Competing Visions of India in World Politics This Page Intentionally Left Blank Competing Visions of India in World Politics India’S Rise Beyond the West

Competing Visions of India in World Politics This page intentionally left blank Competing Visions of India in World Politics India’s Rise Beyond the West

Edited by

Kate Sullivan Lecturer in Modern Indian Studies, University of Oxford, UK

Palgrave macmillan Selection, introduction, conclusion and editorial matter © Katie Helen Sullivan 2015 Individual chapters © Respective authors 2015 Foreword © Ranjan Mathai 2015 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2015 978-1-137-39865-9 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saffron House, 6–10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2015 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN 978-1-349-67982-9 ISBN 978-1-137-39866-6 ()eBook DOI 10.1057/9781137398666 This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Competing visions of India in world politics : India’s rise beyond the West/edited by Kate Sullivan. pages cm

1. India—Foreign relations. I. Sullivan, Kate, 1980– DS480.853.C68 2015 327.54—dc23 2015003643 Contents

List of Figures vii

Foreword viii

Acknowledgements xiv

Notes on Contributors xvi

List of Abbreviations xviii

Introduction: Creating Diversity in Readings of India’s Global Role 1 Kate Sullivan

1 India’s Ambivalent Projection of Self as a Global Power: Between Compliance and Resistance 15 Kate Sullivan

2 Chinese Views of a Nuclear India: From the 1974 Peaceful Nuclear Explosion to the Nuclear Suppliers Group Waiver in 2008 34 Nicola Horsburgh

3 India in Climate Change: The View from Tokyo 49 Yuka Kobayashi

4 Just Another Regional Superpower? A Cautious South Korea Watches India’s Rise 66 Danielle Chubb

5 From Imperial Subjects to Global South Partners: South Africa, India and the Politics of Multilateralism 79 Christopher J. Lee

6 What Does ‘Development Cooperation’ Mean? Perceptions from India and Africa 94 David Harris and Simona Vittorini

7 The ‘Eastern Brother’: Brazil’s View of India as a Diplomatic Partner in World Trade 111 Vinícius Rodrigues Vieira

v vi Contents

8 ‘The Other Paciﬁst’: Mexican Views on India’s Quest for Great-Power Status 128 Gilberto Estrada Harris

9 India in the Iranian Imagination: Between Culture and Strategic Interest 145 Arshin Adib-Moghaddam

10 Views of India from the Conﬂicting Parties in Syria 160 Omar Sharaf

11 Russian Views of India in the Context of Afghanistan 175 Natasha Kuhrt

Conclusion 190 Kate Sullivan

Bibliography 202

Index 229 Figures

3.1 Total AIJs and CDMs under UNFCCC by host country 56 3.2 Japanese CDMs by host country 57 7.1 Relationship between state identity, interests and diplomatic practice 121

vii Foreword

India’s emergence as a free nation in the mid-twentieth century was seen in the West as the arrival of another state actor in Asia—a relatively weak state, its power potential circumscribed by circumstances of division and discord, and hence limited to South Asia. In India itself our assumption was that independence marked the beginning of the end of an era of Western dominance and the gradual opening of a new order in which Asia, Africa and Latin America would change the terms of their interaction with the world’s dominant powers, rediscover old relationships among themselves and play a role in the world commensu- rate with their size, potential and historical legacies. As an independent actor, India first had to deal with the danger of the Cold War, and our response was to work towards Afro-Asian solidarity, non-alignment and the gradual development of the so-called South—the G77 plus China. Fundamentally, the aims of foreign policy were peace and solidarity as requirements for India’s own domestic transformation. The imperative of economic development required peace, cooperation and global consensus against imperial intervention; respect for national sovereignty; security consistent with low military expenditure; and greater flows of finance and technology from outside to hasten growth. In the post- Cold War era, India sought to build on the emergence of multi-polarity, however inchoate, to retain room for manoeuvre while adhering to the earlier goals in a broad sense. Of course, as practitioners of statecraft and diplomacy we had to, and have to, deal with the world as it is, not just as we would like it to be. Inevitably, there were adjustments which required both the vision and steps taken to attain them. These adjustments show up less starkly now, since the world is changing with growth in East Asia, and the emergence of BRICS, and gradually altering perceptions of India’s capabilities and its role. India’s global role and its attitude towards an international society of the future are still marked by these characteristics, but this has changed to suit the new circumstances of our time. Many of the chapters in the book usefully explore how other states are responding both to these changes and to India’s long-standing goals and policies. India’s aspirations—indeed those of the Global South—can achieve fruition only when the institutions of the world order are re-structured to reflect the power shifts of the last half century. It is in our attempt

viii Foreword ix to build an order more reflective of the world today, that India’s global role is best understood by those seeking to understand the relationships between increasingly influential states which are innovating, shap- ing and creating international institutions and processes as they work together for their own interests. There is scope for a qualitatively much more active role for India in a multi-polar world with greater economic integration and a gradually changing world order, as many of the authors in this book suggest. For India, the maintenance of constructive and close relations with the United States, Japan, Russia, Europe and China is essential, and we have successfully institutionalised vital elements of these relationships. It should be noted, however, that our neighbourhood equally consti- tutes a priority that is constant. To focus on the relationships covered by the chapters in this book, modern-day Russia is, and will continue to be, a privileged and strategic partner. It is still critical to India as a supplier of defence equipment. Our relations in civil nuclear energy, space and high technology remain vital. Fortunately, relations in other domains are also growing rapidly. Bilateral trade has grown fast to more than $12 billion. The Russian focus on Asia is of significance for India, and the institutionalised annual summits are of great importance to both of us in dealing with a world in flux. India’s global role is often commented upon in comparison with that of China. Clearly, the extraordinary growth of the Chinese economy; its trade and technological prowess; its financial reach; its presence in the Security Council; and its hard power attributes give China an extensive and prominent role worldwide. India does not view this role as nec- essarily limiting its own; there are elements of both competition and complementarity in our bilateral relationship. The task of policymakers is to ensure that the complementarities are worked on to mutual bene- fit, and competition should be constrained by a respect for each other’s interests and concerns. One chapter in the book looks at Chinese views on a nuclear India. This is of particular interest, as the subject goes to the core of whether China will take a modern-day ‘Journey to the West’ and relate to India as civilisational equals. Chinese scholars once viewed India as the original home of Buddhism with great spiritual traditions, but by allusion, also as a country with high levels of achievement in the temporal world, similar to those they lived with at home. After the difficulties of the 1960s and 1970s, our relations have moved steadily forward. India and China have worked together on international issues (the BASIC group was an example of success) and are engaged in regular dialogue on our respective priorities. x Foreword

Friendship between India and Japan has a long history rooted in spiritual affinity with strong cultural and civilisational ties. We are both democracies with a growing mutually beneficial economic and com- mercial relationship, as well as with a strong conviction of the need for institutional structures for maintaining peace and security in Asia. India regards its relationship with Japan as being of particular significance for its industrial growth, and Prime Minister Abe’s vision of the ‘confluence’ of the Pacific and the Indian Oceans has helped us work though differ- ences on nuclear issues, and the climate change issues addressed in this book, towards a vision of greater cooperation. This vision carries within it the basis for India to leverage a strategic partnership towards a greater global role. Korea will, of course, play a significant role as a partner of great economic and technological significance. It took the lead among the East Asian countries in capitalising on India’s potential for growth in the post-1991 period when others were still sizing up India’s will and capacity to reform. Korea is now a significant investor in India. Relations could expand into the civil nuclear and defence realms. The discussions initiated in 2012 and taken forward when the president of Korea made her first visit to India in 2014 have laid the foundations for stronger ties in the future. African views on the emergence of their continent on the global stage are still a relatively neglected area of scholarship. India started with an advantage as a champion of African independence and its resurgence. Our role in the isolation of apartheid South Africa, and the international solidarity that hastened its end, is well recorded. We, in India, believed that our independence and growth would not be complete without the liberation of the entire Afro-Asian region. And it was in this spirit of sharing and cooperation that we have continued our multifarious development partnership programmes which have grown substantially in the last decade. Our policy has been framed by the trinity of train- ing, technology transfer and capacity-building. Of course, Africa is also a storehouse of natural resources and the scene of many new fast-growing emerging economies. We are not, and will not be, in a race for resource extraction in the short-term. Our investments tend to be with local stakeholders and with a clear view to long-term sustainability. Our relations with South Africa are and will continue to be of particular importance. Ties with the government and people of South Africa will remain special because of history; the shared struggle for emancipa- tion and our role as free and democratic societies; and the presence of a million-plus citizens of Indian origin in South Africa. We have built Foreword xi up a rich trading and cultural relationship and collaborate in a wide range of fields, including defence. South Africa and India also connect closely and cooperate in fora such as NAM, the Commonwealth, IBSA and BRICS, where we are generally on the same side in every debate. Brazil (and Latin America generally) was once seen as far away from us, but technology and shared interests have shrunk distance. India and Brazil entered into a strategic partnership in 2006, underpinned by shared values and commonality of interests and aspirations for a more equitable world order. Both India and Brazil have made significant investments in each other. There is, however, greater potential to enhance the trade and investment relationship. The Indian private sector has expanded into Brazil and other countries of Latin America. People-to-people ties will grow as interest in India’s soft power and ‘spiritual’ heritage will be matched by Indian interest in the resources, capabilities and traditions of Latin America. Another chapter in the book looks at how India is viewed in Syria which is still mired in conflict. The Arab Spring is a historically unprecedented phenomenon that has begun to alter the character of regional politics. While some countries like Tunisia have experienced the ‘Spring’, others such as Syria are still experiencing a prolonged win- ter of discord. We have welcomed the new leadership in Tunisia, brought in through the power of the ballot. In the last year, the situation in Syria has acquired particular salience in international politics. This book recalls that in 2011, India, Brazil and South Africa engaged with the Syrian authorities in dialogue on reform and political progress, and we were informed of a roadmap for the way forward. Regrettably, events turned out differently and guns rather than political parties continue to do the talking. The continued stalemate must give way to a Syrian-led political process, supported from outside, to bring about democratic change. Democratic change cannot be ushered in through external military intervention or by external military support to factions. It can only be achieved through patient dialogue and compromise, leading up to a national consensus. India has supported every effort of the United Nations to play a mediating role and to operate a credible monitor- ing mission and provide good offices for advancing internal dialogue in Syria. Continued peace and stability in the region, even as change is ushered in, is of immense interest to India, particularly given our vital stakes in the Gulf area, next door to us. Iran is viewed in India as virtually a neighbour, one with whom we have had thousands of years of interaction recorded in history, as the xii Foreword chapter on Indo-Iran relations shows. It is also a country with a view of its own destiny as one of the poles of power and influence in the world. It is buttressed in this Weltanschauung by its vast natural resources and its historic legacy, its strong human resource base, trade links and its sense of identity. Relations with Iran are of critical importance to India as a significant trading partner, a vital source of oil, a country which can provide us access to Afghanistan and Central Asia, a cultural interlocutor of significance and the home to institutions of spiritual inspiration and veneration for millions of our citizens. New dimensions of power and security as well as factors such as economic and cultural influence are essential for reviewing any country’s global capabilities and its role. We live in a time when the global and regional balance of power is shifting, as a consequence of economic shifts and technological change. The region of the most rapid change is Asia, but the change is worldwide. Uncertainty in the international sys- tem is higher than it has been for a long time. We can debate whether the unipolar moment is past, or passing, or whether this is a ‘non-polar’ world. But there is no question that Asia is witnessing a simultaneous rise of several powers. This shift is occurring after decades of globali- sation have integrated the economies of the major powers and made them, to a degree unknown in history, dependant on the outside world for their continued prosperity, thereby limiting the scope for purely self-aware policymaking. These changes and the uncertainty they bring make the discussions in this book both timely and relevant. India’s post-1991 growth has led to a slow redress of its fall in world trade from 1800—when it was a major player globally—to near insignif- icance by 1980. In the post-Second World War era, as we focused on domestic economic development, our share in global trade declined from 2 per cent in 1950 to 0.4 per cent in 1980. It is now back to around 2 per cent. India’s cultural influence has often been greater than its political and economic weight in the world. The cultural, intellectual and ‘popular’ dimensions of the complexity that is India have been a major element in expanding India’s reach and influence not just in the countries referred to in the contributions to this book, but more widely in the world. As we head into the midst of the second decade of a new millen- nium, it is necessary to recognise that changes wrought by technology and shifts in the balance of power in the world have made the world order, defined by the Second World War or Cold War victory, no longer relevant. A multitude of new actors are emerging on the world stage, and Kate Sullivan and the contributors need to be congratulated for their Foreword xiii perspicacity in focusing on India’s relations with key countries and on issues which will together lead to a redefinition of India’s global role.

Ranjan Mathai High Commissioner of India to the United Kingdom Acknowledgements

This book owes its existence to the 11 contributors who have gener- ously applied their country and regional specialisations in order to look at how several key states are thinking about India at the beginning of the twenty-first century. It has been an enormously enriching experience to learn from them, on a journey that has underscored how external per- spectives can usefully relativise and qualify what India specialists might otherwise hold to be self-evident. This volume has been some 18 months in the making and has benefited from a number of sources of institutional and collegial support at the University of Oxford, UK. The majority of chapter contributors were able to meet at two workshops in Oxford, the first held on 16 May 2013 at Queen Elizabeth House and the second from 16 to 17 January 2014 at the Nissan Institute within St Antony’s College. Neither of these events could have taken place without our Administrator to the Contemporary South Asian Studies Programme (CSASP), Sarah Dewick, whose prowess in organisation, attention to detail, last-minute problem-solving and the selection of wines was central to making these events a success. For the May 2013 workshop, entitled India in the Eyes of Others,we are indebted to Oriental Studies, CSASP and the Oxford Department of International Development, which contributed travel, accommoda- tion and catering support, as well as administration and infrastructure, within the framework of the annual South Asia Day. The second workshop, entitled Towards an International Society of the Future: World Per- spectives on India’s Global Role, enjoyed generous financial support from CSASP, the Centre for International Studies at the Department of Politics and International Relations and the Asian Studies Centre at St Antony’s College. This workshop benefited from an impressive opening lecture by His Excellency Mr Ranjan Mathai, the High Commissioner of India to the United Kingdom, who shared his thoughts on India’s current global role and his vision for an ‘international society of the future’ (Mathai, 2014). This lecture was a high point in the workshop proceedings, and we were touched that Mr Mathai took time out from his busy schedule, especially so soon after commencing his posting in London. Professor Ian Neary, Head of the School of Interdisciplinary Area Studies (SIAS), was instrumental in locating funding for this second workshop and was a key source of enthusiasm for its intention to unite

xiv Acknowledgements xv colleagues from Area Studies and to cultivate conversations between area-specific scholars across the department and the wider university. The workshop was strengthened by the contributions of senior colleagues from across Oxford as area-specific discussants on each of the papers. We are collectively grateful (in order of appearance) to Pro- fessor Rosemary Foot, Professor Wilhelm Vosse, Professor Todd Hall, Professor Timothy Power, Dr Halbert Jones, Professor Louise Fawcett, Dr Hartmut Mayer, Professor Roy Allison, Professor William Beinart and Professor Matthew McCartney. The comments and questions offered by the audiences of both workshops were invaluable in the development of this book. Special thanks go to Professor David Gellner for his support in the development of the original proposal for this volume; Professor Roy Allison, who provided useful feedback on the Introduction to the volume; Dr Gilberto Estrada Harris, for discussing the aims and objectives of this book over breakfast, lunch and dinner for months on end; and Dr George Kunnath, who has been a source of methodological inspiration, introducing me to Goffman, Haraway and Scott, who changed the way I saw and imagined this project. Professor Matthew McCartney was a key enabler and source of institutional support and enthusiasm (including footing the wine bills) as Director of CSASP. Many thanks also to Babak Moussavi, who was reliable, efficient and reassuring in helping to finalise the technical aspects of the manuscript. As always, Gilberto, Ikal, and the broader Sullivan and Estrada Harris clans are deserving of the highest gratitude for both being there and not being there in the necessary (though not always desirable) measures needed for me to see this project to completion. Contributors

Arshin Adib-Moghaddam is Professor of Global Thought and Com- parative Philosophies in the Department of Politics and International Studies and the Chair of the Centre for Iranian Studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, UK. He is the author of several books, including On the Arab Revolts and the Iranian Revolution: Power and Resistance Today and A Metahistory of the Clash of Civilisations: Us and Them Beyond Orientalism.

Danielle Chubb is Lecturer in International Relations at Deakin Univer- sity, Australia. She is the author of Contentious Activism and Inter-Korean Relations, published in February 2014.

Gilberto Estrada Harris is Administrator of the Latin American Centre at the University of Oxford, UK, and formerly Lecturer in Political Sci- ence at Universidad del Centro de México, San Luis Potosi, Mexico. His doctoral research focused on the role of politically active refugees and diasporas in military humanitarian intervention. His current research explores Mexico’s engagement with the Global South.

David Harris is Lecturer in African Studies at the University of Bradford, UK, and specialises in West African politics, in particular in Sierra Leone and Liberia. His second book Sierra Leone: A Political History was published in 2013. He also works on Indian-African relations with Simona Vittorini.

Nicola Horsburgh is a British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow at the Oxford Institute for Ethics, Law and Armed Conﬂict within the Depart- ment of Politics and International Relations at the University of Oxford, UK. Her forthcoming book is China and Global Nuclear Order: From Estrangement to Active Engagement.

Yuka Kobayashi is Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in China and Inter- national Politics at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London, UK. Prior to joining SOAS, she was Junior Research Fellow at the University of Oxford, UK. Her research interests include International Relations of China and East Asia and International

xvi Notes on Contributors xvii

Law (International Economic Law, Environmental Law and Human Rights Law).

Natasha Kuhrt is a lecturer in the Department of War Studies, King’s College London. She is co-convenor of the BISA Working Group on Russian and Eurasian Security and Foreign Policies. Her publications include Russian Policy Towards China and Japan (2011) and, as editor, Russia and the World: The Internal–External Nexus (2013).

Christopher J. Lee is a lecturer in the Department of International Rela- tions and an associate researcher at the Wits Institute for Social and Economic Research (WISER) at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. He is the editor of Making a World After Empire: The Bandung Moment and Its Political Afterlives (2010).

Vinícius Rodrigues Vieira is Lecturer in International Relations at the Getúlio Vargas Foundation and a Postdoctoral Researcher at the Insti- tute of International Relations, University of São Paulo, Brazil. He has published research articles in the Bulletin of Latin American Research, Cambridge Review of International Affairs and Journal of International Relations and Development.

Omar Sharaf is a lecturer at the Department of Languages and Cultures of the Near East, University of Heidelberg, Germany, and a researcher at the Heidelberg Institute for International Conﬂict Research. His research focuses on socio-political and military conﬂicts in the Arab world, with special regard to state-building, state-failure and language policies.

Kate Sullivan is Lecturer in Modern Indian Studies at the School of Interdisciplinary Area Studies, University of Oxford and a Research Fellow at Wolfson College, Oxford, UK. She has published on India’s nuclear politics, exceptionalism in Indian diplomacy and India’s role in democracy promotion. She is currently working on a monograph that explores the evolution of India’s identity and performance as a prominent global power.

Simona Vittorini is Senior Teaching Fellow at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, UK, and specialises in Indian politics. She also works on Indian-African relations with David Harris. Abbreviations

AfPak Afghanistan/Pakistan AIJ Activities Implemented Jointly of the UNFCCC ANC African National Congress (South Africa) AoA Agreement of Agriculture APEC Asia-Paciﬁc Economic Forum APR Asia-Paciﬁc Region ASEAN Association of South-East Asian Nations BJP Bharatiya Janata Party (India) BRIC Brazil, Russia, India and China BRICS Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa CDM Clean Development Mechanism of the UNFCCC CENTO Central Treaty Organization CEPA Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement CIA Central Intelligence Agency (USA) CIDE Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas (Center for Research and Teaching in Economics) (Mexico) CII Confederation of Indian Industry (India) CIS Commonwealth of Independent States COP Conference of Parties to the UNFCCC CSTO Collective Security Treaty Organization CTBT Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty DDA Doha Development Agenda DPA Development Partnership Administration (India) DPJ Democratic Party of Japan DPRK Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (also, North Korea) EAM External Affairs Minister (India) EU European Union EurAsEC Eurasian Economic Community FDI Foreign Direct Investment FPC Foreign Policy Concept (Russia) FRELIMO Mozambique Liberation Front FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas G4 Group of 4 (UNSC) G7 Group of 7

xviii List of Abbreviations xix

G8 Group of 8 G10 Group of 10 (GATT) G20 Group of 20 (WTO) G33 Group of 33 (WTO) G77 Group of 77 GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade GHG Greenhouse gas IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency IBSA India–Brazil–South Africa Dialogue Forum IGDC Informal Group of Developing Countries IMF International Monetary Fund INC Indian National Congress IR International Relations ISI Import Substitution Industrialisation ISIS The Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant ITEC Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation LDP Liberal Democratic Party of Japan LMG Like-Minded Group (WTO) LOC Line of Control (military control line between the Indian- and Pakistani-controlled parts of the state of Jammu and Kashmir) LoCs Lines of Credit MCI Ministry of Commerce and Industry (India) MEA Ministry of External Affairs (India) MENA Middle East and North Africa region MERCOSUR Common Market of the South METI Ministry of Economy Trade and Industry (Japan) MITI Ministry of International Trade and Industry (Japan) (Now METI) MOFA Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Japan) NAM Non-Aligned Movement NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NCA New Coalition Agenda NDA National Democratic Alliance (India) NFU No First Use NIC Natal Indian Congress (South Africa) NIEO New International Economic Order NLL Northern Limit Line (disputed maritime demarcation line between ROK and DPRK) NPT Non-Proliferation Treaty NSA National Security Advisor (India) NSG Nuclear Suppliers Group xx List of Abbreviations

ODA Ofﬁcial Development Assistance PLA People’s Liberation Army (China) PNE Peaceful Nuclear Explosion (India) PRC People’s Republic of China PSDB Party of Brazilian Social Democracy PT Workers’ Party (Brazil) PTAs/RTAs Preferential and/or regional trade agreements R2P Responsibility to Protect RIC Russia, India, China ROK Republic of Korea (also, South Korea) RSC Regional Security Complex SACP South African Communist Party SAPs Structural Adjustment Programmes SCO Shanghai Cooperation Organisation SDF Self-Defence Forces of Japan SLOC Sea Lanes of Communication SSM Special Safeguard Measures TEAM-9 Techno-Economic Approach for Africa-India Movement TRIPS Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights UN United Nations UNFCCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNOCHA United Nations Ofﬁce for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs UNSC United Nations Security Council UPA United Progressive Alliance (India) UR Uruguay Round US United States USSR Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics WB World Bank WFP World Food Programme WTO World Trade Organization