Hemisphere Volume 6 Article 1 Issue 1 Winter/Spring

1994 Hemisphere Volume 6 Number 1, Winter/Spring 1994

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A MAGAZINE OF LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN AFFAIRS

Winter I Spring 1994 Volume Six • Number One Seven Dollars

Crisis and Election: Brazil Mauricio A. Font,] Timmons Roberts, Katherine Ellison

Crisis and Election: Mexico Jorge Castaneda, Martin Edwin Andersen, Othon Banos Ramirez

A New Politics of Guerrilla Insurgency? Walter Gillis Peacock, David Stoll

Watson on the Promise of Reformism in Mexico Maingot on Rethinking Caribbean Sovereignty Adams on Grassroots Capitalism Hughes on Mexican Election, US Voters Griffith on Geonarcotics in the Caribbean Grenier on Classical Music in Haiti

Hemisphere 2 ■ A MAGAZINE OF LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN AFFAIRS •FAIRS

Provoking debate on the region’s problems, initiatives and achievements... Providing an intellectual bridge between the concerned publics of North America, Latin America and the Caribbean.

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A MAGAZINE OF LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN AFFAIRS

Provoking debate on the region’s problems, initiatives and achievements... Providing an intellectual bridge between the concerned publics of North America, Latin America and the Caribbean. nt

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1 ia win Andersen Hemisphere rez Gillis Peacock S16li#St|||g^J||g8 1 ■ ■ M i I A MAGAZINE OF LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN AFFAIRS

Provoking debate on the region’s problems, initiatives and achievements... Providing an intellectual bridge between the concerned publics of North America, Latin America and the Caribbean. Subscribe now to Hemisphere—and give as a gift!

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Mail this form with payment to: Hemisphere, Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University, Miami, FL 33199. Or call (305) 348-2894 or fax (305) 348-3593 and charge it to your credit card. Hemisphere

A MAGAZINE OF LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN AFFAIRS

EDITORIAL STAFF COMMENTARY Editor: A nthony P. Maingot Deputy Editor: Richard Tardanico Reformist Momentum in Mexico: A US View Managing Editor: Marilyn A. Moore Associate Editors: Eduardo A. Gamarra, by Alexander F. Watson Mark B. Rosenberg Assistant Editor: Sofia A. Lopez The Past Six Years: A Review and Revisit by Anthony P. Maingot Bibliographer: Marian Goslinga Editorial Assistant: Rene Ramos Circulation Manager: Raquel Jurado Copy Editor: Michael B. Joslyn Production Assistants: Cristina Finlay, REPORTS Alka Lachhwani, Teresita Marill Cuba’s New Capitalists by David Adams CONTRIBUTING EDITORS Cardenas, PRI, and the US Vote by Sallie Hughes Jan et M. Chernela Raul Moncarz Elena de Jongh Lisandro Perez Drugs Alter the Security Agenda by Ivelaw L. Griffith Damian J. Fernandez Luis P. Salas Dennis J. Gayle Kevin A. Yelvington Teaching Classical Music in Haiti by Robert M. Grenier

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD Don Bohning Guido Pennano Ettore Botta Alejandro Portes FAXFILE Wolf GrabendorfF Sally Price Alistair Hennessy David Ronfeldt Harry H oetink Selwyn Ryan Franklin W. Knight Steven E. Sanderson Vaughan Lewis Saskia Sassen FEATURES Larissa A. Lomnitz Andres Serbin Abraham F. Lowenthal Carol A. Smith Andres Oppenheimer Yolande Van Eeuwen Crisis and Election: Brazil Robert A. Pastor A rturo Villar Anthony J. Payne Juan Yanes A Sociologist Turns to Politics by Mauricio A. Font Crisis and Environment by f. Timmons Roberts Hemisphere (ISSN 08983038) is published three times a year (Fall, Winter/Spring, and Summer) by the Latin American and Caribbean Center of Monetary “Lobotomy” and Inflation by Katherine Ellison Florida International University. Copyright © 1994 by the Latin American and Caribbean Center, Flor­ Crisis and Election: Mexico ida International University. All rights reserved.

Hemisphere is dedicated to provoking debate on the Chiapas and the National Crisis by Jorge Castaneda problems, initiatives, and achievements of Latin America and the Caribbean. Responsibility for the After Chiapas: The Indian Agenda by Martin Edwin Andersen views expressed lies solely with the authors. The New Agrarian Reform by Othon Banos Ramirez EDITORIAL, CIRCULATION, AND ADVERTISING OFFICES: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University, University Park, Miami, Florida 33199. Tel.: (305) 348-2894. Fax: (305) 348-3593. E-Mail: [email protected]. REVIEW FORUM SUBSCRIPTIONS: US, USVI, PR, and Canada: War and Accountability in Guatemala by Walter Gillis Peacock $20 a year; $36 for two years. Elsewhere: $27 a year; $50 for two years. Please make check or money Love-Death among the Guerrillas by David Stoll order (US currency only) payable to Hemisphere. Credit card orders (MC/VISA only) are also acceptable. PUBLICATIONS UPDATE This docum ent was produced at a cost o f $8,891.75 or $4.45 per copy. Chiapas in the Wider World by Marian Goslinga i c 0 M M

Reformist Momentum in Mexico: A US View

by Alexander F. Watson

would like to highlight that with strong incentives to energize provide for a social safety net dur­ improved relations with Mex­ the country’s economy and attract ing the period of economic reform. ico parallel a fundamental foreign investment. With NAFTA, One of the most significant as­ change in the overall relations Mexico will be drawn further into pects of the economic reforms of of the US with Latin America. the Western community of nations, the Salinas administration has been After a difficult decade of eco­ a community in which free-market the successful conclusion of NAFTA. nomic reversals, the region has im­ reforms are closely linked with the NAFTA entered into force on Janu­ plemented far-reaching political political legitimacy that stems from ary 1 and has begun to permanently and economic reforms that have open, free, and democratic politics. alter the trading patterns of North contributed to an economic up­ The US is confident that the Mexi­ America. The opening of the Mexi­ turn that has attracted investors can government has responded to can economy will increase overall worldwide. Mexico has led the way the situation in Chiapas in a forth­ economic efficiency and growth, on many of these initiatives and we coming and responsible way. We but that growth will benefit some are confident that the implementa­ hope that developments since the regions more than others at the tion of the North American Free Chiapas uprising will further en­ outset. It is up to the Mexican gov­ Trade Agreement (NAFTA) will hance democratic reform, rather ernm ent to best use its fiscal and open up further opportunities for than jeopardize it. social policies to redistribute the investment, while adding to our ca­ benefits of growth to include re­ pacity to export to its growing do­ Chiapas, Economic Reforms, gions of slower growth. The Mexi­ mestic market. and NAFTA can government understands this At the same time, the uprising need and is committed to increase in Chiapas illustrated the serious While the problems of Chiapas date its social expenditures in Chiapas. challenges Mexico and other coun­ back centuries, recent changes in The first phase of NAFTA imple­ tries in the region face in address­ the Mexican and global economies mentation is fully under way. Re­ ing the still unresolved issues of have certainly contributed to social ports indicate that it is proceeding poverty and lack of opportunity for upheaval in southern Mexico. As with few difficulties. Amb. Jim Jones important sectors of society. The the Mexican government has in­ reports that our embassy and con­ legitimate grievances of the people stituted financial, economic, and sulates are being inundated with of southern Mexico were neither trade reforms—steps that we have inquiries from US businessmen caused by NAFTA, nor should seen as crucial to long-term growth and women seeking information NAFTA be in any way com pro­ and stability—there have been on doing business in Mexico. The mised by these developments. shocks to its economy, particularly inaugural meeting of the NAFTA Indeed, the events in Chiapas to those sectors that were ineffi­ Commission was held in Mexico demonstrated more clearly than cient or protected from competi­ City on January 14 and addressed a ever the need for NAFTA. tion. In Chiapas, 58% of the number of crucial implementation With NAFTA, Mexico will con­ population is dependent upon issues, including the creation of the tinue on the path of free-market re­ agriculture for its livelihood. Gov­ NAFTA secretariat. Representatives form, providing the private sector ernment efforts to modernize the from the Departments of State and agricultural sector through land re­ Labor and the Environmental Pro­ form and changes in support pro­ tection Agency continue to work AlexanderF. Watson is US assistant grams, coupled with worldwide with their Mexican and Canadian secretary of state. This article was ex­ declines in commodity prices for counterparts on organizing the cerpted from testimony before the House some of the state’s main crops, commissions required in the labor Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere have impacted significantly on this and environment supplemental Affairs, February 2, 1994. It was de­ sizeable segment of the Chiapas agreements and the Border Envi­ livered before the March 1994 assassi­ economy. Chiapas has been tar­ ronmental Cooperation Agreement. nation of the Partido Revolucionario geted by the Salinas government to In their initial “declaration of Institucional's official presidential receive a large share of funds from war,” the Ejercito Zapatista de Libe- candidate, Luis Donaldo Colosio. government programs designed to racion Nacional (EZLN) deemed

2 Hemisphere • Winter/Spring 1994 N T A RY

NAFTA the death knell for the In­ tionately from NAFTA’s opening of nongovernmental organizations dians of Chiapas. I do not accept the Mexican market to cheaper (NGO’s) and forges links between that judgment. Such a statement is and more efficiently produced US them and like-minded NGO’s in little more than EZLN rhetoric that corn. The importance of corn pro­ the international community. The makes for catchy headlines. The duction to the Mexican economy process increases Mexican sensitivi­ EZLN itself claims to have been was taken into consideration in ties toward democratic values and preparing for its “war” for some NAFTA as witnessed in the long human rights. Under NAFTA, Mex­ 10 years—obviously long before phase-in period of the corn provi­ ico is now more than ever part of NAFTA was on the table. sions: 15 years, almost a generation. the “global village.” NAFTA is not the cause of the social and economic inequalities in Democratization in Mexico Chiapas that spawned the uprising NAFTA is not the any more than NAFTA can be As you know, Mexico has long been blamed for poverty or social ten­ cause of the social and dominated by the Partido Revolu- sions elsewhere in Mexico or the economic inequalities in cionario Institucional (PRI), the po­ rest of North America. NAFTA litical organization that emerged only became operational on Janu­ Chiapas that spaxxmed after the Mexican revolution. Over ary 1, 1994. But make no mistake the years the PRI has provided Mex­ about the expectations of the Clin­ the uprising any more ico with considerable stability and ton administration. NAFTA by it­ presided over a remarkable trans­ self is not viewed as the panacea to titan NAFTA can be formation of the country. It is also those problems. As the majority of blamed for poverty acknowledged by most observers economic studies project, NAFTA that the prominence of the PRI has will increase trade and investment or social tensions historically discouraged the devel­ flows among the partners and stim­ opment of an open and competi­ ulate the economies of all three. elsewhere in Mexico. tive democratic process. This will lead to job creation and al­ Just as we are witnessing a re­ low for more balanced development markable transformation in Mex­ throughout Mexico. To quote Spe­ In addition, the Salinas adminis­ ico, from a statist and protectionist cial Trade Representative Mickey tration announced in October of economy toward an open economy Kantor from remarks made at the 1993 a new income support pro­ that encourages free markets, we January 14 inaugural session of the gram for subsistence farmers, in­ are also witnessing dramatic trans­ NAFTA Commission: “The idea of cluding corn growers, known as formations in the Mexican political NAFTA is to raise standards of liv­ PROCAMPO. It will provide direct system. Under the leadership of ing, to increase economies, to make income support to farmers who gen­ President Carlos Salinas de Gortari, all of North America more com­ erally have not benefited from past Mexico has taken bold steps to­ petitive. That creates jobs, [and] Mexican price support programs. wards guaranteeing the protection the ability of all three countries to At the same time, it is designed to of fundamental human rights and create jobs and to raise their stand­ be phased out over the 15 years permitting an open and fair demo­ ards of living obviously addresses scheduled for NAFTA implemen­ cratic process. For the first time in grievances that many have in all tation. In 1994 alone, the Mexican Mexico’s history, opposition parties three countries.” government will spend $3.5 billion have gained governorships in sev­ As it comes into full implementa­ on PROCAMPO nationwide. eral states and significantly im­ tion, NAFTA will bring some dislo­ Furthermore, the NAFTA proc­ proved their representation in the cations to segments of the economies ess is more than a closer linking of legislature. Electoral reforms in of all three NAFTA partners. It has our trading patterns. This process 1990 and 1993, including the Fed­ been suggested that corn producers accelerates a comprehensive inte­ eral Electoral Processes and Institu­ in Mexico—corn is a primary crop gration of our two countries in tions Code, introduced reforms in in Chiapas—will suffer dispropor­ many areas. It helps energize local voter registration, placed limits on

Hemisphere • Winter/Spring 1994 3 Commentary

campaign spending, and created ■ the prevention of the use of pub­ rather than representing a reversal an electoral court to adjudicate lic funds and programs to favor in the process of economic and po­ electoral disputes. particular parties or candidates; litical transformation in Mexico, These reforms, however, failed • the revision of the rules for party has proven to be an energizing to fully satisfy opposition parties financing; factor contributing to a deepening concerned about the impartiality ■ the review of the points in the of the reform process. We hope of the electoral authorities. During penal code that could restrict and expect that this process will the 1994 elections in the state of political rights; continue. The US has been sup­ Yucatan, opposition parties com­ ■ the consideration of a special portive of democratic opening in plained of extensive fraud. It is for federal prosecutor for election- Mexico. We have discussed fre­ that reason that we welcomed the related crimes; quently with Mexican officials our announcement on January 27 that ■ a consensus to work together for willingness to cooperate in ways all of the candidates for the presi­ democracy and convocation, if that are in full conformity with dency in Mexico had reached an warranted, of a special session of Mexican law. The US State Depart­ agreement entitled “Peace, Democ­ the congress to consider further ment has also met with NGO’s to racy and Justice.” It recognized that reforms. discuss how they might be able to a necessary and unavoidable condi­ The US believes this accord, prop­ assist Mexican NGO’s in ensuring tion to a just and lasting peace is erly implemented, will strengthen the full implementation of elec­ the advancement of democracy democratic practices precisely at a toral laws. through free elections. In the time when Mexico is moving to es­ In closing I would like to reiter­ agreement the parties pledged tablish closer ties with the US and ate that we view with great opti­ to work for: other democratic nations of the mism the development of closer ■ the impartiality of electoral au­ hemisphere. ties with Mexico and applaud the thorities; It is a tribute to the strength of process of economic reform and ■ perm anent access to voter lists the Mexican political process that political opening that is taking and registration data; these watershed agreements have place in that country. The US looks ■ equality in access to and coverage emerged less than a month after forward to deepening ties with Mex­ by the media; the incidents in Chiapas. Chiapas, ico and working fully with whom­ ever the Mexican people elect as { ------X their leaders in the upcoming presi­ The Changing dential race. We are confident that NAFTA’s implementation will con­ Hemispheric tinue to improve relations between Trade Environment: our countries in the years ahead. In the aftermath of Chiapas, we are Opportunities and also mindful of the fact that Mex­ O b s ta c le s ico, as well as other countries in the hemisphere, need to pay more at­ Mark B. Rosenberg Editor tention to the plight of those sectors , of the population that have been left behind by the swift changes of Leading international trade specialists analyze options for hemispheric m odern life. trade, including the likely impact of a North American free trade Just as President Clinton has em­ agreement and a single European market and the roles of Japan and the phasized the need to address many Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. of the basic and fundamental social problems that we continue to face Contributors: Luis Abugattas, Myles Frechette, Marian Goslinga, Wolf in the US, we welcome the renewed Grabendorff, Gary C. Hufbauer, Tetsuro lino, Carolyn Lamm, Henry Nau, commitment of Mexico toward ad­ Riordan Roett, Mark B. Rosenberg, Jeffrey J. Schott, Barbara Stallings. dressing the problems of poverty and inequality. A policy of peace, reconciliation, and democratic September 1991. 165 pp. 6x9. reform, with respect for human ISBN 1-879862-01-8 Paperback, $11.95 (S/H, add $1.25 per book). rights, will help strengthen the ties of our people on both sides of the Order direct from: Latin American and Caribbean Center (LACC), border. Our own principles call for Florida International University, University Park, Miami, Florida 33199. nothing less in the conduct of one Visa and MasterCard orders: (305) 348-2894 or fax (305) 348-3593. of our most important bilateral relationships. ■

Hemisphere • W inter/Spring 1994 NO MORE BANANA REPUBLICS

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H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 Commentary

The Past Six Years: A Review and Revisit by Anthony P. Maingot

t was six years ago that I wrote the positive and the negative trends Positive Trends my first commentary for Hemi­ have to be analyzed so as not to fall sphere. As I write my last one into the general gloominess and Before we dwell totally on such as editor of the magazine, it pessimism that today appears to lamentable individualism, however, makes sense to revisit the main predominate among Caribbeanists. it is good to analyze some of the issues of that 1988 editorial positive trends in Caribbean col­ and take stock. laboration. These tend to be in the I I Inflexible concepts of Six years ago the emphasis was political and more symbolic arenas. on the changing patterns of trade sovereignty have to This was the case of the political ob­ and the challenges these presented servers and workers sent in 1987 to the Caribbean region. Specifi­ make way for collective, and 1990 by islands such as St. cally I asked a question that was Lucia and Dominica to help the neither particularly original nor intraregional and Haitian people’s efforts at estab­ new: whether the small Caribbean lishing democracy. Having partici­ nation-state, characterized by deep­ international links that pated extensively in both attempts ly held concepts of sovereignty and can assist in confronting myself, I marvelled at the effective­ the individualism typical of insular ness with which hundreds of Creole­ societies, was the best institutional the calamity that speaking West Indians operated in base from which to confront the this once forbidden land. The hope, challenges so clearly on the hori­ threatens to overwhelm lit bright by those experiences and zon. The question is still valid be­ democratic structures now dimmed by tyranny, should cause it is still unanswered. And yet, not be allowed to die out. six years later it no longer seems everywhere. Another trend that honors the like the most urgent issue. incipient spirit of pan-Caribbean The most pressing issue today is collaboration is CARICOM’s open­ whether, even as quite individualis­ On the negative side, one has to ing towards Cuba. Just like Willie tic societies, enough regional sense reiterate that despite the never-end­ Brandt’s Oostpolitik, so condem ned exists to understand that given the ing agreements to form unions of by President Ronald Reagan, open­ nature of their problems, Carib­ one sort or the other—the latest ing doors and establishing bridges bean nations have to cooperate being the Association of Caribbean are vital to an eventual democratiza­ with each other. It is, after all, in States—actual behavior shows the tion of Cuba just as they had been this age of domestic and interna­ persistence of centrifugal rather in the East German case. The West tional restructuring, relatively easy than centripetal forces. Not even Indian aggiomamento towards Cuba to score some good hits on Carib­ the generalized threats to the Car­ has had to face the hostility of two bean leaders for not acting with ibbean’s traditional exports and, American administrations and di­ greater unity and more forcefully. perhaps even more immediately, rect threats from important mem­ In this regard, however, it is impor­ to those nontraditional industries bers of the US Congress. And yet, tant to note that not all the tenden­ that the Caribbean Basin Initiative seldom in the past has there been cies have been discouraging; both engendered and promoted seem such a solid front on a Caribbean to support effective collective ac­ issue. In virtually every Caribbean tion. If the North American Free state, labor unions, the private sec­ Anthony P. Maingot, founding editor Trade Agreement (NAFTA) m en­ tor, and government have signaled (^Hemisphere, steps down from this aces the region’s garment and as­ their common will to trade and ne­ post effective with the publication of this sembly industries, then Jamaica and gotiate with Cuba and to keep the issue. His successor is political scientist Trinidad and Tobago—leaders of lines of communication open. Even Eduardo A. Gamarra, who is acting CARICOM—decide to apply for en­ conservative governments, such as director of the Latin American and try into NAFTA on their own. The that of Eugenia Charles in Domi­ Caribbean Center at Florida Interna­ Dominican Republic, rebuffed by nica for instance, understand what tional University. CARICOM, pursues the same route. only the US administration refuses

H emisphere • Winter/Spring 1994 to admit publicly: that the Cold from the internationalization of and violence but much corruption. War is over not only for the likes corruption and the crime and vio­ Dutch St. Maarten, for instance, is of China and Vietnam but also for lence that invariably accompany it. littered with fancy private jets carry­ Cuba, and that the best way to fa­ The damage this can do to small so­ ing mysterious passengers to enig­ cilitate a peaceful transition to de­ cieties is already palpably evident. matic destinations. The point is mocracy is through contacts and that there is hardly a society in the interaction, not isolation. Drugs and Venality Caribbean that has escaped the rav­ What emerges from an analysis ages that local greed and the insa­ of these positive trends is the role In island after island, the effects of tiable North American demand for of democracy, the most important drug usage and the venality that drugs have wrought. “symbolic capital” that most of comes with the drug trade are And so, as im portant as the these small states enjoy. It is as de­ threatening the very sinews of the problems of trade and investment mocracies that they participated in society. In Puerto Rico the Na­ are, the fundamental task facing Haiti, answered the threats from tional Guard is deployed to fight Caribbean elites is to strengthen the US Congress, and invariably what has to be called a war of the the democratic state by making it meet the conditions on respect for narcotraffickers against the society. more accountable and transparent. human rights now commonly set Trinidad is caught in the grips of Inflexible concepts of sovereignty by multilateral lending agencies. It an unprecedented crime wave and have to make way for collective, is this democracy that, sustained by revelations of high-level collusion intraregional and international educated and mobilized popula­ with Latin American Mafiosi shake links and cooperative arrange­ tions, is the best guarantee that the the society all too frequently. Cura­ ments that can assist in confront­ small states will manage to ride out sao, according to the Dutch press, ing the calamity that threatens to the very rough economic times has become the center of a Colom- overwhelm democratic structures ahead. bian-European-US drug syndicate, everywhere. Caribbean unity and All of which leads me to believe while urban Jamaica is divided into collaboration is needed not just to that the threats to these democra­ political enclaves best called “garri­ negotiate its economic destiny but cies will not come mainly from the son constituencies.” also to safeguard those democratic reorientation of trade and invest­ There are, of course, islands institutions that make the world re­ m ent flows. They will come rather where there is little common crime spect the region’s voice at all. ■

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H em isphere • W inter/Spring 1994 Cuba’s New Capitalists by David Adams

t’s 8 p.m., pouring rain, and “Look,” Pedro says with a menacing supplies. During this special pe­ the Miramar district of West grin, ‘just be careful not to write riod, economic conditions in Cuba Havana is without electricity anything about me. I’ll be screwed, have grown steadily worse. Televi­ again. The streets are deserted, and you will be, too.” sion programs are now teaching a few candles blink from apart­ Cubans how to make their own ment windows, and Cubans candles, how to bake fruit rinds as Isettle down for another long, dreary meat substitutes, how to make their night. Down one potholed street, The “liberation” own toothpaste and deodorant, however, things are humming— and how to grow medicinal herbs. literally. Through the rain can be of the dollar is Meanwhile, those with access to heard the rumble of a generator, undermining the dollars can shop at well-stocked— a rare sound indeed in a Cuba but expensive—supermarkets starved of all consumer items, in­ egalitarian principles known as “diplo-stores.” Cubans cluding fuel supplies. More than call it “diplo-communism.” just the background score for a of the revolution, good time, it’s the sound of Cuba’s clandestine economy. opening the door to A Secret Restaurant Communism may grind to a halt corruption and In the air-conditioned comfort of when the power is out, but Cuba’s the dining room in his cramped new capitalists don’t stop for any­ creating a new class home, Pedro has started a secret thing. In July 1993 Fidel Castro restaurant— Chez Pedro. There is on­ legalized the use of the US dollar of Cubans who live, ly one table (reservations accepted) after 30 years of “anti-gringo” rhet­ work, and eat outside so he can claim that his customers oric. Millions of those dollars are are guests if the police arrive. Pedro now pouring into the island from the reach of the is not his real name and he doesn’t Cuban exiles in Miami anxious to like the word “maceta” either. The assist needy relatives. The roar of socialist state. term literally means “hammer,” re­ that dollar flood lets Cuba’s new flecting the mafia’s reputation as capitalists know they have a lot of hardened criminals with economic catching up to do. power. “I prefer trafficker," he says. Guided by four young Cubans, I Pedro is a “maceta,” Cuban slang His aim in life: “I want to live like run towards a brightly illuminated for the mafia of black marketeers Michael Jackson and work like porch, dodging the rain under sag­ who are emerging ever more openly Pablo Escobar.” ging tree branches. There is laugh­ from the shadows of a dying revolu­ In a country where most people ter and music inside. “Oye, Pedro! tion that is already beginning to travel by bicycle, Pedro has five cars, Open up, we’re here,” shouts one live a savage postcommunist brand although they are all beat-up Soviet of my companions, knocking on of capitalism. The “liberation” of Ladas. “Hey, a Lada is like a limou­ the door with his fist. The door the dollar is undermining the egali­ sine in Cuba,” he says. Petrol may be opens and a smiling Pedro emerges. tarian principles of the revolution, hard to come by, but not for Pedro. “Welcome. You’re late,” he says. opening the door to corruption He has gallons of the stuff hoarded. “Who’s he?” he asks, looking suspi­ and creating a new class of Cubans In Cuba all property is owned by ciously at me. “He’s the journalist who live, work, and eat outside the the state, and moving house con­ we told you about,” answers Ramon, reach of the socialist state. sists of a swap where no money one of the young men with me. In 1990 Castro announced a changes hands. But Pedro owns “special period for times of peace”: several houses, including one in the an austerity plan on a wartime scale luxury beach resort of Varadero. intended to help Cuba survive the Pedro began his life of crime David Adams is a Latin America corre­ breakup of the Soviet bloc and the some years ago. But since the dol­ spondent f err the Times (London). loss of foreign subsidies and oil lar ban was lifted, he says life has

Hemisphere • W inter/Spring 1994 I R T

never been better. Now it’s easier has entered. A bottle of sparkling tal, is shocked. “Do you know how for him to conceal the source of Spanish wine is selected while my hard it is for me to get morphine?” his money. As he expands his busi­ fellow diners opt for a Detroit he says and launches into a de­ ness operations, he estimates his “Piels” beer, smuggled past the tailed description of the shortages earnings have jum ped about $15- 30-year-old US trade embargo at one of Cuba’s top medical insti­ 20,000, making him the equivalent against Cuba. tutions. Public health, one of the of a Cuban millionaire in pesos, most vaunted achievements of the and possibly one of the richest men Cuban revolution, is having to cut in the country. On the black mar­ all sorts of corners to make do. The ket a dollar is worth 70 pesos today. laundry room cannot cope due to While Pedro can make more than There was a time the power cuts, so patients must one million pesos a month, state bring their own sheets. Doctors are salaries vary from only 148 pesos to when Cubans feared allowed one bar of soap per month 600 pesos per month. “Pedro is the to wash their hands. Jose is due to king of the macetas,” one of my the authority of the attend a medical conference abroad friends tells me. next month. He plans to defect and Most Cubans these days are state, and taking fly to Miami. forced to live on the rice and beans liberties with the that they receive in monthly rations Self-Employment Pays at subsidized state prices. Few Cu­ communist system bans have eaten meat or fish in Efigenio would like to leave, too, months, even years. At Chez Pedro was deemed too risky. but he knows his chances are slim. the menu consists of lobster tail, So he is making the best of a new marlin, shrimp, and pizza. My N ot today. opportunity offered by the revolu­ friends are lucky; they have rela­ tion to go into private business. In tives in Miami who send them dol­ September 1993 the government lars. O ur meal, for five people, cost decreed that nonprofessionals $82, or the equivalent of two years could apply for licenses to become salary in a regular state job. “I swear to you that there’s noth­ self-employed in simple trades. Efi­ Eating in Pedro’s dining room is ing you can request that I cannot genio is a highly qualified under­ like traveling back in time. An imi­ supply,” boasts Pedro, who has water engineer and diver, but he tation Tiffany lamp sheds an uneven joined us at the table. “I have my was laid off from his regular job light over a dining table complete contacts. Don’t ask me where,” he cleaning ship bottoms in the port with china plates and engraved adds. My friends explain that Pedro of Havana. Cuba’s maritime com­ wine glasses in silver vessels. The ta­ has bought “access” at every tourist merce has fallen drastically since ble is adorned with silver pheasants hotel and restaurant in Havana. the breakdown of trade relations and assorted art-deco knickknacks. Anything he needs can be stolen at with former communist allies in Marble and bronze statues—one the drop of a hat. Bribery and con­ eastern Europe. about six feet tall by a French sculp­ tacts are what count in the last days He still receives 40% of his tress—dominate two corners of the of communism. I don’t look con­ monthly salary, which amounts to small room. A forged Rene Porto- vinced, so Pedro leaves the room about $3, to support his wife and carrero hangs on the wall in a and comes back with a small 1929 two children. But since September, splendidly elaborate gold-painted Gil Garcia painting—genuine, but Efigenio and a friend have been il­ wooden frame. Everything is for stolen—a West German syringe, legally fishing and diving for lob­ sale: the forged painting for $5,000; and a dozen tiny bottles of mor­ ster every morning near where he the genuine statue for $8,000. phine. “Satisfied? You want cocaine, lives on Havana’s sea front, the “Anything to drink gentlemen?” marijuana, just let me know. OK?” Malecon. He hasn’t applied for a A waiter dressed in a tall, white Sitting next to me, Jose, a sur­ government license and doesn’t chef s hat and long white apron geon from the Calixto Garcia hospi­ intend to. “They won’t give me

Hemisphere • Winter/Spring 1994 Reports: Cuba

one. They want the lobsters for the I offered to help by driving him the ministry. He was back trium­ tourists,” he says, pointing out that around Havana in my rented car. phantly in less than 10 minutes with there is a 500-peso fine for fishing I was running low on petrol and the approval in his hand. lobsters illegally. Eduardo said he knew where we There are thousands of Eduardo’s He may be right. At Cuba’s most could fill up quickly. A few minutes doing precisely the same thing all exclusive “foreigners-and-dollars- later I watched Eduardo suck petrol over Havana, some legally, others only” supermarket near the old from a government ministry truck not. There’s Jose, the electronic Soviet embassy, Cuban lobster is with a hose, directly into the tank genius who makes his own satellite being sold for $23 a pound. Cuban of my car, in broad daylight. So dish TV receivers out of oil cans so shops don’t have it. In fact, Cuban much for fear. he can watch CNN. He steals the shops don’t have any fish at all, or signal from a large tourist hotel and meat, or fruit, or . . . the list is end­ charges $70 to install the homemade less. Efigenio sells his lobsters on equipment. And there’s Juan, who the black market for 80 pesos a washes the tourists’ cars outside the pound, or $1.15. One night he and Although the Riviera Hotel. He was chatting with a his partner made 1,500 pesos fish­ police officer when I thanked him ing two hours each morning, and communist party for cleaning my car. We joked that a he expects to double that soon. few weeks ago the officer would have According to the Cuban govern­ remains firmly in arrested Juan for accepting the $1 ment, more than 19,000 people control in Cuba, it bill I paid him. Nowjuan is making have requested self-employment li­ more in one day than the police of­ censes since September 1993. The has become almost ficer is paid in two months. “I’m old communist party bureaucracy getting rid of this,” says the police is having trouble coping with the irrelevant to the needs officer about his uniform. “I want to stampede for capitalism. Long of society as it is go to the countryside and raise queues have developed outside pigs,” he adds. labor ministry offices, requesting increasingly less able licenses for taxicab drivers, hair­ dressers, and bicycle and shoe to provide the basic Irrelevant Party repairpersons. The communist party, reeling from necessities and social one economic crisis to another, is Enthusiasm for Dollars services it so proudly in no position to tell the people what to do. Although the party re­ When I met Eduardo at a friend’s claims are the rights of mains firmly in control in Cuba, it house and he told me that he has become almost irrelevant to planned to start his own food every citizen. the needs of society as it is increas­ stand, I decided to follow him ingly less able to provide the basic through the application process. necessities and social services it so I was surprised when he said he proudly claims are the rights of thought it could be done in a day. every citizen. “They know they But then I didn’t count on Eduar­ Next we visited Eduardo’s friend, can’t feed us. At least they let us do’s ingenuity and the new Cuban who had, at least until it closed in feed ourselves,” says Eduardo. enthusiasm for making dollars. September of 1993, managed a The fate of the revolution hangs Eduardo appeared to have one large state factory. He neatly typed in the balance and the direction of major problem: he didn’t have a out a false reference for Eduardo recent reforms remains unclear as job or the necessary culinary back­ saying he had worked as the cook it plots a course through unchar­ ground the law required to apply at the factory for the last five years tered waters. Meanwhile, in Miami, to work independently in food and was a model of “revolutionary Cuban exiles are waiting for what and beverages. discipline.” they believe is an inevitable popu­ There was a time when Cubans Earlier in the day, Eduardo had lar uprising against Castro. feared the authority of the state, dropped in at the ministry of labor But back at Pedro’s restaurant, and taking liberties with the com­ to spy out the lay of the land. He the talk is not of counterrevolution. munist system was deemed too struck up a conversation with a “I hope Fidel never falls,” says Pedro. risky. Not today. Eduardo laughed young woman in the office and “Everything I have, all this,” he says, when I suggested that what he was agreed to pay her $5 to hurry his spreading his arms, “I owe it all to about to do might get him in troub­ paperwork through. When we re­ Fidel. I’m grateful to Fidel. Do you le. “No one is frightened anymore. turned with the reference, I waited think I could survive if the Miami We’re too busy surviving,” he said. in the car while Eduardo entered exiles take over this country?” ■

Hemisphere • Winter/Spring 1994 Warwick University Caribbean Studies published by Macmillan Caribbean

NEW TITLES 1993

CARIBBEAN REVOLUTIONS AND REVOLUTIONARY THEORY An Assessment o f Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada Meeks 57759 0

TRINIDAD ETHNICITY Yelvington (Ed.) 56601 7

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF A RUNAWAY SLAVE M ontejo 53507 3

NOISES IN THE BLOOD Orality, Gender and the "Vulgar" Body of Jamaican Popular Culture Cooper 57824 4

CARIBBEAN ECONOMIC POLICY AND SOUTH-SOUTH CO-OPERATION Ramsaran (Ed.) 58677 8

THE FRACTURED BLOCKADE Western European-Cuban Relations during the Revolution Hennessy and Lambie (Eds.) 58365 5

W OMAN VERSION Theoretical Approaches to West Indian Fiction by Women O 'C allaghan 57837 6

FORTHCOMING 1994

THE UNITED STATES AND THE CARIBBEAN Synergies o f a Complex Interdependence M aingot 57231 9

THE KILLING TIME The Morant Bay Rebellion in Jam aica Heuman 49400 8

ETHNICITY & INDIAN IDENTITY IN THE CARIBBEAN Dabydeen and Samaroo 53508 1

THE FRENCH WEST INDIES Burton & Reno 56601 7

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H em isphere • W inter/Spring 1994 11 Reports: Mexico

Cardenas, PRI, and the US Vote by Sallie Hughes

n April 1993 Cuauhtemoc Car­ Cardenas first toured the US in nas has worked vigorously to bring denas rallied striking Mexican 1985 as the PRI governor of the Mexican workers in the US back mushroom pickers in Pennsyl­ central Mexican state of Michoacan, into the PRI fold. Since Salinas vania. In August, in Tijuana, he addressing cheering migrant work­ took office amid protests on both met with Mexican-Americans ers in Washington state’s Yakima sides of the border, the govern­ setdng up a US election cam­ Valley. Since then he has traveled m ent has visibly prom oted educa­ paign committee. The then un­ to Texas, California, New Mexico, tional, cultural, and human rights officialI presidential candidate for Louisiana, Pennsylvania, Illinois, programs for Mexicans in the US, Mexico’s Partido Revolucionario and New York. To the chagrin of consular employees in San Diego Democratico (PRD) was on the the Salinas de Gortari administra­ said. The six people on the hum an stump again in the US. But unlike tion, Cardenas has talked during rights staff of the San Diego consu­ 1988, when he barnstormed the US his more recent trips about elec­ late, for example, filed 3,735 peti­ claiming electoral fraud after his toral fraud in Mexico and his own tions on behalf of 966 people in failed presidential bid, Cardenas version of a free trade agreement. March 1993. In 1987 the staff of will face competition for the sup­ two oversaw an average of about 80 port of the 5-7 million Mexicans petitions a month. who live in the US. As another indicator of increased A more aggressive and better PRI has worked government activity, Mexico has organized Partido Revolucionario opened, with government logistical Institucional (PRI) has joined the vigorously to bring support, 14 new cultural institutes battle for the hearts and minds—as in the US since 1991. Only the insti­ well as money and votes—of Mexi­ Mexican workers tute in San Antonio existed before cans living north of the border. Salinas took office. “We are working hard to present in the US back into Salinas has also extended his our version of things,” said Martin its fold. popular Solidaridad poverty alle­ Torres, PRI subdirector of interna­ viation program to the US. Some tional affairs. analysts credit Solidaridad at home From as far away as Pennsylvania with rebuilding popular support and as near as San Diego, 30 groups for the PRI between 1988 and the representing hundreds of Mexican According to Rodolfo Elizondo, congressional elections of 1991. Un­ farm workers and environmental the secretary for international rela­ der the name of Solidaridad Inter­ and human rights organizations in tions of the conservative opposition national, the basics of the program the US met with Cardenas in Au­ Partido Accion Nacional (PAN), the have been extended north. gust 1993 in Tijuana. Officially they PAN has taken its cue from the PRD In addition, in the past three pushed for fair elections. Unoffi­ and stepped up its efforts in the years, the PRI has formed 16 new cially they came out to support US, as well. The first PAN newslet­ political committees in the US, and Cardenas, who still represents the ter, Accion Intemacional, was mailed four more are near completion. strongest challenge to continued to Mexican leaders in the US in Only a Los Angeles club officially PRI control of the Mexican presi­ August 1993. PAN president Carlos existed in 1988, the PRI’s Torres dency. “We have a lot of interest in Castillo attended conferences at said. Besides keeping a high com­ maintaining and reinforcing our seven US border-state universities munity profile, the “Compatriot ties with the Mexican community in and met with Mexican leaders in Support Committees” distribute the United States,” Cardenas said. each community. Interim PAN practical information, such as the governor Carlos Medina of Guana­ rights of aliens in the US and how juato also visited the US in the fall a Mexican national can bring a car Sallie Hughes is a political reporter for of 1993. purchased in the US back into El Financiero International, an But the biggest response to the Mexico. English-language weekly based in Cardenas challenge comes from Since 1853, when former presi­ Mexico City. President Salinas and the PRI. Sali­ dent Benito Juarez plotted his re­

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 turn to Mexico after being exiled the wealthy PRI, said Juan Molinar, can consulate there is keeping a to New Orleans, the Mexican op­ a professor at the Colegio de Mexi­ higher profile, said Mexican consul position has occasionally sought re­ co. People at the Cardenas meet­ Gustavo Iruegas. “It is easy to find lief north of the Rio Grande. The ing in Tijuana spoke of raising people in San Diego who are not government’s aggressive stance $1 million, a gesture Cardenas even familiar with Tijuana,” he represents a new twist, one that publicly refused. added. The Mexican government acknowledges the importance of spent about $32 million to promote transnational political strategies in NAFTA in the US in 1992, the com­ an era when the border exists as a merce secretariat announced in boundary but not as a barrier. September 1993. Finally, party strategists are Party strategists emphasizing transborder efforts The Role of the US Vote are emphasizing because they believe Mexican im­ The political support of Mexicans migrants in the US are opinion and Mexican-Americans in the US transborder efforts leaders who can sway the vote of is im portant to candidates vying for their compatriots at home. Mexi­ Mexico’s presidency. If they voted became they believe cans living in the US maintain ex­ as a bloc, the millions of Mexicans Mexican immigrants tremely strong ties to their home in the US could sway an election. communities, especially in the For the moment, however, forming in the US are opinion southern states where Cardenas’s such a bloc is almost impossible be­ support is thought to be strong. cause the great majority of immi­ leaders who can sway Many return annually for saint’s grants would have to return to day festivals and to provide finan­ their home communities in order the vote of their cial support for relatives. to vote. Border state polling places compatriots at home. Leaders at Cardenas’s planning only accept a small number of vot­ meeting said getting Mexicans in ers registered in other areas, ac­ the US to convince their compatri­ cording to Torres. The PRD pushed ots at home to vote is a top priority. to allow expatriates to vote in Mexi­ “We are telling people, ‘If you can­ can consulates as part of a political not return home to vote, then be reform package debated in the An additional draw is the access sure to call home and tell your Mexican congress, but the pro­ immigrant groups have to the US friends and relatives,”’ said Raciel posal never got a full hearing and media. In 1988 Cardenas and pro­ Garcia, a farm worker organizer died. In the past, it also has pushed testing PRD sympathizers suc­ who works near Palm Springs, Cali­ for absentee balloting. The PRI re­ ceeded in widely publicizing their fornia. Economist Carol Zabin, who fused in both cases, citing the com­ claims of electoral fraud. Some of researches Mexican immigrants for plexity of guaranteeing a fraud-free the biggest anti-PRI demonstra­ both the University of California at election. tions at the time were in front of Los Angeles and Tulane University, Mexican law prohibits an in­ Mexico’s consulate in Los Angeles. believes the PRD has a lot of work fusion of campaign money from The new Cardenas group vowed to to do. “I don’t perceive a big or­ workers in the US. Even still, ana­ lobby the US Congress and Presi­ ganizational effort. They need to lysts point out that immigrant dent Bill Clinton on electoral and get to villages on saint’s days and campaign money is a formidable human rights issues. A represen­ sign up the immigrants, or some­ attraction for Mexican political tative of Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow thing like that.” parties. Although political parties Coalition agreed to add his group’s Despite its new efforts, the PRI deny it, some observers think both voice. is not assured of a US political fol­ the opposition and the PRI re­ lowing, either. Many Mexicans are ceived US campaign money in in the US precisely because the 1988. Denise Dresser, of the Insti­ Campaigning in San Diego economic policies of PRI adminis­ tute Tecnologico Autonomo de Meanwhile, Salinas hopes the myr­ trations hurt them. One of those Mexico, claims that PRI and PRD iad pro-government efforts will anti-PRI immigrants is Belen Rosas, committees in Los Angeles raised promote a positive image of the who attended the Cardenas meet­ money in 1988. “It is not clear how government, the coming presi­ ing on behalf of his organization much, but everybody knows that dential elections, and the North of Oaxacan workers in California. they did,” she said. American Free Trade Agreement “The vote here would represent a Even a little money could help (NAFTA). Convincing San Diego vote against the system,” he said. the PRD, whose campaign chest is residents of the merits of free trade “We are here because the govern­ bare when compared with that of is part of the reason why the Mexi­ ment ignores our communities.” ■

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 Reports: The Caribbean

Drugs Alter the Security Agenda by Ivelaw L. Griffith

ataclysmic changes in in­ ing increasingly obvious that non­ economics will be the fundamental ternational politics and military developments can and do source of world conflict. He sees in the domestic politics pose genuine threats to nations culture as the key source of dis­ of many countries around and states; that in many regions the cord, asserting that “the clash of the globe since the late basis of threats is no longer exter­ civilizations will dominate global 1980s have ushered in a nal, but internal; and, thus, that politics. The fault lines between new era in world politics—the post- traditional ways of viewing counter­ civilizations will be the battle lines Cold War era. Scholars and states­ measures often no longer hold. of the future” (Foreign Affairs, Sum­ men are, as yet, unable to fully m er 1993). explain the close of the Cold War None of these propositions are chapter in world history or to grasp necessarily mutually exclusive, but all that the end of the era portends, one can sense that the post-Cold but most of them accept that one War international community will discernibly changed area is the The geonarcotics be devoting considerable time, ef­ security arena. arena: where conflict fort, and resources to an interde­ High-agenda security items like pendence agenda item that falls nuclear holocaust, the global arms and cooperation outside the parameters of the race, and the Strategic Defense Ini­ propositions mentioned above. tiative are being displaced by what among national and That agenda item is narcotics. In­ James Rosenau, a respected inter­ deed, the president of the 1993-94 national relations scholar, calls international actors session of the UN General Assem­ “interdependence issues” (e.g., are driven by drugs. bly, Amb. Rudy Insanally of Guy­ environmental concerns, AIDS, ana, remarked prophetically in chronic debt, and international October 1993 that “the interna­ drug trafficking). These issues span tional community’s success in con­ national boundaries and cannot be trolling drug abuse will serve as a addressed at the local or national litmus test of its ability to respond level. Of course, the challenges of As might be expected, scholars to the complex problems of the the post-Cold War period do not differ in their views and interpreta­ post-Cold War era.” present uniform threats to nations, tions of the evolving post-Cold War states, or regions. Neither, as a mat­ political landscape and of the chal­ The Role of Geography ter of fact, did the challenges of the lenges that are likely to face nations Cold War era. in the era ahead. Stanley Hoffman One can already discern the devel­ The post-Cold War security of Harvard University, for example, opment of what I call “geonarco­ agenda is not only changing in anticipates the development of dif­ tics”: significant relations of conflict content, but also in conception. ferent currencies of power affixed and cooperation among national The nature of threats to nations to different poles of international and international actors that are and states in the contemporary power: military^ economic and fi­ driven by drugs. Geography is a fac­ world necessitate redefining the nancial? demographic, etc. Edward tor in this geonarcotics arena, not term “security” itself. It is becom- Luttwak of the Center for Strategic only because of the global special and International Studies in Wash­ dimensions of drug operations, but ington envisages a new world order also because the geographical fea­ Ivelaw L. Griffith is professor of politi­ whose central feature will be geo­ tures of areas facilitate certain drug cal science at Florida International Uni­ economics—the admixture of the operations. For example, the physi­ versity. He is editor of Strategy and logic of conflict with the methods cal geography of South America Security in the Caribbean (Praeger, of commerce. Samuel Huntington and Central and South Asia en­ 1991) and author of The Quest for of Harvard University’s Institute hance the prospects and potential Security in the Caribbean (M. E. for Strategic Studies, on the other for cocaine and heroin production, Sharpe, 1993). hand, challenges contentions that respectively. And the Bahamian

H em isphere • W inter/Spring 1994 archipelago and other topographi­ of the action, in different ways, with pressed tourism, and increased cal features of Latin America and different consequences. crime. Close observers of the Car­ the Caribbean, and of Central, Guyana, for example, unknown ibbean have known for some time West, and Southeast Asia, facilitate for major drug operations a decade what the New York Times reported drug trafficking. Power in the geo­ ago, is now both a major ganja pro­ on April 19, 1994: that drug-related narcotics milieu is both state and ducer and cocaine transshipment crime has transformed the “para­ nonstate in origin, with nonstate location. In March 1993, for in­ dise” character of the US Virgin power brokers sometimes exercis­ stance, 117 pounds of cocaine were Islands and other Caribbean vaca­ ing more sway than some state found aboard a Guyana Airways tion spots, driving fear into locals agents. Consequently, in this mi­ Corporation (GAC) plane in New and foreigners alike, and depress­ lieu, politics, which involves re­ York following its arrival from Guy­ ing tourist activity. Moreover, gov­ source allocation—determining ana. US Customs fined GAC $1.8 ernments in the region are forced who gets what, how, and when—is million for this violation. Even more to commit already scarce resources not only a function of state action. dramatic, in June 1993, police in to the “war on drugs.” Thus, drugs The Caribbean is not exempt Guyana confiscated 800 pounds of present a real security dilemma for from having to pay increasing at­ cocaine, US$24,000, hundreds of the Caribbean. The scope and in­ tention to conflict and cooperation thousands of Colombian pesos, tensity of the threat vary from coun­ driven by drugs. The region’s major and thousands of Guyana dollars try to country, but to paraphrase security concerns in the latter part following an aborted transship­ Martin Carter, the distinguished of the Cold War era were foreign ment operation. Several Colom­ Caribbean poet, the situation is intervention, instability, and milita­ bians, Guyanese, and Venezuelans such that “all are involved; all are rization, with vulnerability as an all- were implicated in the affair. And consum ed.” encompassing dilemma. Now, in in early April 1994, a police raid at the early post-Cold War period, in­ Karabese, along the Atlantic coast, stability and vulnerability remain, resulted in the destruction of 14 Many Fronts but the most critical problems re­ acres of ganja. The situation is so Given the multidimensional nature late to drugs. Not that drug prob­ grave that President Cheddi Jagan of the problems, no single counter­ lems are a creation of the new era; has called for consideration of le­ measure will suffice. Battles have to they were there before, but their galization as a countermeasure. be waged simultaneously on several scope and intensity, and the dimi­ fronts: law enforcement, educa­ nution in importance of some tion, interdiction, legislation, and other concerns, have pushed drugs rehabilitation, among others. All to the top of the security agenda. Drug-related crime these require resources of various Contrary to the belief held by has transformed the kinds. The problem is, though, some people, there is no single that Caribbean countries have se­ “drug problem” in the Caribbean. “paradise” character vere resource deficiencies, not only Neither is there a single drug in­ in terms of money, but also in terms volved. The problems relate to of many Caribbean of personnel, skills, and technology. drug production, abuse, traffick­ vacation spots, driving Domestic initiatives alone can­ ing, and money laundering. And not deal with the drug phenome­ the “danger drugs” are marijuana fea r into locals and non. Regional and international (popularly called ganja), cocaine, action is necessary because the drug and heroin. Neither cocaine nor foreigners alike, and phenomenon is a transnational heroin is produced in the region, one—an interdependence issue. but these drugs—especially cocaine depressing tourist Governments alone cannot do what and its derivative, crack—present activity. is required. Individual citizens and the major abuse headaches. There nonprofit organizations, in the Car­ is trafficking in all three drugs, with, ibbean and elsewhere, will need to as should be expected, variation in contribute. Many already do. The trafficking sites, volumes, and kind These drug operations have casualties in the counternarcotics of drugs. In regard to money laun­ security implications in that they battles will be hum an as well as in­ dering, some countries are known threaten the physical and psycho­ stitutional. The battles will be long or suspected; others are not. In any logical safety of citizens and the and hard. Yet, Caribbean govern­ case, gone are the days when drugs governability of states in the re­ ments and people have to remain in the Caribbean were merely a gion. There are several political, engaged. Whether we like it or not, problem in Jamaica, the Bahamas, military, and economic conse­ drugs will be part of the Caribbean or Belize. Now all countries—His­ quences, including corruption, security agenda for much of the panic and non-Hispanic—are part arms trafficking, vigilantism, de­ foreseeable future. ■

Hemisphere. Winter/Spring 1994 Reports: The Caribbean

Teaching Classical Music in Haiti by Robert M. Grenier

n July of 1993 I was invited to tumult and misery surrounding the It possesses a good acoustics and give vocal instruction at the walled precinct of the school. can seat several hundred on its Ecole Ste. Trinite, a private Each morning at 9 a.m., under steeply banked terraces. The hall is teaching institution supported the stern gaze of their mentors, 100 decorated with a variety of paint­ by the Anglican Church in or so well-groomed, young Haitians ings by Haitian artists, and the Haiti. I was one of a handful assembled in the school’s courtyard school itself adorned with beauti­ Iof volunteer music teachers from to attend the ceremony of drapeau fully sculpted doors and many Canada and the US who instructed (flag raising). After the flag raising, large murals painted by one of its these students in an entire range of there followed the official litany of former students, the sonorously musical instruments—and in my prayers, scripture reading, hymns, named Voltaire Romulus. case, voice—during the school’s and announcements. With obliga­ three-week summer camp. tions to both God and Caesar duly The course of study included rendered, the business of making Unique and Beautiful class instruction in music theory music took its paramount position Within the guarded compound and history, individual lessons on in the imagination of all. that is the school of Ste. Trinite, a each student’s instrument, and The orderly ranks broke only to unique and beautiful world unfolds participation in a variety of ensem­ be refashioned again in classrooms where teaching, self-discovery, the bles. These ensembles consisted of devoted to the study of theory, to encounter with great music, fellow­ the four separate wind and string participation in an ensemble, or to ship, and individual growth occur groups divided into junior and the business of practicing one’s in­ between regular periods allotted senior categories respectively, a strument. The latter was done every­ for work and play. Twice daily, at men’s and boy’s chorus called Les where—in studios, classrooms, and 10:30 a.m. and 3 p.m., a bell rings Petits Chanteurs, and the full sym­ rooftops. Much had to be learned to announce gouter. a half-hour pe­ phony orchestra L’Orchestre Phil- in a short time, for at the end of riod where refreshments are served harmonique Sainte Trinite. These the three-week program would to all. The earlier of these two peri­ six ensembles met daily employing come two lengthy public concerts ods is the most memorable, for it is an entire student body ranging in and numerous solo performances then that the younger members of age from seven and eight-year-olds at six student recitals. Les Petits Chanteurs, fresh from to mature adults. Situated in the heart of Port-au- their morning encounter with the Ecole Ste. Trinite may be con­ Prince and adjacent to the Angli­ seraphic music of Mozart’s Solemn sidered one of the glories of the can Cathedral of Ste. Trinite, the Vespers, break their ordered ranks island for, in contrast to the physi­ Ecole Ste. Trinite consists of a se­ to descend upon the food and cal decay that all too apparently ries of interlocking structures that drink like some vision of fallen plagues Port-au-Prince, it harbors are quite evidently the result of sev­ angels from Paradise Lost. Their one of the country’s great spiritual eral building campaigns. Judging frantic gamboling on the concrete treasures: its talented youth. Every­ by the lack of accord among their pavement ends only upon the ring­ day these promising young people, designs and by the choice of build­ ing of the second bell when they along with their instructors, would ing materials and even floor levels, proceed to modify their hellish ulu- follow a prescribed routine that each building seems to have been lations into songs inspiring enough appeared like some serene and designed by a different architect. to sustain the faithful. Such energy confident gesture arising from the Yet this seeming inharm onious jig­ and high spirits are common at saw arrangem ent has housed a vast Ste. Trinite, where the many stu­ number of souls seeking a most dent recitals are well-attended and compelling harmony. The crown­ encores are frequent. To make Robert M. Grenier is assistant professor ing glory of this tangled architec­ good music is important to every­ of music at Florida International Uni­ tural assemblage is the Salle Ste. one there, but it is also very impor­ versity. He is currently setting the French Cecile, a modern, air-conditioned tant to have fun. and Creole text for an opera entitled concert hall situated on the top In the opinion of many, the city Toussaint. floor of the most recent structure. outside Ste. Trinite is in its worst

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 state in more than a decade. The and basses of Les Petits Chanteurs of his works: two orchestral, Un sel various embargoes imposed on would come to have their vocal badjo, mi-an mi-an and Conte Haitian, Haiti, as well as its own volatile po­ technique and artistry scrutinized. and a song entitled “Musique” that litical culture, have left Port-au- Among Les Petits Chanteurs was a reflects that aspect of French musi­ Prince in an appalling condition: very young and exceptional student cal sensibility that is at once pas­ buildings and streets are crumbling with the musical name of Remi. His sionate yet restrained, combined with garbage left in piles every­ voice was beautiful, but how much with a sensuousness derived from where and frequently set alight. more so it appeared since poor the uniquely Haitian rhythms. The oppressive heat of the tropical Remi had just been released from The intensity of the summer’s sun accelerates the spreading of the hospital where for nearly two activities quickly came to an end fol­ the stench of garbage and human weeks he had been fighting ty­ lowing the second concert. The in­ waste. The great swarms of people phoid fever caused by contami­ evitable long good-byes, exchanges walking about appear purposeful nated water. of gifts, and promises to return next and intent only upon surviving an­ year were indulged as is customary other day. The few cars and trucks and natural following such intense are evidence of the effectiveness of daily contact. A year in Haiti how­ the fuel embargo. In fact, this em­ H aiti’s turbulent ever, can be very long—a much bargo is directly responsible for the harsher and more unpredictable camp being held in Port-au-Prince political situation proposition than a year experi­ rather than at Leogon, many miles threatens a cornerstone enced in North America. Indeed, to the southeast where it is nor­ whenever discussion turned to pol­ mally conducted. of civil life. itics and the anticipated return of An electrical generator failed Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a sense of during dinner one evening, leaving submission to the inflexibility of only a back-up that itself stopped in­ events seemed the most common termittently, plunging the capital The exceptionally harsh circum­ response of the young students. into darkness and without the stances surrounding the lives of the Haiti’s turbulent political situation power to pump water. By 10 p.m. summer camp participants do not has often threatened the school’s there was no light to be seen in the appear to prevent the program musical activities. The threat to the capital except at those points, such from functioning like nearly all school can materially affect the as Ste. Trinite, that were connected camps and summer music schools. progress of the students, who in to the power line that serves the The two public concerts in July, the past have received many full presidential palace. It was startling each three hours in length, stand scholarships from US universities. one evening to see the stars in such as m onum ents to the activity of the Apart from this, that threat seems clear abundance as if we were stand­ school and the determination of its to imperil the symbol of what civil ing in a country field far away rath­ par-ticipants. Both concerts were society could be like in Haiti. er than in the center of a modern performed in Salle Ste. Cecile to a The solemn morning ceremony national capital. Despite these ad­ full house and were recorded by of drapeau, where fealty to God and versities, the pride of the ordinary Haitian television for later broadcast. country are expressed in song and Haitian remains strongly in evi­ The programs for each consisted word, is the formal release of a vig­ dence. One man associated with of some three to five occasionally orous fountain of talent and ener­ the school was reproached by a multimovement works by each of gy whose torrents daily filled every Haitian woman who crossed the the six ensembles. Most of the selec­ vessel set before it. The six hours of street to forbid his photographing tions were taken from the Western music prepared for the public con­ a queue of trucks waiting for gas. classical tradition such as the per­ certs represent the students’ tre­ She insisted that he should not re­ formance of Beethoven’s Sym­ mendous discipline and individual cord their misery. phony No. 8 by L’Orchestre devotion to their instruments and Philharmonique Sainte Trinite. to one another; a requirement to A World of Contrasts The other selections were tailored master the demands, both intricate to the technical and artistic level of and subtle, made by the music of The contrast between the world the ensemble in question. But par­ Beethoven, Mozart, and Laguere. outside and inside the walls of Ste. ticularly striking was the uniquely The ability to work hard and to Trinite was mirrored in miniature Haitian classical music by the com­ share generously seem to be the during the teaching of private voice posers Ferere Laguere and Lodovic cornerstone of civil life. The ex­ lessons. Most often, perched on a Lamoth that appeared on both pro­ tinction of this brilliant example third story balcony with a command­ grams. The second concert was dis­ would be potentially more harmful ing view of the mountains framing tinguished by a homage to Ferere to Haiti than the loss of its one re­ Port-au-Prince, the individual tenors Laguere (1935-85), featuring three maining generator. ■

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 illi ■ in ill!

Insider briefs on people and institutions shaping Latin American and Caribbean affairs

Don’t Call the SS Harlan County commit. The best he can offer is to A New OAS? A New Location? stay in Panama awhile so as “not to Women have become the newest give the impression that I’m skip­ When Joao Baena Soares steps targets of political violence in Haiti. ping town.” Besides, one report down as secretary general of the According to a joint UN-OAS ob­ states he has lost as much as $150,000 OAS, his successor—Colombian server mission, there has been a new a month in revenue during the nine president Cesar Gaviria—will con­ surge of sexual assaults against fe­ months of intense campaigning. front challenges ranging from the male supporters of Jean-Bertrand lingering difficulties with Haiti to Aristide, Haiti’s democratically the thorny question of Cuba’s pos­ elected president, who is now in sible re-entry into the organization. exile in Washington. Women’s Perhaps the most difficult, though, groups report as many as “18 cases will be presented to him by com­ of rape in a single day,” and many One Less Excuse munity leaders in Miami, who will of the “victims are market women lobby heavily to relocate the OAS Brazil is now taking steps to reduce who live in poor, pro-Aristide neigh­ secretariat to Dade County. the cost of prophylactics, which re­ borhoods” (The Miami Herald, April A key element in this lobbying portedly “are among the most ex­ 13, 1994). effort will be a successful gathering pensive in the world” (Journal of of Latin American heads of state Commerce, April 22, 1994). The cost- during the Summit of the Americas, reduction measures are tied to a December 9-10, 1994, in Miami. Is new list of duty cuts the govern­ this pie-in-the-sky? Not necessarily. ment announced in April as part of When the Dust Settles Just months before President Bill a Ministry of Industry, Trade, and According to a Newsday (May 12, Clinton decided to hold the summit Tourism effort to slash inflation. 1994) analysis of Panam a’s May in Miami, the city was not even on Currently priced at about $1 each, presidential election, candidate the list of possibilities, and then was the cost of condoms will likely drop Ruben Blades expects to be back in aggressively opposed by senior State to about 47 cents each once the 1999. Even though the US-based ac­ Department officials, among others, duty and other import taxes are tor received only 17% of the popu­ largely because of their concern eliminated. lar vote, the leader of the Papa over ethnic and exile politics there. Egoro Movement scared many op­ position party old-timers with his late spurt in popularity. The coun­ try’s new president—Ernesto Perez Balladares—captured 33% of the Check It Out Arizona’s NAFTA Niche ballots. According to Blades, “When For those who are interested in a The Arizona State Legislature ap­ the dust settled, we were the third well-written and inexpensive news proved a $100,000 grant in April political force in the country.” The and public affairs magazine from 1994 to create a computer network party also managed to capture nine Mexico, Excelsior’s Mexico Insight designed to position the state as a seats in Panama’s unicameral legis­ may be just the ticket. This bi-weekly, regional information hub for busi­ lative assembly. full-color, English-language pub­ ness trading under the auspices of The big question, however, is lication is edited by Michael J. the North American Free Trade what happens to the actor now that Zamba. In its May 1, 1994, issue, Agreement. Although details are he has lost the race? Many of his Mexico Insight offered thoughtful not yet complete, the grant will supporters say, “We’ll win it in ’99,” articles on the challenge before underwrite an initial feasibility the year of the next election, but Ernesto Zedillo, the new presiden­ study and start-up costs for the according to Newsday, Blades won’t tial candidate of the Partido Revolu­ network. Carol Colombo, of the cionario Institutional, on the heels Phoenix-based law firm of Colom­ of the assassination of his prede­ bo & Bonacci, is one of the private- Edited by Mark B. Rosenberg cessor, Luis Donaldo Colosio. sector advisers to the project.

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 PM I L mm

Radio Marti Redux/Seeming With Friends like These . . . be based in Montreal, will monitor (and Being) Useless environmental practices of the In the spring of 1994 the Bolivian member countries and review com­ The US Information Agency’s Of­ congress accused former president plaints of unfair competition be­ fice of Cuba Broadcasting took Jaime Paz Zamora of developing a cause of stricter environmental measures in March 1994 to send very close friendship with Isaac laws in North America. the message that it too could be “Oso” Chavarria, who, according to NAFTA’s trilateral North Ameri­ downsized “without any negative the US Drug Enforcement Agency, can Trade Secretariat (NATS) will impact on broadcast quality radio is the country’s principal narcotics be based in Mexico City. It will be and television programs to the trafficker. In his defense, Paz Za­ responsible for producing, archiv­ people of Cuba.” Four employees mora accused the US of conspiring ing, and translating NAFTA docu­ in the Research Analytical Unit of against him for inviting Fidel Cas­ ments. Negotiators do not agree, Radio Marti’s Office of Research tro to the August 1993 inauguration however, on NATS staffing. Where­ were targeted. In their own defense, ceremony of President Gonzalo as the US has proposed the secre­ the ousted employees argued that Sanchez de Lozada. The accusa­ tariat be staffed by government “time and again, in performing tions against Paz Zamora and his agency officials on loan to the or­ their responsibilities, the analysts party, the Movimiento de Izquierda ganization, Mexico has proposed have sought to bring to the Radio Revolucionaria, have triggered Bo­ that “outside personnel” be con­ Marti director’s attention real, livia’s most serious political crisis tracted and paid with funds that underlying problems in news and of the 1990s, and have almost cer­ are budgeted by the member gov­ programming, only to have the tainly derailed his re-election bid ernm ents for the NATS. director respond by marginalizing for 1997. the analytical unit, by progressively eliminating our functions and by attempting to ultimately make us seem totally useless.” On the Move Implementing NAFTA Georgette Magassy Dorn has been President Bill Clinton’s February named as chief of the Hispanic Di­ 1994 announcement that the Labor vision of the Library of Congress. A Secretariat of NAFTA would be lo­ specialist in Hispanic culture and the curator of the Archive of His­ When Wasn’t It? cated in Dallas pleased many but not all Texans. Some were dis­ panic Literature on Tape in the His­ In response to escalating violence turbed that the secretariat would panic Division, she holds a Ph.D. in directed at nationals and foreigners be located at the Dallas Chamber history from Georgetown University. in Guatemala, one Guatemalan pri- of Commerce, which, after all, has vate-sector leader has observed, had little or no interest in the labor Mark B. Rosenberg, founding di­ “It’s like the Wild West out in the agenda. The secretariat, to be fully rector of the Latin American and streets” (Business Latin America, operational by July 1994, will have Caribbean Center (LACC) at Flori­ April 25, 1994). There have been a $3 million budget. It will enforce da International University (FIU)— few periods in the country’s con­ the workers’ rights side agreement who has served in that capacity for temporary history, however, when to NAFTA. 17 years—has taken a leave of ab­ violence hasn’t been excessive and In addition, Clinton will place sence to assume the interim dean- directed simultaneously at both rich the NAFTA Development Bank in ship of FIU’s newly proposed and poor, the political and the apo­ San Antonio. The bank will under­ College of Urban and Public Af­ litical, and national and foreign write NAFTA-related commerce, fairs. Eduardo A. Gamarra, a politi­ groups. What does make this epoch environmental, and infrastructure cal scientist at FIU, is now acting distinctive is the growing influence projects, with funding eventually director of LACC. He will also serve of a “powder elite” that is linked to reaching $3 billion. NAFTA’s Envi­ as editor of Hemisphere beginning narcotics trafficking. ronmental Commission, which will with the next issue.

H em isphere • W inter/Spring 1994 19 1 | | |

F st: p s s s a || || t 11^ $*% n

A Sociologist Turns to Politics by Mauricio A. Font

Brazil’s current crisis involves a diverse array of highly charged forces: economic, social, environmental, and—above all—political. If elected president, would academician Fernando Henrique Cardoso stand a chance of being effective?

“. . . [A]n ethic of ultimate ith the May 1993 product per capita decreased 5% appointment of during the 1980s. Meanwhile, infla­ ends and an ethic of re­ Fernando Henrique tion continued its steady climb to Cardoso as finance more than 30% per month in early sponsibility are not abso­ minister, Brazilian 1993, signifying an annual inflation lute contrasts but rather politics took a truly rate of 2,500%. In the two years pre­ ironicW twist. Cardoso’s criticisms of ceding Cardoso’s appointment as supplements, which only in the 1964 authoritarian regime cost finance minister, five predecessors unison [define] who can him his job as a professor of soci­ (one of whom lasted less than three ology as well as four years in exile. months) and six stabilization pro­ have the calling for poli­ After a brilliant academic career grams failed to bring inflation un­ that included founding depend­ der control. Cardoso’s immediate tics. . . . Only he has the ency theory, this major critic of Bra­ task was to slay, or at least slow callingfor politics who is zil’s “associated dependent” model down, Brazil’s galloping inflation was now given the task of solving its by early 1994. Beyond that, he has sure that he shall not crum­ worst economic crisis since the turn to initiate or at least prepare the of the century. If Cardoso succeeds, ground for some form of structural ble when the world from his the country may well avert chaos adjustment. point of view is too stupid and Cardoso could become the next president in 1994. High as or too base for what he the personal costs of failure may The Making of a Hero wants to offer. ” be, they pale in comparison to the What makes Cardoso a prince of highly polarized and potentially ex­ hope in such a context of gloom? plosive presidential election that Why did the best known critic of — Max Weber, “Politics as a Vocation ” could result if the crisis persists or the Brazilian development model deteriorates further. undertake the mission of saving it? A lifetime of intellectual, adminis­ “As a politician, your re­ The Challenge trative, and political achievements sponsibility is to change explains the strength of Cardoso’s The increase in oil prices in 1973 appeal as a hero for the times. The reality and notjust defend and 1976 and the debt crisis that saga that would lead eventually to followed in 1982 battered the Bra­ politics began when the Brazilian principles. If you ’re com­ zilian economy. Gross national military regime forced the rising, mitted to change, you can­ left-leaning professor out of the Universidade de Sao Paulo and not turn an ethical position Mauricio A. Font is associate professor into four years of exile in 1964. of sociology at Queens College and Taking up residence in Chile, into an obstacle to action. ” Graduate School, City University of Cardoso really “discovered” Latin New York. His main work on Brazil is America and a richer theoretical — Fernando Henrique Cardoso, The Coffee, Contention, and Change and comparative framework in New York Times, March 14, 1988 (Blackwell, 1990). which to analyze Brazil. Santiago

Hemisphere. Winter/Spring 1994 i u R

was perhaps the most intellectually exciting place in Latin America in GROWTH OF GDP the mid-1960s, as the left criticized structuralism in an atmosphere of optimism about the desirability and Percentages based on values at 1980 prices imminence of major social change. His involvement in the UN’s Eco­ nomic Commission for Latin Amer­ ica and Santiago’s universities and research centers led to a focused concerned on the question of de­ velopment, a broader Latin Ameri­ can framework, and engagement in the main currents of social dem­ ocratic and socialist thought. Car­ doso’s collaboration with Chilean sociologist Enzo Faletto produced Dependencia y desarrollo en America Latina (1969; published in 1979 as Dependency and Development in Latin America by the University of Califor­ nia Press), perhaps the most influ­ ential interpretation of twentieth- Source: UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean century Ladn American structural dynamics. He soon emerged as the leading figure in Latin American dependency theory. democracy. The very objective of plain the political and economic Cardoso returned to Brazil in creating a space in which alterna­ dynamics of all of Latin America. late 1968, anticipating his reactiva­ tive views about Brazilian society Rather than calling for a reduc­ tion as a professor at the Universi- could be entertained made CEBRAP tionist approach to the politics of dade de Sao Paulo, but a wave of and its president protagonists in development, his deeper concern repression in the following year that struggle, and marked CEBRAP is with understanding emergent “canceled” his tenured position. for a terrorist attack. It was this strug­ social classes, political processes, In response to this setback, he es­ gle that would eventually bring and states through historically tablished, along with several col­ out in full Cardoso’s vocation as grounded research. leagues, the Centro Brasileiro de a politician. In 1978 Cardoso ran for the Analise e Planejamento (CEBRAP) Cardoso spent the 1970s making Brazilian senate. His victory as an in 1969. U nder Cardoso’s presi­ sense of Brazilian authoritarianism alternate led, in 1979, to the vice­ dency, CEBRAP challenged the and exploring conceptual and theo­ presidency of the Partido do MDB— stifling intellectual climate the retical issues raised by his brand of the political party that grew out of military had created in Brazil. dependency theory. The most excit­ the MDB during Brazil’s democra­ Cardoso and his associates went ing result of these explorations was tization process. Cardoso became on to play a substantial role in the his bold analysis of the relationship one of Sao Paulo’s regular senators process of gradual reopening after between local social classes and the in 1983, following Andre Franco 1974. A task force from CEBRAP state and the limits of the nation­ Montoro’s election as state gov­ played a key supporting role in the alist development strategies based ernor. Max W eber’s classic essay, Movimento Democratico Brasileiro on import-substituting industriali­ “Politics as a Vocation” (quoted on (MDB)—the main political organi­ zation—as well as his development page 20), provided the inspiration zation demanding the return of of a conceptual framework to ex­ for his inaugural speech.

H em isphere • W inter/Spring 1994 Features: Brazil

Cardoso’s defeat in the 1985 Sao list of such difficult instruments as the international arena feeds the Paulo mayoral race showed how fiscal reform, privatization, trade perception of a statesman able to much the neophyte had yet to learn liberalization, deregulation, and claim for Brazil a more salient in order to master politics—even if similar “orthodox” advice—a far global role. the loss was partly due to internal cry from the “heterodox” policy In the meantime, it would be squabbles within the PMDB. He normally associated with the neo­ foolish to expect Cardoso and his learned the lesson and in the race structuralism and dependency allies, or any other actor, to suc­ for the senate in 1986, he proved analysis of the 1970s. cessfully implement all or most of to be one of the biggest vote-getters. the required reforms within a year. As the New York Times (March 14, Successful structural adjustment or 1988) put it, he was “no longer even plain stabilization normally drawn to the cloistered life of aca­ takes years to carry out. In light of demia,” but had “learned to play this reality, what has been achieved politics among politicians.” Cardoso is one of the so far and what results can realisti­ Politics became progressively cally be expected in the near future? more absorbing for Cardoso through­ few national political The initial measures imple­ out the 1980s. Along with many in­ mented after June 1993 focused tellectuals and other professionals, figures able to work on public sector reforms aimed at he founded in 1988 the Partido effectively with most reducing the large and growing Social Democratico Brasileiro government deficit of approxi­ (PSDB). It was a more cohesive, contenders in the mately $22 billion (of an $89 bil­ principled, and manageable party lion budget). Fiscal reforms in 1993 than the PMDB, but its small size Brazilian polity as included a budget cut of $6 billion, raised doubts about its prospects. well as with foreign tough measures against tax evasion Despite this, the founders forged (a phenomenon that costs Brazil ahead in articulating a progressive investors and $25-30 billion per year), and call­ platform based on what to them ing in overdue debts owed by the was a realistic but socially responsi­ governments. states to the central government. As ble assessment of the country’s pre­ a result, tax collection in 1993 was dicament, including an approach up by more than 25% with respect to economic policy that sought to to the previous year and was grow­ balance state action with expanded ing at record levels in early 1994. roles for the market. In a political These policies have brought in­ system that traditionally has been Critics see poetic justice in the creasing macroeconomic stability— oriented to patronage and has unconventional Cardoso being even if their full impact will take tended to polarization, such a call compelled to follow fairly conven­ years. The projected budget for to moderation and responsibility tional economic advice. But Car­ 1994 will have a significant surplus. could only hope to gain ground doso is no stranger to incongruities. Still, the economic team was frus­ gradually, but the party’s reputa­ To sympathizers, his keen dialecti­ trated that inflation increased from tion as a serious political organiza­ cal mind will synthesize demands 30% to 40% per month as of Janu­ tion grew quite rapidly. Cardoso’s and programs into a forward-look­ ary 1994. Cardoso’s fight against appointment as minister of foreign ing perspective for the new century. the deficit—the main cause of in­ relations in 1992 and finance minis­ Cardoso’s main asset in this situ­ flation—scored another major vic­ ter in 1993 reflected increased rec­ ation is his reputation as honest tory in late February, when the ognition of both him and the PSDB. leader, able negotiator, and effec­ congress approved a special $16 tive politician. He has already shown billion fund, financed through in­ The Action: Content and Context that he is one of the few national creased taxes, that theoretically en­ political figures able to work effec­ sures fiscal equilibrium for at least If stabilization and adjustment are tively with most contenders in the two years. unavoidable, Brazil is due for even Brazilian polity as well as with for­ The fiscal measures prepared more fundamental reforms. With eign investors and governments. As the ground for a stabilization pro­ the demise of state-led import-sub­ an impressive conciliator and tacti­ gram proper—FHC2 (as dubbed stituting industrialization, it needs cian in the senate and the 1988 by the media)—also approved in to find a new development strategy constitutional assembly, he devel­ late February 1994. The main stabi­ and redefine the state’s economic oped constructive relationships lization instrument in FHC2 is a role. In immediate practical terms, with entrepreneurs and trade un­ new index to be used in adjusting the government must choose a ions, political parties, and the mili­ salaries and eventually most prices. combination of measures from a tary. The respect he commands in The Unidade Real de Valor (URV)

Hemisphere• Winter/Spring 1994 replaces 11 different indices cur­ rently in use. Pegged to the dollar, the URV is conceived as a pream ­ ble to the adoption of a strong cur­ rency—the third step in Cardoso’s plan. With reserves nearing $33 bil­ lion (up from $23 billion with Fer­ nando Collor de Mello) and a solid trade surplus, the government is in a very good posidon indeed to in­ troduce a stable currency. The new fiscal context creates favorable conditions for speeding up the privatization process. Even a partial sale of the state’s 159 public enterprises worth $193 billion will bring considerable additional re­ sources to the treasury. The state has already privatized significant holdings in the steel industry. While progress in other sectors has been relatively modest as of early 1994, Cardoso talks to factory workers in Sao Paulo during his 1978 campaign for the Brazilian senate. three dozen firms are being readied for the auction block this year, in­ cluding much of Embraer, Brazil’s aerospace giant. These transactions should bring in several billion dol­ lars. In addition, constitutional revi­ sions are being planned to further reduce government spending, in­ crease taxes, and allow for more privatization. The reforms adopted or in prog­ ress lay the groundwork for further advances in the economic restruc­ turing agenda, but the bulk of these must be addressed by the government coming to office in January 1995. The government is selectively using tariff reduction as a disciplinary tool against sectors that increase prices faster than the URV. But major new rounds in trade liberalization are unlikely in 1994. While somewhat higher than Cardoso addresses a special commission of the Brazilian senate in 1994. Latin America’s average of 11 %, the 14.2% mean tariffs represent a considerable drop from previous Cardoso’s plan picked up momen­ US Treasury Department bonds as levels and are unlikely to experi­ tum when long negotiations with collateral—and to renegotiate the ence major cuts anytime soon. As the International Monetary Fund entire debt of $123 billion. Again, a result, imports increased by 25% (IMF) and other foreign lenders fi­ the macroeconomic environment in 1993— to a total of $26 billion. nally led to a resolution of the debt created by Cardoso’s economic Inflation will indeed need to de­ problem in April 1994. The effec­ team gets much of the credit for crease substantially in the near tive approval of Brazil’s stabiliza­ solving this huge problem, and future for the reforms to be per­ tion plan has put into motion an thus putting an end to the inter­ ceived as successful, but a more agreement to repay $49 billion of national debt crisis of 1982. durable solution is within reach of the foreign debt under the terms While the fiscal picture is greatly the next Brazilian government. of the Brady plan—that is, using improving, the best grounds for op­

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 Features: Brazil

timism come from the performance sign is that the very long and open by Cardoso survive through 1994, it of the Brazilian economy itself. At process of negotiation that Car­ will likely lead to an enhanced po­ $446 billion, this top Latin Ameri­ doso used to arrive at his stabiliza­ litical role for both regardless of can economy is larger than Russia’s. tion plan has generated a broad the outcome of the October elec­ It grew by a healthy 5% in 1995 and stabilizing alliance, even if the tions. The PSDB and Cardoso will and is expected to come close to temptation to defect remains high. thus emerge as significant winners that rate in 1994—while last year’s from this situation—even if a dra­ productivity grew by 6%. Having matic turnaround in the rate of already withstood major forms of inflation does not materialize. On adjustment, the private sector There is growing the other hand, a major deteriora­ remained remarkably resilient tion of economic or political con­ through often ill-conceived meas­ agreement in Brazil ditions, coupled with any large ures of past governments and re­ miscalculation by other players, sponded well to the new economic that the root of the could still bring the country close reforms. The export sector has country’s crisis has to chaos. The passage between the been particularly impressive and is Charybdis of ineffectiveness and responsible for a 1995 trade sur­ more to do with the Scylla of turbulence is in fact plus of $15 billion in the context of populated by hungry sharks, but sharply increased imports. Simulta­ politics than the this situation only focuses more neously, foreign investment has sharply the attention on the skills grown substantially—from a nega­ economy. and nerve of the one at the helm, tive $400 million in 1989 to a posi­ enhancing the dramatic quality of tive $400 in 1990, $1.1 billion in the performance. 1991, $2.9 billion in 1992, and an Will the stars that have guided estimated $5.5 billion in 1995. A Failure to reduce inflation and Cardoso this far continue to shine? more stable macroeconomic envi­ stop the crisis would most benefit Probably, though clouds on the po­ ronment should lead to the same Luiz Inacio “Lula” da Silva, the Par­ litical horizon will make them hard or higher levels of performance. tido dos Trabalhadores candidate to see at times. If so, Cardoso’s stint There is growing agreement in who has led in the polls for months. as finance minister will indeed have Brazil that the root of the country’s It is clear that, whatever happens, opened a new and major chapter crisis has more to do with politics what the government does between in the drawn out process of Brazil­ than the economy. The main ob­ now and October 1994 will greatly ian democratization and economic stacles to reform come from weak­ shape the results of the election. reform. The expectation that this nesses in the evolving political Another big question is how much is the last chapter should be tem­ system. Democratization has proven tolerance the military will have for pered by signs that the book is far harder than first thought. President a leftist candidate committed to a from complete. The difficulty in Itamar Franco’s limited political larger role for the state, particularly obtaining short-term success pales base compels him to dole out pol­ if there is a weakening in govern- in comparison to the larger eco­ icy concessions to win support. The ability as the elections approach. nomic and political challenges fragmentation of the party system Last year there were clear rum­ ahead—stabilization, structural makes consensus extremely diffi­ blings of military anxiety over cor­ adjustment, and the formation of cult and provides incentives for ruption and incoherence in the a durable coalition around a new many of these parties to block congress and the prospects of a development strategy. A good per­ reform for narrow political and deepening political crisis. Since a formance against inflation and in economic reasons. Since policy candidate of the right seems objec­ political stabilization will earn Car­ successes enhance the chances for tionable to many Brazilians, the doso and his party a cardinal posi­ Cardoso’s presidential bid, other very danger in the situation may in tion from which to negotiate with presidential hopefuls have some­ the end favor a center-left moder­ other contenders the adoption of thing to gain by blocking them in ate candidate such as Cardoso. effective answers to pressing long­ the congress. term problems. But the ultimate The adoption of FHC2 by the The Journey Ahead answer is necessarily a collective Franco-Cardoso government has one. What will matter in the end is put Brazil on a sound track, but the Predicting Brazilian politics is a the political maturity of institutions, policy and political situation re­ risky business, but it is difficult to political organizations, and the gen­ mains perilous. Parts of the plan foresee democratization in Brazil eral public. Therefore, what the were initiated with temporary exec­ without the PSDB and Cardoso as current situation puts to an exact­ utive decrees that still require con­ major players. If the current re­ ing test is the process of Brazilian gressional approval. A most hopeful forms and policy team organized democratization itself. ■

Hemisphere • Winter/Spring 1994 HAITI Photographs by Gary Monroe

Taken between 1984 and 1987, Monroe’s Haiti photographs are radiant with the spirit of discoveiy. Powerful and evocative, they are stripped bare of artifice and traditional documentary narrative. Their meaning is elusive.

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H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 Features: Brazil

Crisis and Environment by J. Timmons Roberts

uring the 1982 UN Envi­ show the rate at around 10,900 The Problems ronment Conference, square kilometers. The figures for Brazil was called “the 1989 and 1990 were also lower than Brazil suffers from a series of dire world’s worst polluter.” for previous years. The diminished environmental problems. For ex­ Moreover, reports of pol­ rate of deforestation, which began ample, the species-diverse Atlantic lution and deforestation in 1988, has led observers to ques­ Coast forest—which in colonial inD the Amazon worsened through­ tion whether the drop is truly the times stretched virtually unbroken out the decade. In 1989, when a result of successful environmental from the country’s northeast to its US congressional delegation of­ policies and enforcement, or mere­ south—is now reported to be more fered to help generate resources for ly a product of wet burning seasons than 90% decimated, with its rem­ the environmental protection of and the country’s devastating eco­ nants still threatened. More than the Amazon, President Jose Sarney nomic crisis. 70% of Brazilians have no sewage responded, “We don’t want the treatment (a situation underscored Amazon to become a green Persian by Brazil’s recent cholera epidemic), Gulf.” By 1992, however, Brazil was a problem reaching from far rural playing host to the massive UN Con­ isolation into the heart of Brazil’s ference on Environment and Devel­ most modern cities: industrialized opment, and Sarney’s successor, To head off Sao Paulo, with a population of Fernando Collor de Mello, signed more than 15 million residents and all the proposed conventions. Some international avarice, accounting for almost a quarter of of these—on climate change and Brazil’s entire gross national prod­ biodiversity, and the declaration of Brazil’s military uct, lacks sewage treatment for more principles on forests—could poten­ pushed for rapid than 80% of its population. Air pol­ tially limit Brazil’s economic growth lution and illegal toxic dumping are rate. Thus, the event appeared to occupation by also widespread problems. signal an important reversal of pol­ Most international concern, icy for a country that had long re­ Brazilians of what it though, has centered on the de­ jected outside pressures to protect saw as “empty spaces. ” struction of the earth’s largest and its environment. oldest block of tropical rain forest: Satellite photographs of the Yet the projects the Amazon, two-thirds of which Amazon reveal that the current lies within Brazil’s boundaries. Be­ rate of deforestation is down dra­ boomeranged. cause the Amazon region makes up matically from that of the 1980s. Es­ more than half of Brazil’s national timates of how much deforestation territory, economic planners have occurred during the 1980s are still been encouraging its rapid devel­ contested, from NASA’s 15,000 opm ent since the 1950s. With the square kilometers per year to the discovery of impressive mineral World Resources Institute’s 80,000. Has Brazil truly turned environ­ resources there, Brazil’s post-1964 The latest NASA figures, however, mentalist? Why did Brazil’s state military regime became concerned are down sharply from either fig­ leadership feel it had to undertake with international avarice toward ure: satellite photographs from 1991 a long and expensive international the Amazon. To head off a feared political campaign to “green” the “invasion,” the military pushed for country’s image? Are Brazil’s eco­ rapid occupation by Brazilians of J. Timmons Roberts is assistant profes­ nomic and political crises condu­ what it saw as “empty spaces.” This sor of sociology and Latin American cive to environmental protection? emptiness was a misconception, studies at Tulane University. He is the Which major players support or however. For centuries the Ama­ author of “Squatters and Amazon Ur­ oppose protectionist measures? Is zonian economy experienced wild ban Growth, ’’The Geographical a national consensus on environ­ booms and busts involving the ex­ Review (October 1992). mental policy in the making? traction of various commodities

H em isphere • W inter/Spring 1994 (medicinal plants, cacao, rubber, space shuttle showed more than record as part of “a campaign to and Brazil nuts), which had already 5,000 fires. That photo covered an impede exploitation of natural re­ introduced a population of Brazil area of the state of Rondonia where sources in order to block [Brazil] nut and rubber gatherers, small the huge Polonoroeste colonization from becoming a world power” (O farmers, lumberers, traders, and project—funded by the World Bank Liberal, Belem, November 14, 1989). strong local commercial and politi­ and the Inter-American Develop­ cal elites, in addition to the indige­ m ent Bank—was under way. nous peoples already there. New Alignments To quicken the pace of develop­ Since the democratic opening in ment, Brazil’s federal government 1985, however, Brazilian politicians built a series of roads into the Ama­ have increasingly been aware of the zon, earmarked 3% of all national environment’s importance in for­ revenues for a special development Environmentalists eign relations. In that same year the agency for the region, and provided decried B razil’s World Bank suspended payments a series of generous incentives to on the Polonoroeste program and businesses setting up operations policies, while the far the first national meeting of rubber there. Mining, lumbering, agricul­ tappers was held in Brasilia. The ture, and ranching—much of which right claimed outside December 1988 m urder of Chico was owned and operated by out­ Mendes—the internationally known siders to the region—took off in the pressure was a plot leader of the rubber-tappers union 1960s and 1970s. In agitating for to keep the country in the Amazon state of Acre—in­ the development of the Amazon, tensified pressures on Brazil to ad­ Brazil’s military had the strong sup­ underdeveloped. dress the problems of deforestation port of some of the nation’s largest and human rights abuses in the corporations, especially those in Amazon. construction. Four of the country’s In 1988, President Sarney, de­ 10 largest private firms are builders, spite his sometimes anti-environ- and were among the main benefi­ mentalist stance, pushed through ciaries of enormous contracts to European and US environmen­ the country’s first comprehensive build road, dam, and mining proj­ talists vilified Brazil for its environ­ environmental policy, “Nossa Natu- ects in the region. mental and Amazonian policies, reza,” which among other things Many of these ambitious projects bringing substantial pressure to created the Instituto Brasileiro do were financed through external bear through agencies such as the Meio Ambiente e dos Recursos loans, including several provided World Bank and the Inter-American Naturais Renovaveis (IBAMA). or guaranteed by the World Bank. Development Bank, the interna­ Though riddled with problems, Some were undertaken specifically tional press, the US Congress, and IBAMA and other government to provide exports that would im­ the European Community. Further, organs have exercised growing prove Brazil’s debt profile with ex­ where local environmental groups strength in pressing for increased ternal lenders. Yet a num ber of appeared weak, the international environmental safeguards. Sarney these projects later boomeranged. environmentalists worked through later campaigned successfully for For example, the plan to turn the or even created their own chapters Brazil to host the 1992 UN Confer­ Carajas iron deposits into an ex- in Brazil. Contacts between interna­ ence on Environment and Devel­ port-based, regional development tional environmentalists and leaders opment (UNCED). project for the eastern Amazon of Brazilian grassroots organiza­ Just before his inauguration in (funded partially by the World tions of rubber tappers, Indians, 1990, a trip by president-elect Fer­ Bank in addition to other external small farmers, urban environmen­ nando Collor de Mello to the US, sources) would have required 22 talists, and others have multiplied Europe, Russia, and Japan made massive pig-iron factories fueled by rapidly since the mid-1980s. him acutely aware of the strategic charcoal from the native rain forest. For a long time the military and role of environmental issues in for­ Based on projections of the defores­ the far right in Brazil have claimed eign affairs. After announcing a tation this was expected to cause, that such outside pressure was part rather ambitious environmental international environmentalists at­ of a plot to keep Brazil from becom­ program, Collor canceled the re­ tacked the Carajas project as, po­ ing a developed country. Speaking maining fiscal incentives for land tentially, one of the world’s five to a meeting of the Amazon Basin’s clearing in the Amazon during his worst environmental disasters. On nine nations in 1989, for instance, first day in office. He also appointed the other side of the Amazon re­ senior Brazilian diplomat Paulo Fle- as minister of the environment the gion, a photograph taken during cha de Lima described accusations vocal environmentalist Jose Lutzen- the 1987 dry season from a US about Brazil’s poor environmental burger (who later resigned after

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 Features: Brazil

many disagreements) and changed Mata Atlantica, has only 2,000 ronmental groups in the US now IBAMA from a regulatory to an members even after a national realize the need to combine social executive body. With the change, membership campaign. The Bra­ justice and environmental goals in the minister of the environment zilian chapter of the World Wildlife funding projects in Brazil. advised the presidency directly, Fund has virtually no dues-paying A nother key result of the 1992 though much power was vested in members. Consequently, these and UNCED were the promises of the Conselho da Republica, where most other NGOs are forced to look more than $5 billion in aid and a strong military presence remained. for other sources of funding, pri­ loans for environmental programs Due to the economic crisis, the marily from international groups, in Brazil and other Third World na­ potential for reducing the govern­ corporate sponsors, or government tions. Such funding does not come ment’s budget made cutting sub­ contracts, thereby potentially com­ without conditions, though, and sidies for ranching and lumbering promising their independence. Brazil’s environmental policy con­ a relatively easy decision. Still, as tinues to be somewhat driven by US political scientist Steven San­ pressure from the World Bank and derson points out, “Collor didn’t other outside lenders. For example, disconnect the environmental im­ some new programs require that perative from the National Security Environmentally Brazil implement the legislation Council.” and enforcement necessary before An undeniable feature of protected areas, which the promised funding is released. UNCED—which took place as Joao Paulo Capobianco, head of the Collor fell into a devastating cor­ encompass just 3.5% lead environmental group S.O.S. ruption scandal—was the massive Mata Atlantica, warns, “If a radical presence of nongovernmental or­ of Brazilian territory, change does not occur in the pos­ ganizations (NGOs) at official and are chronically ture of the government, of politi­ nonofficial events. Networking be­ cians, and the press,” UNCED’s tween environmental, women’s, in­ threatened by invading achievements, including loans and digenous, and other groups from foreign aid, could be lost (Folha de around the globe took off in Rio, gold miners, lumberers, Sao Paulo, June 22, 1993). a change that appears irreversible. According to Deiges, Brazil uses Within Brazil, environmental NGOs and squatters. three main policy instruments to have grown from about 40 groups address the Amazon question: pro­ in 1980 to more than 2,000 in tected areas, environmental impact 1992. The advocacy and research analysis, and spatial planning. Pro­ groups—which are well connected tected areas, which encompass just with universities, government agen­ Recent interviews with several 3.5% of Brazilian territory, are cies, policy circles, and internation­ Brazilian environmentalists reflect chronically threatened by invading al financial sources—are gaining their uncertainty about the direc­ gold miners, lumberers, and squat­ political power. According to Bra­ tion of the ecology movement. Soci­ ters. These preserves are poorly zilian analyst Eduardo J. Viola, a ologist Arturo Deiges noted that in demarcated and will become mere class of highly educated technicians national contests of polarizing poli­ islands if current trends continue: and administrators is heading the tics, groups concerned solely with there is growing understanding organizations, making the movement environmental affairs have been that, rather than attempting to increasingly more professional. confronted by other groups push­ transplant the European and US Environmental groups in Brazil ing for social and political justice. conceptions of pristine wilderness, vary widely in terms of whether While the umbrella organization a model of sustainable use would their structure is basically top-down for environmental groups at the be more effective in the Amazon. or grassroots in nature, the class ori­ 1992 UNCED debated whether to Yet another problem is that, while gins of their members and the par­ exclude social justice groups from Brazil formally adopted environ­ ticular issues that concern them, their tent, Beth Grimberg, of the mental impact analysis in 1986, the and their styles of action. Most of organization Polis in Sao Paulo, projects with the greatest potential the country’s environmental groups, and Mattos express the belief that for environmental destruction are however, face a critical problem: social justice and environmental directed by the government, which Brazil, like most of Latin America, groups are converging politically, a exempts itself from preparing im­ lacks a tradition of membership in process that seems to have begun in pact statements. Finally, spatial civic organizations. Thus, accord­ the mid-1980s. Donald Sawyer, of planning (i.e. zoning) has been ing to Flavio de Mattos Franco of the Brasilia-based NGO Instituto de repeatedly proposed over the last the World Wildlife Fund in Bra­ Sociedade, Popula^ao e Natureza, 10 years, but has been notably inef­ silia, Brazil’s largest group, S.O.S. asserts that even mainstream envi­ fective since Brazil lacks the infra­

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 structure and the political will to zilians: only 2% considered envi­ While he formed the Ministerio enforce such measures in the face ronmental problems as the most Extraordinario para a Amazonia of desperate poverty, political pa­ important in the nation. and chose a former ambassador to tronage, and corruption. US political scientist Timothy J. the US—Rubens Ricupero—to Power observes that, in spite of the head it, giving Ricupero and his What Has Changed? importance of public opinion and new ministry a high-profile loca­ interest groups in setting environ­ tion in his old, and now vacant, Has the tone of environmental de­ mental policy, the leadership role vice-presidential suite in the presi­ bates changed within Brazil? Ac­ of the president remains pivotal. As dential palace, it remains unclear cording to Jean Hebette, of the a weak president with no mandate, what the role of this new ministry Centro Agrario do Tocantins in the Sarney’s periodic anti-environmen­ will be. Ricupero stepped down Amazon state of Para, the NGOs tal outbursts appear to have been from his post in March 1994 to as­ have been highly influential: “The largely for domestic political con­ sume the powerful position of eco­ debate has changed from finding sumption, as he needed military nomic minister. He was replaced in fault to looking for solutions. Colo­ support to serve out the remainder April by Henrique Brandao Caval­ nists are talking about preserving of his term. Unlike Sarney, Collor canti, who promised to “not change their resources. Rubber tappers are had 33 million votes, and thus had anything in environmental policy.” now talking more about sustainable more leeway to maneuver against An indicator of Franco’s weak com­ development. The international the military, at least early in his mitment to environmental conser­ ecological movement was critical in aborted term. vation in the Amazon is that he has affecting the [public’s] mentality largely sought to avoid dealing with through the media. But their ideas the controversy raised in the after- fell on good soil with the small pro­ math of the mid-1993 massacre of ducers.” The old right and the Yanomami Indians by Brazilian army, however, have increasingly Public opinion seems to gold miners. Franco even lashed expressed the nationalistic view out against officials who did not that environmentalists are inspired be “greening” in Brazil. defend Brazil’s official position on by outsiders who are threatening It remains unclear, the matter. Brazil’s sovereignty. So, is Brazil’s economic and Public opinion seems to be though, whether such political crisis conducive or not to “greening” in Brazil, but it remains environmental protection? On the unclear whether such concern will concern will translate one hand, the weakness of the na­ translate into action and whether into action and whether tional treasury makes the govern­ it will last long now that the ex­ ment more attentive to the need to citement of the 1992 UNCED has it will endure beyond create a positive image of the coun­ faded. On the positive side, 50% of try in the outside world. On the respondents in a 1992 Gallup sur­ the excitement of the other hand, the ravages of the eco­ vey in Brazil rated environmental nomic crisis continue to drive poor issues as “very serious,” and when 1992 UN Conference people to the Amazon in search of asked how concerned they were on Environment and gold and land, making enforcement about environmental problems, of environmental regulations and 80% said “a great deal” or “a fair Development protecting reserve boundaries in­ amount.” Even more convincingly, creasingly difficult. The political cri­ Brazil was among the highest of sis—which sometimes appears to the 24 countries studied in the approach the collapse of the Bra­ portion of the population (71%) zilian state—undermines respect agreeing that “protecting the envi­ With the impeachment and for the rule of law and confidence ronment should be given priority, resignation of Collor in 1992 and in environmental protection organs even at the risk of slowing down the succession of his vice president such as IBAMA. Finally, in times of economic growth.” Brazilians, Itamar Franco to the presidency, desperate hardship, such agencies though, ranked lowest in the world Brazil has returned to a lame duck, seem increasingly alien and irrele­ (26%) in the rate of “green con­ unelected president with sinking vant to the many people for whom sumerism,” that is, avoiding certain popularity and marginal room to short-term thinking takes prece­ products that harm the environ­ set his own agenda. Faced with the dence over sustainable development. ment. The same poll, designed by constant demands of what seem The current crisis, then, has US sociologist Riley E. Dunlap, like perpetual economic and polit­ created some factors favoring both shows that economic and social ical crises, Franco has decidedly more and less attention to Brazil’s issues are more pressing for Bra­ soft-pedaled environmental issues. environment. Continuing swings in

Hemisphere • Winter/Spring 1994 Features: Brazil

policy and posture are likely. When the president needs international legitimacy, a large-scale project to gain international media attention Are you interested in is launched. Such projects are set up “for the English to see” (as the Central America? Brazilian saying goes), while the root problems go unaddressed. The basic problems—poverty, cor­ If so, you will want to have a copy of the only media ruption, and violence, as well as directory covering Central America and Panama, the inequalities of land tenure and 1993 Guia de medios centroamericanos de wealth that rank among the world’s worst—continue to drive the poor comunicacion. This 220-page pocket-sized book into the Amazon and to create an contains details on: atmosphere of impunity for both those who violate human rights and • Over 300 media organizati damage the natural environment. Was Collor merely an exception, • More than 200 advertising or could Brazil’s next president, to agencies and public be elected in November 1994, sig­ relations firms nificantly alter the country’s ap­ proach to environmental questions? • Nearly 4,000 journalists Leading in the polls for the presi­ dential election is Luiz Inacio • 17 journalism schools and “Lula” da Silva, the candidate of their faculties the Partido dos Trabalhadores and an ex-steelworker from Sao Paulo. • Goverment and embassy During his 1989 campaign Lula or­ press spokespersons ganized large committees of aca­ demics, environmentalists, and As well, there is useful policy experts to develop a new en­ information, including vironmental policy. The structure statistics and maps of the countries and major cities. of power that might emerge from a Lula victory would likely spell a new level and type of participation by The price is $45 per copy, postage and handling environmental and social NGOs in included. setting their country’s policy. The implications for the environment of a victory by his main rival, Fer­ nando Henrique Cardoso, are un­ clear. We have seen how many of the major players in the environ­ Yes, send m e____ copies of the Guia de medios mental struggle continue to face centroamericanos de comunicacion each other: NGOs, the military, foreign lenders, business interests, Name:__ and so on. Regardless of the elec­ tion’s results, changes in public Address: _ opinion and the growth of the City/State: social justice and environmental Country: _ NGOs are bound to have lasting effects on environmental policy in Make your check payable to CAJP Endowment Fund Brazil. While addressing environ­ and mail along with this coupon to: mental issues remains difficult Central American Journalism Program given the ongoing economic and Florida International University political crises, environmental 3000 N.E. 145 Street NGOs and international lenders Miami, Florida 33181-3600 will make it impossible for Brazil’s new president to ignore them. ■

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 Monetary “Lobotomy” and Inflation by Katherine Ellison

ost Brazilians dream The keystone of the crusade is we are creating a currency in steps of a future in which a bold attempt to “dollarize” the to recreate in the population the they could make reg­ economy, although no one in the notion of a currency that has real ular bank deposits, government is eager to use that value.” Government leaflets market­ knowing that by a word. What this means is that the ing the plan have pressed this psy­ certain time they will nation’s all-but-useless currency, chological approach. “Finally, a haveM saved enough for a down pay­ the cruzeiro real, is to be converted new currency, strong and as re­ ment on a car or home. It seems a back into a genuine unit of wealth. spected—here and abroad—as simple fantasy for members of the The process has begun with the in­ Brazil deserves,” the leaflets prom­ world’s tenth largest economy, troduction of the Unidade Real de ised. “A real currency, to fill people whose gross domestic product grew Valor (URV), a dollar-based index with pride.” in 1993 by nearly 5%. Yet ever since now being used to establish the val­ Justifiably hardened by their his­ inflation rocketed from 45% a year ues of salaries and other important tory of disappointments, however, in 1976 to a record 2,567% in 1993, contracts. On July 1, according to Brazilians have been slow to jump the notion has grown more and the plan, the URV itself will become on the bandwagon. In the week in more outlandish. a new currency—the sixth new cur­ which Cardoso launched his plan, This is not to say that Brazil’s rency in the past 14 years. It is to the joke spread that URV was the inflation—now at 40-plus percent be called the “real,” and worth governm ent’s way of saying, “ Uni- a month, one of the worst rates in roughly a dollar. dos roubaremos voces" (“Together, we the world—has not had some fans. will rob you.”). Banks, for instance, have made bil­ Such cynicism has threatened to I...... — lions from the price increases every strangle Cardoso’s project in its in­ year. Speculators have also profited fancy, as does what some politicians from what is, in effect, a tax paid by view as its fatal flaw: i.e., while it the poor, who have no hope of sav­ puts a lid on salaries, it gives no ing, to the rich. But now, the class I The joke spread that guarantee that prices won’t keep of those with the savvy, surplus shooting up. In early March, after cash, and sufficient lack of scruples the monetary reform hearing the details of Cardoso’s to profit from the economic chaos was the government’s strategy, union leaders threatened is shrinking. Meanwhile, elections strikes and leftist politicians de­ planned for October 1994 are in­ way of saying, manded that the government re­ creasing pressure on the govern­ treat from what they charged was a ment to take dramatic action. Together, we will shock plan that placed all of the On March 1, then-finance minis­ burden of reform on workers’ ter Fernando Henrique Cardoso rob you. ” shoulders. Part of the unions’ fear vowed he would meet the challenge, had already been realized in Feb­ as he launched the tenth major ruary when sellers, perhaps in an­ anti-inflation campaign since 1980. ticipation of a price freeze, raised Within the same month, Cardoso the cost of basic foodstuffs by 53%, quit the ministry to run for presi­ well above the predicted 38% infla­ dent. But his plan is still alive and, tion for that month. The price of despite huge obstacles, still being Economist Winston Fritsch, one beans, a Brazilian staple, rocketed viewed as Brazil’s best chance for of Cardoso’s principal advisers at up by 179%, according to the news economic stability. the finance ministry, calls the proc­ magazine Veja, while the price of ess a kind of “lobotomy” necessary onions soared by 126%. to cure Brazilians of their inflation­ Cardoso vowed that he would Katherine Ellison is the Miami Herald ’v ary expectations. “Money in Brazil not freeze prices, a tactic that has South America bureau chief in Rio de has ceased to be a unit of account failed in the past. Yet his advisers Janeiro. or store of value,” he said. “So now insisted they could bully suppliers

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 Features: Brazil

away from abusing strapped con­ sumers. In what Fritsch called “moral suasion” and some news­ TRANSACTION papers have dubbed “fiscal ter­ rorism,” Fritsch said the finance ministry could, if necessary, cut tar­ iffs on exports by unruly firms, or reduce subsidies. “Every company has some dealings with the govern­ Transafrica Forum ment, so you can always find some way to harass them ,” he said. A Quarterly Journal of Opinion on Africa and the Caribbean Cardoso had been preparing the ground for the URV for months before he put it into practice, most­ ly by raising taxes and designing Randall Robinson deep cuts in the federal budget. Executive Director With a balanced budget, the gov­ TransAfrica: The Black American Lobby ernment would no longer be forced for Africa and the Caribbean to print money to cover its debts, thus fueling inflation. Nonethe­ less—and this is the plan’s most Transafrica Forum presents an independent review of serious problem—the ex-minister’s U.S. policy toward Africa and the Caribbean. It offers infor­ budget has yet to be approved by mation on political, economic, and cultural matters affecting the congress, which is bogged down black communities globally, for a better understanding of by election-year intrigues and a policy issues and their impact worldwide. long-running investigation into a massive corruption scandal of its members. Recent articles: More bad news came in April, The 1992 European Community and Africa when legislators acknowledged Walton Lyonnaise Brown they had at least temporarily aban­ doned a long-awaited and urgently Bureaucratic Influence in the U.S.-Zairian needed constitutional revision. Car­ Special Relationship doso had hoped to steer the proc­ Peter J. Schraeder ess toward supporting his plan, by U.S. Relations with Botswana: 1966-1989 means of approval of changes in James J. Zaffiro the tax laws, an overhaul of the bankrupt social security system, and Abandoning Structural Adjustments in Nigeria the reversal of a law that bans the Okechukwu C. Iheduru firing of public employees. Now all these measures will have to wait. Published Quarterly This opposition leaves Cardoso with perhaps one last weapon with which to coax support for his pro­ Subscription rates: posal from the ruling elite. Many Individuals: $32/yr; $60/2 yrs; $80/3 yrs believe that if nothing is done soon Institutions: $60/yr; $108/2 yrs; $145/3 yrs about the rampaging inflation, Bra­ Domestic first-class mail add $24/yr zil’s poor majority will give an over­ Foreign surface mail add $24/yr whelming victory in October to Cardoso’s main rival, the socialist Foreign airmail add $44/yr labor leader Luiz Inacio “Lula” da (Rates subject to change annually.) Silva, already by far the current front-runner in all public opinion Transaction Publishers polls. The increasing fear of a Lula Department TAF victory may have become the best Rutgers—The State University hope that Brazil’s aristocracy will at transaction New Brunswick, NJ 08903 last unite behind a stabilization plan. ■

Hemisphere • Winter/Spring 1994 CUADERNOS / AMEMCANOS k NUEVA EPOCA ENERO-FEBRERO, 1994 DESDE EL MIRADOR DE CUADERNOS AMERICANOS Michelle Geremek. Entrega del premio intemacional de la Leopoldo Zea. Chiapas, yunque de Mexico para Latinoamerica Sociedad Europea de Cultura Andres Medina. La etnografia y la cuestion etnico-nacional en Bronislaw Geremek. Reflexiones en tomo a la politica de la nuestra America cultura Ricardo Melgar Bao. Las utopias indigenasy la posmodernidad Sociedad Europea de Cultura. Resumen y documents final en America Latina Silvia Soriano Hernandez. Aportessobreelmestizajedeesclavos CLAVES LATINO AMERICAN AS DE LA CRITICA Y LA africanos en Chiapas colonial CREACION. HOMENAJE MULTIPLE

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H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 Features: Mexico

Chiapas and the National Crisis by Jorge Castaneda

The Chiapas rebellion reflects a profound national crisis in Mexico. It reflects a Mexico that, despite its deepening integration with the US, remains firmly anchored in the Third World

ith the outcry of Although not all the members Chiapas abounded. In July and “no que no, hijos de la of the Ejercito Zapatista de Libera­ August of 1993 the newspaper La chingada," the feared tion National (EZLN) carry the Jornada and the magazine Proceso Mexican bronco powerful modern weapons of its published long articles regarding awoke from his leth­ television spokespersons, several battles in the Lacandona Jungle argy and submission thousand combatants form part of and the town of Ocosingo. Carlos inW the remote highlands of Chia­ a defined and coordinated struc­ Montemayor—the well-known pas—the land of indigenous peo­ ture guided by a single leadership Mexican writer and an authority ple and anthropologists, of huipiles with a politically consistent, albeit on armed insurrections in Mex­ and syncretism. The emergence of archaic, discourse. The Zapatistas’ ico—stated that “in those regions, a Mexican guerrilla movement has organizational, logistical, public re­ the mountains have eyes.” Every­ unleashed a political crisis for the lations, and communications capac­ thing is known, and the Mexican in­ country, an image crisis outside of ity and their tactical and military telligence services—no matter how Mexico and—the only positive re­ strategy reveal that this group has corrupt or repressive—have a well- sult imaginable—a crisis of con­ been preparing itself for years. deserved reputation for efficiency science among a Mexican elite They have well-trained units and and quickness. When they want to separated by an abyss of centuries qualified instructors. This is not a capture someone, discover some­ from the indigenous masses that millenarian Jacquerie; it is a highly thing, or infiltrate and disarticulate have taken up arms. current and contemporary guer­ a group, they do it well. Lacking better information on rilla group. what the final outcome will be— Sophisticated Warriors though no doubt tragic—and ex­ amining the insurrection with the The Chiapas rebels No one understands how thousands caution that is necessary for any of chiapaneco campesinos, led by in­ event of this type in Mexico, four are genuine guerrillas, digenous and mestizo leaders from reflections come to mind. The first both that region and the rest of the has to do with the nature and struc­ not simply one more country, were able to train and pre­ ture of the guerrilla force itself. In group of angry pare for a complex and tremen­ contrast to the 1970s campesino up­ dously ambitious operation without risings in the state of Guerrero, the and insurrectionist raising any suspicions. This is even Chiapas rebels are genuine guerril­ less comprehensible if one remem­ las and not simply one more group peasants. bers that the current secretary of of angry and insurrectionist peasants. the interior and the man responsi­ ble for the security of the Mexican Second, the EZLN’s emergence state, Patrocinio Gonzalez Garrido, in itself denotes either a functional served as governor of Chiapas until Jorge Castaneda is the author of Uto­ failure or an incomprehensible the beginning of 1993; in reality he pia Unarmed: The Future of the mystery for the Mexican state ap­ has also retained political control Latin American Left (New York: paratus. Almost three years ago, over his home state. A grave defi­ Knopf 1993). rumors of a guerrilla uprising in ciency exists in the government of

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 Carlos Salinas de Gortari that re­ lages, and left legitimate ancestral groups such as the ones in Chiapas. veals either an unconscious calcu­ claims dangling. The typically eco­ Cardenismo was accused of radi­ lation that purposely allowed the nomic and despotic conception of calism, extremism, violence, and eruption to achieve a specific politi­ the Salinas government resulted in anachronism, in the forlorn hope cal objective or an acute state of in­ a policy that was doom ed to fail. that 90 million Mexicans would be ternal decomposition. The chiapanecos, like millions of convinced or compelled to fit with­ Third, the Chiapas revolt sup­ other Mexicans, want more than a in the confines of a country seem­ ports the argument of those ob­ trickle of money—they want real re­ ingly composed of nothing but stinate and maligned critics and sources. They also want to partici­ magnates and “yuppies” of the Par­ skeptics who, since 1988, have in­ pate in deciding how, by whom, and tido Revolucionario Institucional, sisted that the route taken by the where money will be spent. Above and Creole lawyers and middle- Salinas government would lead, all, they want to be treated with dig­ class supporters of the Partido de sooner or later, to a major crisis. nity, not humiliated, beaten, and Accion Nacional. Cuauhtemoc Such a crisis, they noted, would repressed. Cardenas appeared as an evil to be occur, not in a country magically avoided at all costs—including de­ propelled to the First World by mocracy, human rights, and inter­ news media headlines and elite national image. trade agreements, but one firmly Mexico cannot anchored in the permanent Third World within Mexico—that part of continue to be Several Evils the country that includes several governed the way It is clear today, as many originally segregated nations, injustice and thought, that Cardenas is the lesser inequality, authoritarianism and it has been so far. of several evils. The real evils—vio­ corruption, and poverty and mar­ lence, desperation, impotence, and ginalization. The appearance of a rage—are on Guerrero Mountain guerrilla force means in Chiapas, in the barrios of Netza- Deeper Crisis hualcoyotl, or in the barrancas of that some Mexicans Tijuana. The one overwhelming The Chiapas uprising is a symbol of evil is the irrational and condem- a much deeper crisis. It is neither an do not have faith in nable recourse to arms and the re­ exclusively ethnic phenomenon nor jection of legality and the electoral the product of the undeniable pov­ elections. route. The new configuration of erty and backwardness of the state the Mexican political spectrum of Chiapas. While Chiapas is one of that will emerge from Chiapas is the most backward states in Mex­ loyal to the real country. If the eter­ ico, it is also one of the four states The fourth and final reflection is nally postponed Mexican democra­ where the government has concen­ that Mexico cannot continue to be tization can occur, the indigenous trated its efforts and resources to governed the way it has been so ire of Chiapas and other rages and fight poverty through its so-called far. The problem of Chiapas is resentments lodged within the end- National Solidarity Program. Mexico; it is not social or economic, of-century Mexican mestizo will be What gave rise to the guerrillas but political. The appearance of a able to express themselves through in Chiapas was not only its back­ guerrilla force—no matter how the ballot boxes. The true evil will wardness and the marginality and ephemeral it may prove to be— have been avoided and the lesser isolation of its indigenous popu­ means that there are Mexicans who ones—reformed Cardenistas, de­ lation but, above all, a political do not believe in the electoral route mocratized priistas, and provincial problem. In Chiapas the Salinas to channel their demands. This was panistas—would exist in a country government spent money, but the already well known. Poll after poll where everyone, including Com­ corrupt, oligarchic, and authoritar­ revealed that more than half of all mander Marcos and the inhabi­ ian social and political structures voters do not believe in the trans­ tants of San Juan Chamula, would were maintained and strengthened. parency of the electoral processes. fit. This would not be the worst de­ State authorities and the army itself The Salinas government dedicated velopment to stem from the take­ encouraged cattle ranchers to seize five years, millions of dollars, thou­ over of San Cristobal de las Casas. ■ land from the communities. The sands of liters of ink, and an infinite security forces and, again, the army number of international friend­ repressed the indigenous peoples ships to destroying Cardenismo, Editor’s Note: Translated, with permis­ without mercy: they violated human the only opposition force that sion, by Hemisphere staff from an edi­ rights, raped women, jailed leaders could have electorally channeled torial published in El Nuevo Herald and priests, burned towns and vil­ the demands and discontent of (Miami, Florida) on January 6, 1994.

H em isphere • W inter/Spring 1994 Features: Mexico

After Chiapas: The Indian Agenda by Martin Edwin Andersen

he violence seemed like ated with claims of foreign partici­ olution” inaugurated by Zapata part of a well-known script. pation in the uprising. From the and others. The guerrillas’ protest Masked young men wear­ government’s perspective, this was, against what they called the Salinas ing baseball caps and bear­ perhaps, the best way to explain government’s complicity in rights ing old rifles took control why the well-disciplined guerrillas violations and the erosion of their of town squares in a poor had even seized the square in San land rights was intensified by wor­ Tregion far from the modern com­ Cristobal de las Casas (the second ries about what NAFTA will do to forts of the capital city. Stunned largest city in Chiapas with some the price of corn—a staple—and by military and police, jarred from the 90,000 people), but it was not a a fear that multinational corpora­ stupor of their New Year’s revelry, claim borne out by guerrilla casual­ tions would be able to push those called for reinforcements, then coun­ ties. The dead insurgents bore the remaining off their lands. terattacked. As propeller-driven physical features characteristic of The situation in Chiapas mirrors aircraft bombed and strafed once- the region’s Mayan tribes. the condition of native peoples in sleepy hamlets nestled in the moun­ many areas of Mexico, bome to tains, the estimated 2,000 insurgents Latin America’s largest indigenous shrank back into the protective rain population. More than a million forest. Meanwhile, the government The situation in Mexican Indians speak no Spanish, forces swelled to more than 10,000. and eight times that many use na­ The build-up was accompanied by Chiapas mirrors the tive Indian languages as their pre­ displays of bodies—alleged to be condition of native ferred idiom. Nearly 70% of tbose those of guerrillas—with hands who live in rural areas are con­ tied behind their backs and skulls peoples in many areas sidered by the government to be shattered by pointblank bullets. In “marginalized” (as the Mexican gov­ Washington, strategic thinkers mut­ of Mexico, home to ernment refers to its Indian com­ tered darkly about outside support munities) , with nine in ten outside for the unheard-of rebels. Latin America’s the reach of sanitation and sewer­ The bloody rebellion by native largest indigenous age systems and thus victims of Americans in the state of Chiapas intestinal disease. in southern Mexico proved to be population. an international embarrassment Indian Needs for a country widely praised for its economic reforms. It also appeared To some observers, the Chiapas timed to undermine President Car­ No one should be surprised by revolt, coming at the end of the los Salinas de Gortari just as the the uprising in Chiapas. It is Mex­ UN “International Year of the North American Free Trade Agree­ ico’s poorest state and the site of a World’s Indigenous Peoples,” un­ m ent (NAFTA) was coming into ef­ long-running series of violations derscored the urgency of address­ fect. While the rebels of the Ejercito against the human rights of native ing the needs of Latin America’s Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional— peoples. It is also the scene of a vir­ 35-40 million Indians—particularly named for Emiliano Zapata, the tual assault by large landowners their political rights and the protec­ hero of the 1910 Mexican Revolu­ against the small agricultural hold­ tion of their lands and resources. tion—melted into the surrounding ings of the Mayan, Tzeltale, Zapo- Victims of poverty, violence, and countryside, the government retali- teco, Zoque, and other indigenous political and social marginaliza­ communities of the region. In re­ tion, the plight of native peoples cent years, wealthy landowners have has largely escaped the notice and Martin Edwin Andersen is a senior forced thousands off communal attention of policymakers, both in consultant at the Washington, DC- farm lands, known as ejidos, which Latin America and in Washington. based Center for Democracy and a according to official Mexican lore, The rebellion was tragic proof former professional staff member of the are one of the most important so­ of the risks posed by the failure of Senate Foreign Relations Committee. cial gains of the “Institutional Rev­ governments to protect the politi-

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 cal, social, and economic rights of native peoples. The degree to which GDP PER CAPITA AND REAL WAGES the Zapatistas struck a popular chord

throughout Mexico seemed to do Index: 1980=100 as much with the widespread appeal of their demands—the protection of native lands, real democracy, and the fair treatment of native peo­ ples—as with the puckish and im­ passioned flair of their enigmatic leader, Subcomandante Marcos.

The Native Agenda The grito de Chiapas reflected the serious problems confronted by an estimated 300 million indigenous peoples around the world. The in­ digenous agenda includes many of the most intriguing and urgent items that need to be addressed by policymakers as their countries Source: UN Economic Commission on Latin America and the Caribbean approach the twenty-first century. These include: ■ the quest for broad and effective REAL URBAN MINIMUM WAGE participation in newly emerging democracies; ■ human rights; ■ the growing recognition within the international scientific com­ munity of the contribution of tra­ ditional knowledge, particularly of plant resources, to science and technology; ■ mass migration across interna­ tional boundaries; ■ demilitarization; ■ environmental protection; and ■ a new framework for the decen­ tralization of decisionmaking within nations, allowing for more effective local self-governance. As the seemingly endless stream of newspaper articles and editorials Source: UN Economic Commission on Latin America and the Caribbean about Chiapas made clear, the in­ digenous revolution is here. The question is will it be largely non­ conserve their resources. Part of inheritance requires helping in­ violent and beneficial to indige­ the solution is to ensure them re­ digenous peoples to take meaning­ nous and tribal people, as well as source rights (access to land, water, ful and representative roles in their the rest of humanity, or will it re­ and fuel), to promote their ability own governments. sult in an endless series of “low- to defend their land and resource The Chiapas revolt spawned sev­ intensity conflicts.” base, and to help them meet their eral myths, which policymakers can Indian advocates point out that, needs in a modern world without ignore at their peril. The Salinas ad­ if violent episodes like that of Chia­ losing their time-honored resource ministration was protecting its own pas are to be kept from recurring, management methods. The con­ vested interests when it dismissed a systematic effort needs to be tinued progression of the global pre-New Year’s reports of guerrilla made to help indigenous peoples march to democracy as well as the activities as fabrications generated living in fragile environments to protection of our common natural by its opponents and the opposition

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 Features: Mexico

ones—attempt to carry out tasks INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA other than the defense of the na- tion-state against external threats. Total Population Indigenous Population Country Inappropriate roles and missions, (Millions) (Percentage) not necessarily size, are what make Argentina 31.9 1 militaries potentially dangerous ac­ Belize .2 10 tors outside civilian control. The Bolivia 6.5 66 lack of effective recourse to a func­ tioning legal system, coupled with Brazil 150.8 the employment of military forces Chile 12.8 9 as a virtual army of occupation, can Colombia 31.9 1 be seen as an open invitation to the Costa Rica 3.0 1 disenfranchised and disaffected to join the Zapatista rebels. Ecuador 10.3 21 Throughout Latin America the El Salvador 5.1 21 absence of a unifying communist Guatemala 9.1 50 threat has sent militaries scram­ Guayana .4 1 bling to define new threats to se­ curity as a means of holding onto Honduras 5.1 7 budgets and prestige. Despite the Mexico 86,4 11 fact that Mexico has one of the low­ Nicaragua 3.5 3 est per capita military expenditures Panama 2.4 6 in Latin America, the lack of an ap­ Paraguay 4.5 3 propriate role and mission for its army is pushing the force to de­ 21.4 Peru 40 m and a greater say in major na­ Suriname .8 3 tional decisions, the antechamber Uruguay 3.0 — of militarism. This trend is exacer­ Venezuela 19.3 1 bated by a financial independence that dates back to the Mexican Rev­ Source: Central Intelligence Agency, 1990 olution, and now, by the events in Chiapas. Tbat the military’s own role in to NAFTA. It is now clear, however, nous activism throughout the hemi­ internal security in Chiapas itself that the Mexican army was involved sphere has been nonviolent, if not contributed to popular support for in a classic, and brutal, counter­ always peaceful. The Zapatistas’ the Zapatista insurgents is evidenced insurgency effort in the mountains leftist rhetoric should not be the by a 1993 Minnesota Advocates for of Chiapas throughout 1993. prism through which all indige­ Human Rights report about con­ Following the revolt, the Salinas nous activism is evaluated. Indian ditions in the southern Mexican government tried to evade respon­ issues are not, in the main, either state. Despite a constitutional pro­ sibility for the conditions that led “leftist” or “rightist,” although hibition against military involve­ to the revolt by claiming the guer­ some activists may be thus charac­ ment in domestic affairs, the report rillas had outside contacts and for­ terized. At the most fundamental notes “troubling . . . signs of re­ eign supporters in their ranks. The level, the indigenous agenda is one newed involvement of the military causes of the revolt, however, were of political and economic empower­ in civilian affairs during the admin­ clearly Mexican in character and ment and, to a certain degree, of istration of President Carlos Salinas content. Manuel Camacho Solis— cultural sovereignty. de Gortari. . . . Another disturbing Salinas’s own special negotiator— There is also the danger that the development is the deployment of gave lie to government claims that New Year’s Day revolt will become the army among the indigenous the Zapatistas were led by foreigners a pretext for spending more on the populations of southern Mexico— by describing the rebels as home­ military, not just in Mexico, but especially in Chiapas—where long- grown insurgents; his use of the throughout Latin America, and simmering land conflicts have been term “army” when describing the that indigenous activism may be­ aggravated by the government’s insurgents flew in the face of gov­ come the new raison d’etre for agrarian policy. . . . [L]awless prac­ ernment claims that the guerrillas army involvement in internal secu­ tices of tbe Mexican military have were a band of “lawbreakers.” rity. Chiapas has become the sym­ become increasingly tolerated at Finally, while the Zapatistas have bol of what can go wrong when the highest levels of the Mexican stolen the headlines, most indige­ armies—even comparatively small government. . . . The growing ac-

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 ceptance of lawless military involve­ component for the consolidation landless peasants. Experts say—and ment in detentions and searches of elected governments. Through­ the experience of Chiapas seems to among civilian populations is a out Latin America—but most cer­ bear out—that securing legal pro­ dangerous development.” tainly in Guatemala, Ecuador, Peru, tection for their lands, and thus Trained to employ maximum and Bolivia—democratic participa­ their way of life and the ecosystem force to destroy an “enemy,” utiliz­ tion cannot be limited to areas of that sustains it, is the greatest chal­ ing forces that are largely alien to relative privilege if the long-term lenge faced by native peoples. In the community in which they are prospects for democracy are to be Mexico an estimated 70% of In­ deployed, illegal acts by the Mexi­ secure. New and emerging democ­ dian land is forest. For example, can army were almost inevitable— racies can remain healthy only if the 50,000 Tarahumara Indians of all the more so once the guerrilla they are fully representative. Chihuahua’s Sierra Madre Occiden­ insurgency burst forth with unsus­ tal live in one of the richest biosys­ pected force. In testimony before tems in North America. Both the the US Congress on February 2, ecosystem, with its stunning variety 1994, Assistant Secretary of State of plants and animals, and the Tara­ for Human Rights John Shattuck Despite reports of humara Indians are at risk—victims pointed out that, despite reports of hundreds killed in the of an unholy alliance of large land­ hundreds killed in the fighting in owners and drug traffickers. Inef­ Chiapas, the government has never figliting in Chiapas, fective policing by the Mexican produced a single wounded prisoner! army has helped to make the According to many knowledge­ the government never sprawling state on the US border a able observers, the Salinas govern­ lawless cesspool of corruption. ment has increasingly used the produced a single In places such as Central Amer­ army to intervene in political and wounded prisoner. ica, where the population is ex­ labor disputes, as well as a major pected to double within the next actor in the fight against narcotics 25 years, the increasing shortage of trafficking. The Minnesota Advo­ what were once “frontier” lands cates report notes: “The militariza­ means that commercial agricul­ tion of the drug war is, in large In Guatemala nearly 60% of the tural interests can only expand at measure, a result of the govern­ country’s 10 million people are de­ the expense of native peoples and m ent’s inability or unwillingness to scendants of the ancient Mayas, yet their control over their own territo­ pursue serious reform of the po­ there are only six indigenous mem­ ries. In Brazil, Ecuador, Bolivia, and lice,” even as the army has itself bers of the congress. Independent elsewhere, land issues are at the been implicated in almost surreal observers say one im portant factor forefront of the indigenous agenda. episodes of narcotics-related mis­ in the low turnout in Guatemala’s An important part of helping conduct, including the murder of crucial January referendum on con­ indigenous peoples protect their law enforcem ent officers. Mean­ stitutional reforms was the fact the lands is to help provide them with while, in many precincts, antinar­ ballots were printed only in Span­ the information and support needed cotics police have had to buy their ish, although hundreds of thou­ to create accurate land-use maps, own ammunition, even though sands of potential voters speak only thus demolishing a racist myth that most local police make a mere indigenous languages. endures from the Spanish colonial $200 a month. In Ecuador there is a single na­ era: that the remaining forests, sa­ The events in Chiapas raised tive American congressman. And vannas, and wetlands are “unin­ specific issues that are broadly rep­ in Bolivia, of the 130 members of habited,” and therefore there for resentative of the challenges facing parliament, only three are indige­ the taking. indigenous peoples throughout the nous, a fact ameliorated only par­ One promising effort has been continent: tbe political empower­ tially by the 1993 election of Victor undertaken by native peoples in ment of indigenous peoples; the Hugo Cardenas—a recognized na­ Honduras and Panama, assisted by protection of their land rights; tive American leader—to the vice­ the nongovernmental organization indigenous rights and the admin­ presidency. Native Lands. In both countries, In­ istration of justice; and forest man­ dians have escaped the invisibility agement and the protection of Protection of Land Rights myth by creating graphic, detailed indigenous cultures. records of their lands, including Indian homelands—in many cases who lives there and how the land is Political Empowerment the last remote forests, savannas, used. By employing scientific maps and wetlands of Latin America— and technical evaluations, native Bringing “marginalized” peoples are facing a ruthless onslaught by peoples can make credible cases into the democratic process is a key lawless cattle ranchers, loggers, and for legalizing communal home­

Hemisphere• Winter/Spring 1994 Features: Mexico

lands, stanching the invasions of social organization, or cultural ■ empowering indigenous peoples their lands by landless peasants and identity. These groups and estab­ and residents of local commu­ multinational companies, and re­ lished local communities that nities to ensure their effective solving on more favorable terms the depend on forest resources have participation in planning and relationship between Indian home­ an economic stake in sustainable decisionmaking related to the life lands and national protected areas. forest use. The international com­ of the forest, utilizing, as much as munity can and should help in­ possible, the help of local and in­ digenous peoples increase their ternational nongovernmental or­ Administration of Justice capacity to protect their own lands ganizations and the private sector. The revolt in Chiapas has helped and thus support sustainable re­ These efforts should also in­ to focus attention on the need for source use and the protection of clude the definition and strength­ new rules and new laws governing the environment. ening of the participation and how countries treat their Indian na­ stake of indigenous peoples in lo­ tions and other indigenous peoples. cal, national, and international In countries as diverse as Guate­ economies, particularly in the sus­ mala, Nicaragua, and Peru, native In countries as tainable harvest of both timber (in­ Americans continue to be victim­ diverse as Guatemala, cluding fuel wood) and nontimber ized by military-run internal secu­ forest products and services, and rity forces. Both the military and Nicaragua, and Peru, the facilitation and furthering of insurgent groups subject native the cultural, educational, and eco­ Americans to forced recruitment native Americans nomic self-sufficiency of indige­ and violence. The lack of repre­ continue to be nous peoples. sentative legal systems at the com­ munity level means the denial to victimized by Chiapas, and Beyond native peoples of the full protec­ tion of the law, while indigenous military-run internal During the Bush administration, lands continue to be overrun, con­ the US was seen as unsympathetic fiscated, or threatened. security forces. Both to UN efforts to address the indige­ Human rights advocates point the military and nous agenda. The Clinton adminis­ out it is necessary to strengthen ci­ tration also got off to a slow start vilian justice systems—including po­ insurgent groups when the US delegation at the lice—at the local level in order to June 1993 human rights summit in effectively confront abuses. Native subject them to forced Vienna was not even prepared to American demands for legal protec­ discuss indigenous rights (the sum­ tion through the creation and sup­ recruitment and mit’s second hottest topic after port of community and regional violence. women’s rights). justice systems, including law en­ The Clinton administration forcement, mirror the democratic should clearly state that it is US pol­ experience of the US itself, where icy to assist indigenous peoples, par­ law enforcement is overwhelmingly Among those policy considera­ ticularly in emerging democracies civilian and local (as opposed to tions deserving of support and assis­ and in nations in which native peo­ many countries of Latin America, tance are: ples are either a numerical major­ where the armed forces still con­ ■ the recognition of indigenous ity or a significant minority. One trol the police). The creation of peoples and local community resi­ promising development came in and support for local administra­ dents’ rights and cultural identity; late January, when the 1993 State tion of justice helps to ensure com­ * the extension of an equal oppor­ Department country reports on hu­ munity empowerment on issues of tunity to indigenous peoples for man rights featured, for the first vital concern, and is directly re­ full participation in their coun­ time, beefed up coverage of indige­ lated to questions of demilitariza­ try’s life, including the life of the nous rights (thanks to legislation tion and human rights. forest; sponsored by former senator Alan ■ the exchange of information Cranston [D-CA]). Forest Management and the (with mutual protection of intel­ Where possible, native peoples lectual property rights) between must be included in sustainable de­ Protection of Indigenous Cultures external research and technology velopment strategies, particularly There is a growing recognition in generation and locally developed those that would enhance the pro­ Latin America of the needs of in­ technology and indigenous knowl­ tection of rain forests or other envi­ digenous peoples who use forests edge, as a means of more sustain­ ronmental treasures. The Clinton as the basis for their livelihood, ably managing forest resources; administration should also vigor-

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 ously champion indigenous inter­ ests and concerns within the multi­ lateral development banks and Indian Rights in Latin America international trade organizations. As a recent Congressional study Guatemala on the impact of US foreign assis­ tance shows, the Agency for Inter­ Indigenous people comprise one-half of the population but remain largely out­ side the country's political, economic, social and cultural mainstream. Indige­ national Development has done nous people suffered most of the serious human rights abuses described limited work in providing aid to in­ throughout this report---- Although indigenous people are accorded equal digenous peoples. US efforts, how­ rights by the Constitution, in practice they have only minimal participation in ever, should reach out to meet the decisions affecting their lands, culture, traditions, and allocation of natural re­ special needs of indigenous peoples, sources---- rather than hoping they benefit in­ directly from programs aimed at Brazil rural peoples or the poor. Greater Brazil's approximately 250,000 Indians, who speak 170 different languages... emphasis should be made on pro­ have only a very limited ability to participate in decisions affecting their lands, grams that facilitate indigenous cultures, traditions, and the allocation of natural resources.. ., [I]ndigenous institution-building and economic groups are marginalized from the political process---- [Tjllegal mining and empowerment; fortify cultural iden­ timber cutting are a constant problem on Indian lands. ... [T]wo [gold min­ tity; increase technical and profes­ ers] taken into custody [for the murder of 16 Yanomami Indians] were re­ sional training; and strengthen leased on December 29 when their trial was delayed owing to difficulty in legal rights. locating witnesses. There have been no convictions, however, in any previous For better or worse, events in case involving the murder of Indians___ southern Mexico have riveted our attention at the point of a gun— Chile albeit a rusty shotgun. Their mean­ In 1993 Congress passed a law that was drafted by a committee composed of ing—the violence, the marginali­ representatives of the various indigenous groups, recognizing the ethnic diver­ zation, the potential for more sity of the indigenous populations. It replaced a law that emphasized assimila­ resources to be funneled to the tion, and it gives them a greater voice in decisions affecting their lands, security forces and away from the cultures and traditions---- The population which identifies itself as indigenous people—needs, however, to be (nearly I million, according to the 1992 census) remains separated from the juxtaposed with recent develop­ rest of society, largely because of historical, cultural, educational, and geo­ graphical factors... . ments in Bolivia. There the newly elected presidential ticket included an indigenous leader whose school­ teacher wife still wears the tradi­ The degree to which indigenous peoples participate in the political process, tional dress—long black braid, their exercise of civil rights, and the extent of their control over natural re­ multilayered skirt, felt shoes, and sources and land varies widely from one ethnic group to another, and from a bowler hat—of the Andean Alti- one region of the country to another. The indigenous population, estimated at plano. The August 1993 inaugural 100,000, is concentrated at the northern and southern extremities of the coun­ address of vice president Victor try.... In 1987 Congress passed a law designed to return Indian lands. It has yet to be implemented. . .. Hugo Cardenas—whose presence on the ticket was instrumental in achieving President Gonzalo San­ Mexico chez de Losada’s wide margin of The Government encourages indigenous groups, many of which do not speak victory—was given not only in Spanish, to participate in political life, and it is respectful of their desire to re­ Spanish, but also in the native tain elements of their traditional lifestyle---- [T]hese groups remain largely languages of Aymara, Quechua, outside the country’s political and economic mainstream, a result of longstand­ and Guarani. ing patterns of economic and social development, and in many cases their abil­ “After 500 years of colonial si­ ity to participate in decisions affecting their lands, cultural traditions, and the allocation of natural resources is negligible. At the beginning of 1994, these lence and after 168 of republican problems were particularly highlighted by an armed uprising in Chiapas state,. exclusion, we now speak up to tell our truth,” Cardenas said. “Democ­ racy in a country that is multieth­ nic, pluricultural, and plurilingual Editor’s Note: Excerpts from the 1993 State Department country reports on human rights, ought also to be multiethnic, pluri­ which for the first time included extensive reporting on the political, economic, and cul­ cultural, and plurilingual. ... A tural rights of indigenous peoples, as required by the Cranston Amendment. tree grows from its own roots.” ■

H em isphere • W inter/Spring 1994 Features: Mexico

The New Agrarian Reform by Othon Banos Ramirez

exico’s new agrarian distributed is lying to the almost main institutional linkages with the reform law was cre­ two million persons who seek such countryside, the Secretaria de Agri­ ated to end not only land and to the more than four culture y Recursos Hidraulicos and the social redistribu­ million agricultural workers.” The the Banco Nacional Rural. tion of rural prop­ key objectives of his agrarian pro­ The new politics of agrarian erties, but also the gram are fourfold: reform leaves most campesinos ex­ intervention of the state in the in­ ■ to ensure the security of property tremely vulnerable. For example, in ternal life of the ejidos (collectively holdings; Yucatan, market-oriented reforms owned agricultural properties) and ■ to reverse the growth of small in 1990 left many henequen-pro- rural communities in general. The holdings by promoting the estab­ ducing ejidatarios without credit Mexican government expects that lishment of producer associations and unable to harvest their crop. these reforms will stimulate the based on the investment of pri­ Moreover, by forcing them to seek modernization of the agrarian vate capital; wage work on an individual basis, economy. Undoubtedly the new ■ to reduce government subsidies the reform undercut the collective law, which went into effect in Feb­ for agricultural production; and organization that had been the ba­ ruary 1992, inaugurates a new stage ■ to reduce the state’s role in agri­ sis of what little political leverage in Mexican agrarian policy. Since cultural production and commerce, they previously exercised. These the revolution of 1910-40, that pol­ including the dismantling of serious problems have affected icy has revolved around the legal parastatal agencies in agriculture. corn, citrus, and vegetable pro­ regularization of campesino owner­ ducers as well. ship of land, a focus that gave rise to the ejidos. Today, the ejidos num ­ Preferential Treatment ber 28,000 and comprise 50% of Mexico’s cultivable land. Th e new agrarian The government’s posture is to give preferential treatment to the most reform leaves most productive ejidos (which are located The Farm Crisis campesinos extremely mainly in northern Mexico), at the Mexico has been facing an agricul­ expense of self-sufficient ejidos (lo­ tural crisis since the 1970s. In re­ vulnerable. It leaves cated mainly in central Mexico) sponse, President Carlos Salinas de and poor ejidos (which are the ma­ Gortari has chosen the most practi­ the majority of them jority of ejidos nationwide and are cal—and perhaps the only—option: without financial located mainly in the south). By the fundamental transformation of providing minimal credit for the the ejido system. Since 1988 Salinas credit, forces them to cultivation of poor ejido land, the has insisted that “the massive re­ government does not promote their distribution of rural property has seek wage work, and productivity, but merely delays the ended. Whoever claims that. . . mil­ migratory exit of the rural popula­ lions of hectares [remain] to be re- undermines their tion in the ejido communities and political leverage. maintains its political clientele in the countryside. In the context of the presidential Othon Banos Ramirez is a professor and election of August 1994, the latter researcher at the Centro de Investiga- is especially crucial given not only ciones Regionales “Dr. Hideyo Noguchi” As part of this process, the Salinas the Chiapas rebellion but also the of the Universidad Autonoma de Yu­ administration has been restructur­ assassination of the Partido Revo­ catan in Merida, Mexico. He is the ing the Instituto Mexicano del Cafe lucionario Institucional’s official author o/Campesinos y sociedad: and reorienting the functions of presidential candidate, Luis Do- ayer y hoy (Universidad Autonoma CONASUPO (National Basic Foods naldo Colosio, both which have de Yucatan, 1992). Company) and the government’s increased the urgency of maintain­

Hemisphere• Winter/Spring 1994 ing the party’s traditional electoral erty, and of these 17 million live in sector for competition with the machinery in the provinces. To extreme poverty. Many of the ex­ business giants to the north. In the­ achieve this objective, the govern­ tremely poor are small ejidatarios. ory, the ending of government sub­ ment has increased its social ex­ sidies, technical support, and other penditures through its National forms of aid to small agricultural Solidarity Program, which targets producers will be more than com­ the urban poor, peasants, and pensated by a surge in private indigenous peoples with various In opening up new domestic and foreign capital, the development projects for sewage modernization of technology, and and potable water, health, educa­ market opportunities access to larger and more lucrative tion, food distribution, electrifica­ for Mexican agriculture markets. In the best of cases, how­ tion, street paving, housing, and ever, very few campesinos will im­ soft loans for low-income rural while failing to prove their economic standing. The producers. great majority will become marginal­ The new agrarian reform ap­ prepare or support ized. Indeed, from the standpoint pears favorable to those ejidos with of government policymakers, tradi­ the greatest potential for produc­ ejidatarios, the tional campesinos pose an obstacle tivity, some of which may be trans­ Salinas administration to national economic development. formed into something like the The politics of the new agrarian cattle project of Nuevo Leon in is abandoning reform seeks to eliminate this ob­ northern Mexico. In this agro­ stacle by transforming traditional industrial enterprise involving 336 thousands of poor campesinos into either “small farm­ associated producers, private initia­ campesinos, leaving ers” of the US variety or a cheap, tive invested more than $6 million ejido-anchored rural labor force for in ejido lands, with profits appar­ them with few highly capitalized agriculture. ently in excess of $2 million in In this setting, the new agrarian 1991. But this highly successful, prospects. reform could lead to the worsening highly publicized project is a strik­ of the socioeconomic polarization ing exception to the rule. In gen­ of Mexican agriculture and to con­ eral the establishment of such siderable growth in the political complexes of associated producers clout of large agricultural enter­ has been unsuccessful unless the Two perspectives have emerged prises. In opening up new market state itself has played an active role. concerning the “reform of agrarian opportunities for Mexican agricul­ According to many experts, such reform .” An optimistic view affirms ture while failing to prepare or enterprises are mere fronts for that, thanks to the new legislation, support ejidatarios, the Salinas ad­ large-scale agricultural land rental more private investment will flow ministration is abandoning thou­ by private investors who maintain into agriculture, thereby modern­ sands of poor campesinos, leaving control over their business opera­ izing the sector and boosting its them with few prospects beyond tions. Foreign investment under productivity and output. The pes­ mere survival and turning them these arrangements has principally simistic view argues that the new into a low-wage subsidy for both occurred through “contract agricul­ law will cause a massive sale of ejido modernized agriculture and the ture” in export horticulture. landholdings that will inevitably re­ manufacturing and service sectors. sult in the concentration of rural The new agrarian reform is Contradictory Reactions property in the hands of a small integral to a policy of accelerated circle of wealthy and powerful introduction of advanced methods Over the medium and long run owners and accelerate the migra­ in agricultural production, thereby the new agrarian law will cause di­ tion of the countryside’s poor peo­ preparing Mexico for a new stage verse and contradictory reactions ple to cities in Mexico and the US. of economic development and, according to the specific agricul­ Although it is still too early to tell, through NAFTA, economic inte­ tural setting and product. Focusing neither extreme has yet occurred, gration with the US and Canada. on ejidos, we can foresee the emer­ though trends suggesting the valid­ This policy promises greater pro­ gence of an extremely complicated ity of both sides of the argument ductivity, but fewer jobs. Poor cam­ social problem that is intimately have emerged. pesinos will end up losing what little tied to Mexico’s politics, culture, With respect to the North Ameri­ they have and, facing even more ex­ and economy. The Mexican gov­ can Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), treme poverty in the countryside, ernment recognizes that, of the na­ Mexican authorities have yet to will exit en masse to the cities—in­ tion’s population of 85 million, at publicize a coherent plan for pre­ cluding those cities across the bor­ least 41 million persons live in pov­ paring the nation’s agricultural der to the north. ■

Hemisphere. Winter/Spring 1994 Features: Mexico

The New Agrarian Reform by Othon Banos Ramirez

exico’s new agrarian distributed is lying to the almost main institutional linkages with the reform law was cre­ two million persons who seek such countryside, the Secretaria de Agri­ ated to end not only land and to the more than four culture y Recursos Hidraulicos and the social redistribu­ million agricultural workers.” The the Banco Nacional Rural. tion of rural prop­ key objectives of his agrarian pro­ The new politics of agrarian erties, but also the gram are fourfold: reform leaves most campesinos ex­ intervention of the state in the in­ ■ to ensure the security of property tremely vulnerable. For example, in ternal life of the ejidos (collectively holdings; Yucatan, market-oriented reforms owned agricultural properties) and ■ to reverse the growth of small in 1990 left many henequen-pro- rural communities in general. The holdings by promoting the estab­ ducing ejidatarios without credit Mexican government expects that lishment of producer associations and unable to harvest their crop. these reforms will stimulate the based on the investment of pri­ Moreover, by forcing them to seek modernization of the agrarian vate capital; wage work on an individual basis, economy. Undoubtedly the new ■ to reduce government subsidies the reform undercut the collective law, which went into effect in Feb­ for agricultural production; and organization that had been the ba­ ruary 1992, inaugurates a new stage • to reduce the state’s role in agri­ sis of what little political leverage in Mexican agrarian policy. Since cultural production and commerce, they previously exercised. These the revolution of 1910-40, that pol­ including the dismantling of serious problems have affected icy has revolved around the legal parastatal agencies in agriculture. corn, citrus, and vegetable pro­ regularization of campesino owner­ ducers as well. ship of land, a focus that gave rise to the ejidos. Today, the ejidos num ­ Preferential Treatment ber 28,000 and comprise 50% of Mexico’s cultivable land. The new agrarian The government’s posture is to give preferential treatment to the most reform leaves most productive ejidos (which are located The Farm Crisis campesinos extremely mainly in northern Mexico), at the Mexico has been facing an agricul­ expense of self-sufficient ejidos (lo­ tural crisis since the 1970s. In re­ vulnerable. It leaves cated mainly in central Mexico) sponse, President Carlos Salinas de and poor ejidos (which are the ma­ Gortari has chosen the most practi­ the majority of them jority of ejidos nationwide and are cal—and perhaps the only—option: without financial located mainly in the south). By the fundamental transformation of providing minimal credit for the the ejido system. Since 1988 Salinas credit, forces them to cultivation of poor ejido land, the has insisted that “the massive re­ government does not promote their distribution of rural property has seek wage work, and productivity, but merely delays the ended. Whoever claims that. . . mil­ migratory exit of the rural popula­ lions of hectares [remain] to be re- undermines their tion in the ejido communities and political leverage. maintains its political clientele in the countryside. In the context of the presidential Othon Banos Ramirez is a professor and election of August 1994, the latter researcher at the Centro de Investiga- is especially crucial given not only ciones Regionaks “Dr. Hideyo Noguchi ” As part of this process, the Salinas the Chiapas rebellion but also the of the Universidad Autonoma de Yu­ administration has been restructur­ assassination of the Partido Revo­ catan in Merida, Mexico. He is the ing the Instituto Mexicano del Cafe lucionario Institucional’s official author of Campesinos y sociedad: and reorienting the functions of presidential candidate, Luis Do- ayer y hoy (Universidad Autonoma CONASUPO (National Basic Foods naldo Colosio, both which have de Yucatan, 1992). Company) and the government’s increased the urgency of maintain­

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 ing the party’s traditional electoral erty, and of these 17 million live in sector for competition with the machinery in the provinces. To extreme poverty. Many of the ex­ business giants to the north. In the­ achieve this objective, the govern­ tremely poor are small ejidatarios. ory, the ending of government sub­ ment has increased its social ex­ sidies, technical support, and other penditures through its National forms of aid to small agricultural Solidarity Program, which targets producers will be more than com­ the urban poor, peasants, and pensated by a surge in private indigenous peoples with various In opening up new domestic and foreign capital, the development projects for sewage modernization of technology, and and potable water, health, educa­ market opportunities access to larger and more lucrative tion, food distribution, electrifica­ for Mexican agriculture markets. In the best of cases, how­ tion, street paving, housing, and ever, very few campesinos will im­ soft loans for low-income rural while failing to prove their economic standing. The producers. great majority will become marginal­ The new agrarian reform ap­ prepare or support ized. Indeed, from the standpoint pears favorable to those ejidos with ejidatarios, the of government policymakers, tradi­ the greatest potential for produc­ tional campesinos pose an obstacle tivity, some of which may be trans­ Salinas administration to national economic development. formed into something like the The politics of the new agrarian cattle project of Nuevo Leon in is abandoning reform seeks to eliminate this ob­ northern Mexico. In this agro­ stacle by transforming traditional industrial enterprise involving 336 thousands ofpoor campesinos into either “small farm­ associated producers, private initia­ campesinos, leaving ers” of the US variety or a cheap, tive invested m ore than $6 million e/ido-anchored rural labor force for in ejido lands, with profits appar­ diem with few highly capitalized agriculture. ently in excess of $2 million in In this setting, the new agrarian 1991. But this highly successful, prospects. reform could lead to the worsening highly publicized project is a strik­ of the socioeconomic polarization ing exception to the rule. In gen­ of Mexican agriculture and to con­ eral the establishment of such siderable growth in the political complexes of associated producers clout of large agricultural enter­ has been unsuccessful unless the Two perspectives have emerged prises. In opening up new market state itself has played an active role. concerning the “reform of agrarian opportunities for Mexican agricul­ According to many experts, such reform.” An optimistic view affirms ture while failing to prepare or enterprises are mere fronts for that, thanks to the new legislation, support ejidatarios, the Salinas ad­ large-scale agricultural land rental more private investment will flow ministration is abandoning thou­ by private investors who maintain into agriculture, thereby modern­ sands of poor campesinos, leaving control over their business opera­ izing the sector and boosting its them with few prospects beyond tions. Foreign investment under productivity and output. The pes­ mere survival and turning them these arrangements has principally simistic view argues that the new into a low-wage subsidy for both occurred through “contract agricul­ law will cause a massive sale of ejido modernized agriculture and the ture” in export horticulture. landholdings that will inevitably re­ manufacturing and service sectors. sult in the concentration of rural The new agrarian reform is Contradictory Reactions property in the hands of a small integral to a policy of accelerated circle of wealthy and powerful introduction of advanced methods Over the medium and long run owners and accelerate the migra­ in agricultural production, thereby the new agrarian law will cause di­ tion of the countryside’s poor peo­ preparing Mexico for a new stage verse and contradictory reactions ple to cities in Mexico and the US. of economic development and, according to the specific agricul­ Although it is still too early to tell, through NAFTA, economic inte­ tural setting and product. Focusing neither extreme has yet occurred, gration with the US and Canada. on ejidos, we can foresee the emer­ though trends suggesting the valid­ This policy promises greater pro­ gence of an extremely complicated ity of both sides of the argument ductivity, but fewer jobs. Poor cam­ social problem that is intimately have emerged. pesinos will end up losing what little tied to Mexico’s politics, culture, With respect to the North Ameri­ they have and, facing even more ex­ and economy. The Mexican gov­ can Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), treme poverty in the countryside, ernment recognizes that, of the na­ Mexican authorities have yet to will exit en masse to the cities—in­ tion’s population of 85 million, at publicize a coherent plan for pre­ cluding those cities across the bor­ least 41 million persons live in pov­ paring the nation’s agricultural der to the north. ■

Hemisphere. Winter/Spring 1994 War and Accountability in Guatemala by Walter Gillis Peacock

Between Two Armies in the Ixil inhabitants talk about it” (p. xiii). peared and did not interview any of Towns of Guatemala He also wants to remove the ro­ the more than 12,000 Ixils living in by David Stoll. Columbia University mantic surrealism he finds so prev­ “communities of population in re­ Press, 1993. $47.50 cloth; $17.50paper. alent in the scholarly literature on sistance,” Stoll maintains that his guerrilla insurgencies and revolu­ data provide insight into why the n Guatemala during the late tionary movements, which, along military won the war, why the revo­ 1970s and early 1980s, the with the solidarity and human lutionary movement failed in the team of sociologists with which rights movements, is influenced by western highlands in particular, I was doing research was often “left-wing mythology.” He ques­ and “how outsiders project their stopped by the military or na­ tions the prevalent “reinterpreta­ agendas into peasant populations, tional police at unexpected tions” of the Guatemalan holocaust how political violence emerges, and checkpoints in the highlands. Even and its characterization that use how non-combatants respond to it” I terms like “oppression,” “rebellion,” in Guatemala and other parts of though field work is always compli­ cated by unanticipated difficulties, and “resistance.” the world (p. 14). these encounters were dangerous with high levels of uncertainty. On The Scorched Earth Policy one occasion a young officer pulled an extra pistol from the small of his Stoll wants to After listening to these voices, back, moved toward our vehicle, Stoll’s conclusions challenge revi­ and told us we would give him a remove the romantic sionist accounts of the violence that ride to the next town and that only surrealism he finds hold that it was yet another in the Spanish would be spoken. His “re­ long history of attempts by high­ quest” was not questioned. In these so prevalent in the land Indians to improve themselves instances, the limited restraint dis­ and assert their human rights, and played was probably due to our US literature on guerrilla of brutal attacks by the military to passports. Unfortunately, no such suppress those popular movements. protection existed for tens of thou­ insurgencies. As Stoll notes, “to discourage Ixil sands who were subject to the bru­ farmers for helping the guerrillas, tal excesses of Guatemala’s military the army burned down all hamlets during the same period. and homesteads outside the three In Between Two Armies in the Ixil In attempting to find the “voices” towns. At first in reaction to guer­ Towns of Guatemala, anthropologist of the Ixil, Stoll worked in areas rilla ambushes, then by plan, army David Stoll has taken up the task of controlled by the Guatemalan mili­ units shot, hacked, or burned to giving a voice to some who were tar­ tary in and around the towns of death thousands of unarmed men, gets of the military’s scorched earth Chajul, Cotzal, and Nebaj, where women, and children” (p. 4). For policy. Stoll seeks to “reinterpret he lived from October 1988 to Sep­ Stoll, the entire blame for the the recent history of Ixil country in tem ber 1989. He interviewed vil­ army’s scorched earth policy and a way more in accord with how the lage representatives, “religious unspeakable brutality must be laid leaders, labor contractors, and squarely at the feet of the Ejercito other groups of interest,” and sur­ Guerrillero de los Pobres (EGP). veyed 164 Ixil leaders or entrepre­ He maintains “the only reason the Walter Gillis Peacock is an associate neurs and 98 household heads in army attacked Ixils was to get at the professor of sociology at Florida Interna­ an outlying neighborhood of Nebaj EGP” (p. 20). tional University. He is the co-author that “absorbed many refugees from Furthermore, he suggests that (with Frederick L. Bates) of Living destroyed aldeas [villages]” (p. 13). the EGP was neither a popular nor Conditions, Disasters, and Devel­ While acknowledging potential se­ indigenous movement that cap­ opment: An Approach to Cross- lectivity bias because he could not tured the aspirations of Ixils, sug­ Cultural Comparisons (Athens: interview any of the tens of thou­ gesting instead the existence of a University of Georgia Press, 1993). sands who had been killed or disap­ “gap between revolutionary politics

44 Hemisphere • Winter/Spring 1994 0 R U M

on the national level and the poli­ nonindigenous, and hence illegiti­ for the EGP and the perspectives of tics of the western highlands, that mate movement that corrupted the Ixils under military control should is, between the ladino-dominated Ixils. The fact the military might be read by all students of revolu­ Left and Mayan Indians” (p. 89). also be considered illegitimate by tion and social movements. While the EGP was operating in the same criterion is not considered Ixil country in the early 1970s, Stoll or questioned. discounts Ixil involvement as lim­ Multiple Realities ited, consisting of only “militants” Conversely Stoll is at his worst in and disillusioned radical students. placing the violence of Ixil country It was “only after EGP military units in the larger historical and contem­ appeared, ambushed soldiers, and Guatemala’s Indians porary setting of Guatemala. In per­ provoked wider reprisals against haps the most poignant statement the population did thousands of have not played that captures both the strengths Ixils join their revolutionary move­ central roles in the and weaknesses of the book, Stoll ment, to protect themselves from notes, “While Ixils . . . have not the army” (p. 88). Despite his own country’s revolutionary adopted the army’s point of view, reckoning that the majority of EGP they do accept its definition of what combatants are Ixils, that they are movements. is possible . . . because it is corrobo­ central to the command structure, rated by their own experience of and that as many as 17,000 Ixils the realities of power” (p. 164). remain in EGP controlled areas, Stoll has done an impressive job of the fact the EGP did not spontane­ connecting us with the realities of ously arise among Ixils precludes its Stoll is at his best within the Guatemala, from the perspective of claiming the label “popular,” and, temporal and spatial boundaries the Ixils who have remained or re­ in the final analysis, any claim of that he sets. It has long been noted turned (either by force or choice) legitimacy. that Guatemala’s Indians have not to the “old law” of an oppressive played central roles in revolutionary state. Nonetheless, as social scien­ Defining Moment movements and their use of struc­ tists, can or should we stop there? tures originally imposed upon In the world of multiple realities, Stoll’s analysis of the violence is them, such as the cofradia (relig­ all of which are shaped by social quite narrow in both temporal and ious brotherhood), to define their forces, Stoll’s acceptance of this spatial considerations. While men­ own sphere of control or “civil soci­ single world view results in large tioning the history of Indian sup­ ety” is also well documented. Stoll elements of his book seemingly pression and that the Ixils were has added to these themes by cap­ apologizing for the Guatemalan ruled by a police state, 1975 be­ turing how Ixils have responded to military. The military—through its comes the defining moment, the “the violence by manufacturing a domination of remaining Ixils— starting point, for his analysis be­ new kind of neutralism for them­ has defined for Stoll not only what cause it was the year of the first EGP selves and recreating institutional is possible, but the justification for raids. It appears that Stoll considers space to make their own choice” eradicating tens of thousands of the state’s actions so out of charac­ (p. 13). He documents the relation­ men, women, and children. The ter, if not in form then certainly in ship between the military and re­ legitimacy of the military is never magnitude, that something must maining Ixils, the emergence of questioned; it is a given. have provoked its action. What the civil patrols, the growth and The Nicaraguan revolution, the came before is of little or no rele­ spread of evangelical Protestantism, massive infusion of development vance in his analysis. In addition, and the use of evangelicalism and programs into the highlands follow­ what occurred or occurs outside the the civil patrols as mechanisms for ing the 1976 earthquake, and the confines of Ixil country is of little establishing a reformulated civil removal of political restraints by relevance, except that this bound­ society. Furthermore, his accounts the Reagan administration are but ary defines the EGP as an external, of the ebb and flow of Ixil support a few of the other factors that must

H emisphere • Winter/Spring 1994 45 •>

Review Forum

be considered when addressing the ble threat and was symbolic of the have been difficult to find over­ violence in the western highlands state’s loss of control. Yet it was but whelming popular support for the of Guatemala. For example, the part of a wave of oppression and guerrillas among Indians; 10 years military was fearful that the suc­ destruction that occurred through­ from now one may well have dif­ cesses of the Sandinistas—which out the country. For Stoll to lay the ficulty finding a majority that followed a major natural disaster blame exclusively at the feet of the supported the Zapatistas, except like Guatemala’s—would be played EGP is an extraordinarily short­ among “militants,” “ex-combat- out again, this time in Guatemala. sighted oversimplification. ants,” or “disillusioned radicals.” Following the earthquake, state of­ It is doubtful, however, that many ficials, unable to m eet massive re­ The Chiapas Comparison will question the legitimacy of the construction and emergency needs Zapatista claims. and under foreign pressure to avoid This review is being written at the Let’s hope that an apologetic a repeat of Somoza’s extraordinary same time that the Mexican gov­ account of why tens of thousands corruption and ineptitude, granted ernment is negotiating with the Za­ of innocent men, women, and chil­ international agencies a free hand patista guerrillas in Chiapas, just dren were killed, just so the mili­ at establishing their programs. That across the border from Guatemala. tary could “get at” the Zapatista free hand was severed by the mili­ Many of the same arguments voiced guerrillas, will not need to be writ­ tary coup of the early 1980s, and by Stoll are being heard, such as ten. The Mexican state is no stran­ its imprints were being wiped out that the Zapatistas are not really an ger to the use of military force. throughout the highlands and the indigenous group, that their lead­ Still, the fact that Mexico’s state city as development programs were ers are not really Indians, and that leadership derives its legitimacy forced to close and grassroots re­ they do not represent Indian as­ from popular and revolutionary construction committees were tar­ pirations. I am sure Stoll would ideology means that political and geted for death. Clearly the EGP question the characterization of social reform is likely to play a and Ixil country were targeted for the Zapatistas as a “popular” force. much greater role in state-Indian particularly brutal attention in part Prior to the success of their January relations in Chiapas than it has in because the EGP represented a visi­ 1 military action, it probably would Guatemala. ■ A MAJOR CHARITABLE GIFT OPPORTUNITY FOR THE RIGHT PHILANTHROPIST

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H em isphere • W inter/Spring 1994 Love-Death among the Guerrillas by David Stoll

Bridge of Courage: Life Stories A Harvard law school graduate many other observers (although of the Guatemalan Companeros from Texas, she is far from the first not Harbury) take to be widespread and Companeras gringo to become romantically in­ popular disillusion with it. by Jennifer Harbury. Monroe, Me.: volved with a Central American rev­ Common Courage Press, 1993. olution. But she may be the first to have written a book about her ex­ “Bodyguard” on the Edge n September 1992 a North periences, and it is a candid one. Harbury’s first contact with Guate­ American lawyer went on a Mainly a collection of testimonials mala was working with illegal im­ week-long hunger strike out­ from active and former combatants, migrants petitioning for political side an army base in Guate­ Bridge of Courage leaves readers with asylum in the US. Frustrated by ju­ mala City. Armed with a novel, powerful impressions of how brutal dicial rejection of her clients, she Jennifer Harbury camped in the security forces can be, and of went to Guatemala to track down front of a grim fortress where se­ the courage required to oppose human rights testimony for them. cretI prisoners are said to rot in un­ them. I was left with an additional Before long, Harbury was also an un­ derground cells. Inspections of the reaction, however, because of my armed “bodyguard” for Guatema­ interior yielded nothing, but Har­ experience with a different slice of lans in danger of being kidnapped, bury, like thousands of other wom­ Guatemalan life than the one in and this soon led to contacts with en in Guatemala, wanted to know which Harbury immersed herself. the clandestine support networks what the army had done with her For me as an anthropologist, the of ORPA. That is, she was on the husband. stories in the book call into ques­ periphery of one of the under­ Harbury’s spouse is one of tion the ethics of guerrilla warfare. ground military organizations thousands of Guatemalans who, whose activities have, for nearly since the late 1960s, have “disap­ 30 years, strengthened the Guate­ peared” in the hands of the coun­ malan army’s rationale for building try’s security forces. Efrafn Bamaca Harbury is far from up a national security state. Velasquez—better known as “Co- the first gringo to At first, Harbury collected the mandante Everardo”—belonged to stories of guerrilla cadres who sur­ the Organizacion del Pueblo en become romantically vived the army’s destruction of Armas (ORPA), one of four small their urban safehouses, and of hu­ guerrilla armies in the Union Revo- involved with a man rights activists being tracked lucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca Central American down by the army with equal merci­ (URNG). The struggle dates back lessness. Their memories were so to 1954, when the CIA overthrew revolution. heart-rending that she headed for an elected government challenging the mountains to interview combat­ US interests. Ever since, Guatemala ants. It was during these visits that has been dominated by its army, she met one of the first Mam Ma­ and North Americans drawn to this Of mounting raids and then dis­ yan Indians to join ORPA, Coman- Central American country have appearing, blurring the distinction dante Everardo, whom she married struggled with a profound sense of between combatants and civilians, only months before he disappeared guilt. Some of us have embarked so that those who remain behind amid a fire fight in March 1992. on political journeys like Harbury’s. to face the army’s rage are bewil­ When Harbury demanded to know dered bystanders. Of setting up what had happened to her hus­ front groups that implicate wider band, the army claimed he had circles of people, many of them un­ killed himself to avoid capture—a knowing. O f dem anding civil guar­ not implausible scenario as many David Stoll, an anthropologist, is the antees from the same system you guerrillas had opted for suicide author of Between Two Armies in are trying to overthrow through over capture. But Harbury was de­ the Ixil Towns of Guatemala (Co­ armed struggle. And of continuing termined to confirm this claim and lumbia University Press, 1993). the war in the face of what I and pressed to have his body exhumed.

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 Review Forum

The body turned out to be some­ and probably beyond anything you port guerrilla warfare, but are sim­ one else’s. Meanwhile, an escaped will find in the scholarly literature ply afraid to say how they feel? Af­ prisoner reported seeing a severely on guerrilla movements. ter all, understanding how people battered Everardo at an army base Long ago ORPA stopped trying feel in a repressed society is not an where captured guerrillas are “re­ to ban romantic love among its mil­ easy task. My own approach, as a re­ programmed” to join government itants, many of whom are women. searcher rather than an activist, death squads. If Harbury’s stories are represen­ was to live in a Mayan area that was Hence, it is not surprising that tative, as I believe they are, love— a guerrilla stronghold at the start Harbury’s campaign to make the comradely as well as rom antic—has of the 1980s. This area was harshly army observe the Geneva conven­ been one of the mainsprings of rev­ repressed by the army and now tions has gotten a warm response olutionary movement, sharpened claims to be neutral. from many Guatemalans. But is by the probability that courtships How do I know if my sources tell Harbury correct when stating that and friendships will end in early me how they really feel? There is many Guatemalans want the URNG death. Again and again, Harbury no way to know with absolute cer­ to keep fighting? And is supporting tells the story of a romance cut tainty, but the willingness of so armed struggle the only alternative short by sacrifice for the revolution, many of them to damn both the for the Guatemalan left, as she also the most recent being that of her army and the guerrillas convinced seems to assume? husband. As for the friendships that me that, when they say they want Consider for a moment the case ended this way, they are countless. the war to stop as soon as possible, of Santiago Atitlan, a town that I have to take their statements at used to be a hotbed of ORPA re­ face value. The cost of protracted cruiting in the early 1980s. To war is too immediate and the hypo­ defend themselves from army thetical benefits of lengthy negotia­ depredations, in 1990 the Atitecos Love—comradely as tions too remote for people whose forced the army to close its base. daily struggle to exist continues to Then they asked ORPA to stay away, well as romantic— be complicated by the URNG as too. Their success in mobilizing well as the army. human rights support, and the has been a Outside the organized left, it is growing presence of human rights mainspring of easier to find Guatemalans who activists like Harbury, suggests that place their hopes in emigration to guerrilla warfare is not the only revolutionary the US, or personal religious con­ option for Guatemalans. version, or even international hu­ Contrary to the claim made by movement, creating man rights observers, than in Harbury and others that repression heroic figures like Comandante is getting worse, the army has, in a martyr’s mythology. Everardo. One reason is that, when fact, been forced to scale back its guerrillas draw soldiers in hot pur­ abuses under the weight of domes­ suit, they often failed to protect tic as well as international pressure. civilians from the army’s reprisals. During a constitutional crisis in Survivors get their “consciousness 1992, the officer corps divided, per­ Like nothing else I have read, raised,” but this includes the reali­ mitting the election of Guatemala’s Harbury’s stories explain why mili­ zation that, had the guerrillas human rights ombudsman as presi­ tants accept the probability of an never appeared, their loved ones dent. While President Ramiro de early and often horrible demise. would probably still be alive. Leon Carpio has been forced to But solidarity activists should be­ Significantly, Harbury’s voices acquiesce to army demands since ware of the resulting ideology of are all from the revolutionary van­ then, new groups demanding their martyrdom that pervades both the guard, not from the many bystand­ rights continue to emerge from guerrilla armies of the URNG and ers who never asked the guerrillas civil society. the popular organizations allied to attack the army on their door­ No doubt because of Harbury’s with them. The living feel an obli­ step and who have suffered so harsh experiences—she describes gation to continue the armed strug­ many of the casualties. As a result, the death of one friend after an­ gle that has taken so many of their her testimonies fail to capture the other—her book fails to acknow­ comrades, but martyrs can no many nuances of suspicion and an­ ledge how Guatemala has changed longer speak, and their memory ger as well as sympathy that non­ since the early 1980s, instead sub­ can be used to avoid reassessing activists feel toward the guerrillas. merging important issues in the po­ strategies that they might now want Guerrillaphile North Americans tent image of the love-death. The to change. (including myself, until recently) reasons go beyond her own tragic Yet, what if Harbury is right, that need to recognize that casting one’s union with Comandante Everardo, broad masses of Guatemalans sup­ lot with a guerrilla movement

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 makes it harder to see how little doxical convergence of interests more political space exists, activists support there often is for it—if not between the two armed groups. cannot ignore the contradictions in the full flush of revolutionary Subversion justifies a counterinsur­ between working for human rights mobilization, then later as armed gency state, and the army’s human and supporting armed struggle— struggle becomes as interminable rights abuses justify the URNG’s that is, demanding that a govern­ as trench warfare. armed resistance. Each side’s activi­ ment respect due process while In all of Latin America, only ties provide powerful rationales for implicitly supporting armed attacks Colombia has bled from a longer the other’s, permitting both to im­ on its agents. civil war, and there the left is deep­ pose their priorities on the rest of Bridge of Courage suggests the ly divided over whether to continue the society, much of which does close ties that can develop between armed struggle. Unfortunately, this not feel represented by either. human rights work and support for debate has yet to come out of the The Mayan peasants with whom a guerrilla movement, and how in­ closet on the Guatemalan left, even I talk cannot see the point of the ternational activism can become a though the guerrillas are too weak URNG continuing the war, and as substitute for grassroots domestic to extract significant concessions a result neither can I. Giving up support. Guatemalans want their from the army and vow to continue the armed struggle for little in re­ rights and deserve more interna­ fighting until they do—hence the turn may still be unthinkable for tional support than they are get­ ever-stalemated peace talks that, most of the Guatemalan left, but if ting. It is important, however, to since 1991, have failed to produce it ever wants to organize broadly discern between the demand for an agreement. again, it may have to do just that. human rights as a plea for due Captured guerrillas like Coman­ process and the call for those same Unarmed Scapegoats dante Everardo have every right to rights as a justification for an insur­ international safeguards. Harbury’s gency that is going nowhere. ■ Meanwhile, URNG ambushes do campaign is a courageous one that not increase the Guatemalan secu­ deserves the support of the larger rity forces’ respect for the law. To human rights community. She has Editor’s Note: The “Where is Everardo?” the contrary, guerrilla attacks increased international pressure campaign can be contacted at P. O. Box strengthen army hard-liners who on the army by publicizing how it 650054, Austin, Texas 78765; (512) oppose making any concessions to treats its prisoners. Yet, now that 473-7149. the left. When there was no chance of extracting due process from the out-of-control military dictatorships Journal of Interamerican Studies of the 1970s and early 1980s, this may not have been so important. But now that more political space and World Affairs has opened up, armed struggle re­ inforces the Guatemalan army’s Randall Robinson, Editor rationale for dominating national life. W hen guerrillas attack the Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs offers army in proximity to peaceful pro­ thoughtful, perceptive articles on contemporary issues and prob­ tests, unarmed activists become en­ lems affecting the interrelationship of countries within the Western dangered scapegoats. Hemisphere. Unlike Harbury, I do not believe the URNG has gained much ground Published Quarterly in the last three years of peace talks. A publication of the North-South Center of the University of Miami Even though the URNG has prob­ ably given more ground than the Subscription rates: government, both sides have come Individuals: $42/yr; $80/2 yrs; $108/3 yrs to look intransigent. Occasionally, Institutions: $80/yr; $144/2 yrs; $192/3 yrs my Mayan interviewees wonder if the two sides are working together Domestic first-class or foreign surface mail add $24/yr to keep everyone else under the gun. Foreign airmail add $44/yr That peace talks started at all (Rates subject to change annually.) was due less to URNG’s domestic Transaction Publishers strength than to international pres­ sure on the government. Unfortu­ I r* I DePartrnentj,s I J Rutgers-The State University nately, international pressure has transaction New Brunswick, NJ 08903______been unable to break the para­

H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 P U B L I c T

Chiapas in the Wider World by Marian Goslinga

he unexpected emergence of an armed insurrection in Mexico on January 1, 1994—the first day the North American Free Trade Agreement went into effect—has brought to the fore not only the growing vulnerability and the loss of legitimacy of Mexico’s ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional but also the limits of popular tolerance for economic reform. Named for Emiliano Zapata—the legendary figure of the Mexican revolution who fought for land reform and campesino rights under the banner “Tierra o libertad”— T the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberation Nacional is primarily made up of peasants who are demanding a host of democratic reforms. The state of Chiapas is the poorest and most backward in Mexico. According to the 1990 census, 26% of the state’s 3.2 million inhabitants speak no Spanish and identify themselves as Indians rather than as Mexicans. To restore peace and a sense of national unity, the Mexican government must not only implement social and political reforms in Chia­ pas but extend the reforms on a national basis.

Ancient Mesoamerica: A Compari­ Chiapas: un medico por cada 1,500 Cotidiano, v. 9, no. 53 (March-April son of Change in Three Regions. habitantes, 30% de analfabetismo, 1993), p. 60-68. Richard E. Blanton et al., eds. 2d ed. 34% de las comunidades sin ener- New York: Cambridge University gia electrica, los peores salarios, La desigualdad norte-sur presente Press, 1993. 284 p. hasta 80% de viviendas con piso de en Mexico: Monterey, la opulen- tierra. . . . Carlos Acosta Cordova, cia—Oaxaca, la pobreza. Salvador Antidotes to Regionalism: Responses Ignacio Ramirez. Proceso, v. 17, no. Corro, Antonio Jaquez. Proceso, v. 16, to Trade Diversion Effects of the 897 (January 10, 1994), p. 45-49. no. 844 (January 4, 1994), p. 14-17. North American Free Trade Agree­ ment. Richard H. Steinberg. Stan­ Los comandantes del Frente Fara- Economic and Political Liberalisa­ ford Journal of International Law, v. bundo Marti aconsejan a sus cole- tion in South Korea and Mexico. 29, no. 2 (Summer 1993), p. 315-53. gas del Ejercito Zapatista. Elias Nora Hamilton, Eun Mee Kim. Chavez. Proceso, v. 17, no. 898 (Jan­ Third World Quarterly, v. 14, no. 1 Calendario y religion entre los uary 17, 1994), p. 54-56. (1993), p. 109-36. zapotecos. Jose Alcina Franch. Mexico, DF: Instituto de Investi- The Conquest of Mexico: The In­ Economic Transformation the gaciones Historicas, Universidad corporation of Indian Societies Mexican Way. Pedro Aspe. Cam­ Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, into the Western World, 16th- 18th bridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1993. 1993. 458 p. Centuries. Serge Gruzinski; Eileen 280 p. Corrigan, tr. Cambridge: Polity, Can NAFTA Change Mexico? Jorge 1993. 336 p. [Translation of La En Chiapas descubren un campo de G. Castaneda. Foreign Affairs, v. 72, colonisation de I’imaginaire.] entrenamiento de grupos armados. no. 4 (September/October 1993), Guillermo Correa, Julio Lopez C. p. 66-80. Contesting Authenticity: Batdes Proceso, v. 16, no. 877 (August 23, over the Representation of History 1993), p. 14-16. [Confirms the exis­ Carlos Salinas ante la democracia. in Morelos, Mexico. JoAnn Martin. tence of a guerrilla training camp Jose Ignacio Rodriguez Reyna. Este Ethnohistory, v. 40, (Summer 1993), in southern Mexico despite state­ Pais, no. 25 (May 1993), p. 2-10. p. 438-65. ments to the contrary by former Chiapas governor Patrocinio Gon­ Contre-revolution au Mexique. zalez Garrido.] Henri Favre. Etudes, v. 378, no. 2 (February 1993), p. 171-82. The Evolution of the Mexican Po­ Marian Goslinga is the Latin Ameri­ litical System. Jaime E. Rodriguez ()., can and Caribbean librarian at Florida La debilidad de un Estado fuerte. ed. Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Re­ International University. Augusto Bolivar Espinoza et al. El sources, 1993. 322 p.

50 H em isphere • Winter/Spring 1994 El EZLN (Ejercito Zapatista de The Mexican Revolution and the Modernization, Economic Crisis, Liberation National) y su politica Limits of Agrarian Reform, 1915- and Electoral Alignment in Mexico. de comunicacion: formal en sus 1946. Dana Markiewicz. Boulder, Joseph L. Klesner. Mexican Studies/ comunicados, chocarrera con los Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1993. 214 p. Estudios Mexicanos, v. 9, no. 2 (Sum­ periodistas. Carlos Marin. Proceso, m er 1993), p. 187-223. v. 17, no. 899 (January 24, 1994), The Mexicans: An Inside View of a p. 20-25. Changing Society. Paula Rae Heus- La nouvelle revolution mexicaine. inkveld. Worthington, Ohio: Renais­ Michel Faure. Express (January 15, Hay guerrilleros en Chiapas desde sance Publications, 1993. 105 p. 1993), p. 39-43. [Discusses the prob­ hace ocho anos. Guillermo Correa. able impact of the North American Proceso, v. 16, no. 880, p. 12-15. Mexico through Foreign Eyes, 1850- Free Trade Agreement on Mexico’s 1990. Carole Naggar, Fred Ritchineds, economic development.] La identidad nacional y los indios: eds. New York: W. W. Norton, 1993. el caso de los yaquis y los mayas. 320 p. Nouvelles politiques d’ajustement Alejandro Figueroa Valenzuela. et de re-legitimation de l’Etat au Sociologia, v. 8, no. 21 (January- Mexico’s Long Crisis: Toward New Mexique: le role du “PRONASOL” April 1993), p. 209-25. Regimes of Accumulation and et de la privatisation des entreprises Domination. Edward J. McCaughan. publiques. Victor M. Soria. Revue Identidad nacional y nacionalismo Latin American Perspectives, v. 20 Tiers-monde, v. 34, no. 135 (July- en Mexico. Maria Garcia Castro. (Summer 1993), p. 6-31. September 1993), p. 603-23. Sociologia, v. 8, no. 21 (January- April 1993), p. 31-41. Mexico. Andrew Coe. Sevenoaks, Nuevos tiempos de coyuntura: Eng.: H odder & Stoughton, 1993. consolidation del cambio y mucho Indiens du Mexique. Christian 343 p. desafio politico. Augusto Bolivar Es­ Rudel. Etudes, v. 378, no. 2 (Feb­ pinoza et al. El Cotidiano, v. 8, no. 52 (January-February 1993), p. 60-66. ruary 1993), p. 159-69. Mexico, James Tickell, Oliver Tickell. 4th ed. London: Mitchell-Beazley, Oil and Revolution in Mexico. Into the Spotlight: A Survey of 1993. 361 p. Jonathan Charles Brown. Berkeley: Mexico. Christopher Wood. The University of California Press, 1993. Economist (London), v. 326 (Febru­ Mexico: Dilemmas of Transition. 453 p. ary 13, 1993). [Includes a 22-page Neil Haruey, ed. New York: St. Mar­ section that discusses the internal tin’s Press, 1993. 381 p. and external impact of the Salinas Los organismos de vivienda de los asalariados y la politica social. Alicia administration’s economic policies Militares y sacerdotes se enfrentan (including the North American Ziccardi. EURE, v. 19, no. 57 (July por el caso de los dos oficiales ase- 1993), p. 95-102. Free Trade Agreement and rural sinados e incinerados en Chiapas. development) and the outlook for Armando Guzman, Rodrigo Vera. political reform.] Parties and Society in Mexico and Proceso, v. 16 (April 12, 1993), p. 6-9. Venezuela: Why Competition Mat­ [Discusses how the Mexican army ters. Michael Coppedge. Compara­ The Land Market in Mexico under terrorized the indigenous commu­ tive Politics, v. 25, no. 3 (April 1993), Salinas: A Real-Estate Boom Revis­ nity of San Isidro El Ocotal.] p. 253-74. ited? G. Jones et al. Environment and Planning A., v. 25 (May 1993), Modernization and Change in Mex­ Persistent Oligarchs: Elites and p. 627-51. ico: La Zacualpa Rubber Plantation, Politics in Chihuahua, Mexico, 1890-1920. Peter V. N. Henderson. 1910-1940. Mark Wasserman. Dur­ Los limites del cambio politico. Hispanic American Historical Review, ham, N.C.: Duke University Press, Luis Rubio. Nexos (July 1993), p. 63. v. 73, no. 2 (May 1993), p. 235-60. 1993. 265 p.

Hemisphere• Winter/Spring 1994 Publications Update

Politica agricola y maiz en Mexico: logical redefinition of the Partido El talon de Aquiles de la reforma hacia el libre comercio norteameri- Revolucionario Institucional and economica. Luis Rubio F. Vuelta, cano. Salomon Salcedo, Jose Al­ the liberalization of its social values.] v. 17, no. 200 (July 1993), p. 36-39. berto Garcia, Myriam Sagarnaga. Comercio exterior, v. 43. no. 4 (April La segunda revolution mexicana Tradition and the New Social Move­ 1993), p. 302-10. podria unir a los pueblos de Ame­ ments: The Politics of Isthmus rica. Gerardo Ochoa Sandy. Proceso, Zapotec Culture. Howard Campbell. Political and Economic Liberaliza­ v. 17, no. 899 (January 24, 1994). Latin American Perspectives, v. 20 tion in Mexico: At a Critical Junc­ p. 54-57. (Summer 1993), p. 83-97. ture? Riordan Roett, ed. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1993. 185 p. Social Welfare Policy and Political Transition politica: ;hacia donde? Arturo Anguiano. El Cotidiano, v. 8, Politics in Mexico. Roderic Ai Camp. Opening in Mexico. Peter M. Ward. no. 52 (January-February 1993), New York: Oxford University Press, Journal of Latin American Studies, v. p. 3-9. 1993. 200 p. 25, pt. 3 (October 1993), p. 613-28.

Recuento de agravios, muchos Violencia y cultura politica: un The Southeast Frontier of New cometidos por la tropa, contra los desaflo para nuestro tiempo. Jose Spain. Peter Gerhard. Rev. ed. Nor­ indigenas chiapanecos. Raul Monge. Antonio Viera Gallo. Mensaje, v. 42, man: University of Oklahoma Press, Proceso, v. 17, no. 897 (January 10, no. 417 (March-April 1993), p. 69- 1993. 219 p. 1994), p. 32-37. 73.

Reforma del Estado y liberalismo La sucesion presidential de 1994. Zapata and the City Boys: In Search social: ^nuevos referentes de identi­ Nexos, v. 16, no. 188 (August 1993), of a Piece of the Revolution. Sa­ dad politica? Laura A. Moya Lopez. p. 27-70. [Collection of 13 brief arti­ muel Brunk. Hispanic American His­ Sociologia, v. 8, no. 21 (January-April cles on the upcoming presidental torical Review, v. 73, no. 1 (February 1993), p. 65-85. [Analyzes the ideo­ election.] 1993), p. 33-65.

Readings and teaching For K-Adult Spanish, Bi­ ideas in English and lingual, English and Social Spanish on the conquest Studies classes. Edited by Amoldo Ramos, and its legacy Gioconda Belli, et al. Order Now: Single copies: $5 + $3 Poetry and prose by Latin Ameri­ shipping. Bulk 10-49: $2 each; 50499: can and Caribbean authors such $1.50 each; 500+: $1 each. Must add for as Claribel Alegria, Manlio shipping: $8 for first 10-100, $6/100 Argueta, Pedro Albizu Campos, thereafter. I.S.B.N. 1-878554-09-3, Ernesto Cardenal, Ruben Dario, 96pp, © 1992, NECA.

Eduardo Galeano, Nicolas Send check, purchase order or inquiries Guillen, Pablo Neruda, Gabriel to NECA, 1118 22nd St, NW Garcia Marquez, Rigoberta Washington, DC 20037 Menchu, Cesar Vallejo, and more. 202-429-0137, Fax: 202-429-9766.

The Network of Educators on the Americas (NECA) distributes additional titles for teaching about the Americas. Request a catalogue. For example the Caribbean Connections series includes titles on Puerto Rico ($12), Jamaica ($12) and Overview of Regional History ($15.95) (+ $3 postage for each book.) “Here are the voices of Puerto Rican workers, women, activists, writers and musicians. Puerto Rican students will find their heritage presented here with knowledge and dignity. Students and teachers of other backgrounds will enjoy a wonderful and informed introduction to Puerto Rican life today.” - Dr. Rina Benmayor, Center for Puerto Rican Studies, Hunter College.

52 H em isphere • W inter/Spring 1994

Publications Update

Politica agricola y maiz en Mexico: logical redefinition of the Partido hacia el libre comercio norteameri- Revolucionario Institucional and cano. Salomon Salcedo, Jose Al­ the liberalization of its social values.] berto Garcia, Myriam Sagarnaga. Comercio exterior, v. 43. no. 4 (April La segunda revolution mexicana 1993), p. 302-10. podria unir a los pueblos de Ame­ rica. Gerardo Ochoa Sandy. Proceso, Political and Economic Liberaliza­ v. 17, no. 899 (January 24, 1994). tion in Mexico: At a Critical Junc­ p. 54-57. ture? Riordan Roett, ed. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1993. 185 p. Social Welfare Policy and Political Politics in Mexico. Roderic Ai Camp. Opening in Mexico. Peter M. Ward. New York: Oxford University Press, Journal of Latin American Studies, v. 1993. 200 p. 25, pt. 3 (October 1993), p. 613-28.

Recuento de agravios, muchos The Southeast Frontier of New cometidos por la tropa, contra los Spain. Peter Gerhard. Rev. ed. Nor­ indigenas chiapanecos. Raul Monge. man: University of Oklahoma Press, Proceso, v. 17, no. 897 (January 10, 1993. 219 p. 1994), p. 32-37.

Reforma del Estado y liberalismo La sucesion presidential de 1994. social: ,inuevos referentes de identi­ Nexos, v. 16, no. 188 (August 1993), dad politica? Laura A. Moya Lopez. p. 27-70. [Collection of 13 brief arti­ Sociologia, v. 8, no. 21 (January-April cles on the upcoming presidental 1993), p. 65-85. [Analyzes the ideo­ election.]

Rediscovering America/Redescu I Readings and teaching ideas in English and Spanish on the conquest and its legacy

Poetry and prose by Latin Ameri­ can and Caribbean authors such as Claribel Alegria, Manlio Argueta, Pedro Albizu Campos, Ernesto Cardenal, Ruben Dario, Eduardo Galeano, Nicolas Guillen, Pablo Neruda, Gabriel Garcia Marquez, Rigoberta Menchu, Cesar Vallejo, and more.

The Network of Educators on the Americas (NECA) distributes additional titles for teaching example the Caribbean Connections series includes titles on Puerto Rico ($12), Jamaica ($12 (+ $3 postage for each book.) “Here are the voices of Puerto Rican workers, women, activists will find their heritage presented here with knowledge and dignity. Students and teachers of < informed introduction to Puerto Rican life today.” - Dr. Rina Benmayor, Center for Puerto Rt

Hemisphere • Winter/Spring 1994

Hemisphere Non Profit Org. Latin American and Caribbean Center U.S. Postage Florida International University PAID University Park Miami, FL 33199 Miami, Florida 33199 Permit No. 3675

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