavation permits, no one had so far expressed interest in the area neighbouring the oldest pyramid in the world from the west. It surprised us even more so that in general in ancient Egypt the west side was the domain of the dead. Necropoles were located on the west sides of cities, and the god of the dead was referred to using the epithet ‘one who is at the forefront [of the inhabitants] of the west.’ It was difficult to imagine that there would be an archaeological desert on the west side of a pyramid espe- cially venerated as the creation of the deified architect Imhotep.6 Even the thought seemed so ridiculous that I decided to discuss the problem first with the biggest scientific authorities in Saqqara archaeology. And there was no bigger expert on Saqqara at the time than Jean-Philippe Lauer.7 After I asked 5 P. Vernus, Athribis, ch. 2, fn. 19. 6 D. Wildung, Imhotep und Amenhotep: Gottwerdung im alten Ägypten, Berlin 1977, pp. 1–244; B. Jamieson, M.D. Hurry, Imhotep: The Egyptian God of Medicine, Ares Pub. 1978; M. K. Asante, From Imhotep to Akhenaten: An Introduction to Egyptian Philosophers, Menaibuc 2004; K. Ryholt, The Life of Imhotep (P. Carlsberg 85), in: G. Widmer, D. Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXe Congrès International des Études Démotiques, Le Caire 2009, pp. 305–315. 7 J.-Ph. Lauer, La Pyramide a degrés, Vol. 1–2: L’architecture, Fouilles ā Saqqarah, Le Caire 1936; Vol. 3: Compléments, Le Caire 1939. See the bibliography of Karol Jan Myliwiec - 9783631820612 Downloaded from PubFactory at 09/24/2021 09:26:43PM via free access 100 First steps him what he thought about the potential excavations on the west side of the ‘step pyramid,’ he replied succinctly, “If you don’t have plenty of time and money to lose, don’t go digging there. There might be an ancient rubbish heap and perhaps a quarry at best.” His thinking was based, I assume, on the premise that if the frontal part of Djoser’s tomb complex was located on the eastern side of the whole temenos, then only the ‘tool shed’ could be sit- uated on the opposite side, and it – of course – had to be somewhere. There was no need for better encouragement. Being acquainted with the mentality, eschatology and funerary customs of the Ancient Egyptians, I could not doubt for a second that the area adjacent to the pyramid com- plex from the west had to be an important part of the royal necropolis, used for sepulchral or sacral purposes at least at one stage of its history encompassing 4,000 years.
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