1 the Liber Amicus: Studies in Horace Sermones I Dissertation Presented in P
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Banished to the Black Sea: Ovid's Poetic
BANISHED TO THE BLACK SEA: OVID’S POETIC TRANSFORMATIONS IN TRISTIA 1.1 A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Christy N. Wise, M.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. October 16, 2014 BANISHED TO THE BLACK SEA: OVID’S POETIC TRANSFORMATIONS IN TRISTIA 1.1 Christy N. Wise, M.A. Mentor: Charles A. McNelis, Ph.D. ABSTRACT After achieving an extraordinarily successful career as an elegiac poet in the midst of the power, glory and creativity of ancient Rome during the start of the Augustan era, Ovid was abruptly separated from the stimulating community in which he thrived, and banished to the outer edge of the Roman Empire. While living the last nine or ten years of his life in Tomis, on the eastern shore of the Black Sea, Ovid steadily continued to compose poetry, producing two books of poems and epistles, Tristia and Epistulae ex Ponto, and a 644-line curse poem, Ibis, all written in elegiac couplets. By necessity, Ovid’s writing from relegatio (relegation) served multiple roles beyond that of artistic creation and presentation. Although he continued to write elegiac poems as he had during his life in Rome, Ovid expanded the structure of those poems to portray his life as a relegatus and his estrangement from his beloved homeland, thereby redefining the elegiac genre. Additionally, and still within the elegiac structure, Ovid changed the content of his poetry in order to defend himself to Augustus and request assistance from friends in securing a reduced penalty or relocation closer to Rome. -
IMPERIAL EXEMPLA Military Prowess, Or Virtus, Is but One Quality That
CHAPTER FOUR IMPERIAL EXEMPLA Military prowess, or virtus, is but one quality that characterized an efffec- tive emperor. Ideally, a ‘good’ emperor was not just a competent general but also displayed other virtues. These imperial virtutes were propagated throughout the Roman Empire by means of imperial panegyric, decrees, inscriptions, biographies, and coins.1 On coinage in particular, juxtaposi- tions of AVG or AVGG with the virtue and/or the imperial portrait on the obverse would connect the virtues mentioned on the reverses directly with the emperor(s). Not all emperors emphasized the same virtues on their coinage. For example, Elagabalus seems not to have felt the need to stress virtus, whereas his successor Severus Alexander did try to convince the Roman people of his military prowess by propagating it on his coins. The presence or absence of particular virtues on coins issued by diffferent emperors brings us to the question as to whether an imperial canon of virtues existed. But before elaborating on this, the concept ‘virtue’ must be clarifijied.2 Modern scholars investigating imperial virtues on coinage consider vir- tues to be personifijications with divine power – in other words, deifijied abstractions or, as Fears puts it, ‘specifijic impersonal numina’.3 For many, the terms ‘personifijication’ and ‘virtue’ are interchangeable.4 Indeed, vir- tues can be considered personifijications. Yet, not all personifijications are 1 Noreña, “The communication of the emperor’s virtues”, p. 153. 2 ‘But if one is to compare coins with other sources, particularly philosopically inspired ones (i.e. in talking of the virtues of the ideal statesman) it is vital to distinguish what is a virtue and what is not’, A. -
Translated by Wordport from Nota Bene Ver. 4 Document EPODE.599
http://akroterion.journals.ac.za THE INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIETY: AN ORGANISING PRINCIPLE IN HORACE’S EPODES? Sjarlene Thom (University of Stellenbosch) Over the years there have been various attempts to make sense of the Epodes as a collection, as well as of individual poems.1 Scholars who have focussed on the collection as a whole have tried generally grouping the poems according to metre2 or to subject matter into either different areas of criticism or different categories of invective.3 The subsequent scholarly debate centred on arguments why individual groups were identified and why a specific poem should fall into a specific group. My personal reaction to these attempts to structure the collection according to groups is rather negative for the following simple reason: too many persuasive alternatives are possible. No musical composition could at one and the same time be described for instance as a sonata, a suite or a prelude and fugue. If a piece of music displays characteristics of all these musical forms, a broader organisational principle has to be found to accommodate the individual sections. In the same way then – since so many different possible ways have been identified in which to pack out various groups of Epodes – it seems to make more sense to look at the Epodes as a unit in which a variety of cross-references or, to continue the musical analogy, variations on a theme, all support a central statement. There have also been scholars who focused on individual poems who have come up with striking or even ingenious individual interpretations, but more often than not they then ignored or discounted the larger unit in which the poems functioned. -
Questioning the 'Witch' Label: Women As Evil in Ancient Rome
Questioning the ‘witch’ label: women as evil in ancient Rome Linda McGuire Introduction It became popular during the early Roman Empire for authors to depict women using magic in their writing. Such women appeared in almost every literary genre (satire, love poetry, epic and novels) during a span of 150 years. They can be found in the works of Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Propertius, Ovid, Lucan, Petronius and Apuleius. They were not a particularly coherent group, although they share certain common characteristics. Besides their link with magic there is only one other thing that they all share in common – these women are called witches by scholars today regardless of the Latin terminology used to refer to them.1 What these scholars mean when they use the term ‘witch’ is difficult to know as this English word, which has associations with modern European history, is never explained. This paper seeks to question the validity of using this modern term in the context of an ancient society, in this case Rome. First of all, what do scholars mean by ‘witch’ today and what ideas lie behind this term. Second, what similarities exist between the witches of the late Middle Ages and women using sorcery in Latin literature? As the topic is broad, this paper will focus specifically on the crimes of these women. Finally, who in Roman society were connected with particularly evil or unnatural crimes such as baby killing or cannibalism? Was it magic practitioners or others in society? Part one: witches and their crimes First found in a ninth century manuscript, the term ‘witch’ is thought to derive from the old English word wicca, meaning someone who casts a spell.2 It is likely, however, that our understanding of the term today is influenced from the period known as the witch-hunts which affected most of Europe in the late Middle Ages and resulted in the deaths of many thousands of people. -
The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria
Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Tirol The cities and cemeteries of Etruria Dennis, George 1883 Chapter XV Bombarzo urn:nbn:at:at-ubi:2-12107 CHAPTER XV. BOHABZO. Miremur periisse homines ?—monnmenta fatiscunt, Mors etiam saxis nominibusque venit .—Ausonius. Ecce libet-pisces Tyrrhenaque monstra Dicere. Ovid. About twelve miles east of Viterbo, on the same slope of the Ciminian, is the village of Bomarzo, in the immediate neighbour¬ hood of an Etruscan town where extensive excavations have been made. The direct road to it runs along the base of the mountain, but the excursion may be made more interesting by a detour to Fdrento, which must be donfe in the saddle, the road being quite impracticable for vehicles. From Ferento the path leads across a deep ravine, past the village of Le Grotte di Santo Stefano, whose name marks the existence of caves in its neighbourhood,1 and over the open heath towards Bomarzo. But before reaching that place, a wooded ravine, Fosso della Vezza, which forms a natural fosse to the Ciminian, has to be crossed, and here the proverb —Chi va piano va sano —must be borne in mind. A more steep, slippery, and dangerous tract I do not remember to have traversed in Italy. Stiff miry clay, in which the steeds will anchor fast ; rocks shelving and smooth-faced, like inclined planes of ice, are the alternatives. Let the traveller take warning, and not pursue this track after heavy rains. It would be advisable, especially if ladies are of the party, to return from Ferento to Viterbo, and to take the direct road thence to Bomarzo. -
Heads Or Tails
Heads or Tails Representation and Acceptance in Hadrian’s Imperial Coinage Name: Thomas van Erp Student number: S4501268 Course: Master’s Thesis Course code: (LET-GESM4300-2018-SCRSEM2-V) Supervisor: Mw. dr. E.E.J. Manders (Erika) 2 Table of Contents List of Figures ............................................................................................................................ 5 Figure 1: Proportions of Coin Types Hadrian ........................................................................ 5 Figure 2: Dynastic Representation in Comparison ................................................................ 5 Figure 3: Euergesia in Comparison ....................................................................................... 5 Figure 4: Virtues ..................................................................................................................... 5 Figure 5: Liberalitas in Comparison ...................................................................................... 5 Figure 6: Iustitias in Comparison ........................................................................................... 5 Figure 7: Military Representation in Comparison .................................................................. 5 Figure 8: Divine Association in Comparison ......................................................................... 5 Figure 9: Proportions of Coin Types Domitian ...................................................................... 5 Figure 10: Proportions of Coin Types Trajan ....................................................................... -
From the Odyssey, Part 1: the Adventures of Odysseus
from The Odyssey, Part 1: The Adventures of Odysseus Homer, translated by Robert Fitzgerald ANCHOR TEXT | EPIC POEM Archivart/Alamy Stock Photo Archivart/Alamy This version of the selection alternates original text The poet, Homer, begins his epic by asking a Muse1 to help him tell the story of with summarized passages. Odysseus. Odysseus, Homer says, is famous for fighting in the Trojan War and for Dotted lines appear next to surviving a difficult journey home from Troy.2 Odysseus saw many places and met many the summarized passages. people in his travels. He tried to return his shipmates safely to their families, but they 3 made the mistake of killing the cattle of Helios, for which they paid with their lives. NOTES Homer once again asks the Muse to help him tell the tale. The next section of the poem takes place 10 years after the Trojan War. Odysseus arrives in an island kingdom called Phaeacia, which is ruled by Alcinous. Alcinous asks Odysseus to tell him the story of his travels. I am Laertes’4 son, Odysseus. Men hold me formidable for guile5 in peace and war: this fame has gone abroad to the sky’s rim. My home is on the peaked sea-mark of Ithaca6 under Mount Neion’s wind-blown robe of leaves, in sight of other islands—Dulichium, Same, wooded Zacynthus—Ithaca being most lofty in that coastal sea, and northwest, while the rest lie east and south. A rocky isle, but good for a boy’s training; I shall not see on earth a place more dear, though I have been detained long by Calypso,7 loveliest among goddesses, who held me in her smooth caves to be her heart’s delight, as Circe of Aeaea,8 the enchantress, desired me, and detained me in her hall. -
The Assassination of Julius Caesar 44 BC
Realizado por Elena Martín Gordón (IES Doñana, ALMONTE) The Assassination of Julius Caesar 44 B.C. Julius Caesar was a great general and an important leader in ancient Rome. His conquest of Gaul extended the Roman world to the North Sea, and he also conducted the first Roman invasion of Britain. Caesar began a civil war in 49 BC, and after that he became the master of the Roman world. He was proclaimed "dictator for life”, and he had the absolute power over the empire. After assuming control of the government, he began important reforms of Roman society and government. The Romans even named a month after him, the month of July for Julius Caesar. Most people liked Julius Caesar because he told To solve : the people that he could solve Rome's problems. Certainly, the resolver Republic had problems: crime was everywhere, taxes were very Taxes: high, and the people were hungry. impuestos Why did Julius Caesar have enemies among the rich and powerful? Among : entre As Julius Caesar became more powerful, and more popular with the people, To worry : leaders in the Senate began to worry . They were afraid that Julius Caesar preocuparse wanted to govern Rome as a king. The Roman senators did not want to return to To be afraid : the time of kings. They were afraid to lose their power. tener miedo, temer Julius Caesar had many enemies in Rome. Because of Julius Caesar's military victories, he was very popular with the Romans. His soldiers were very loyal to Loyal : leal, fiel their leader. -
The Complexity of Roman Suicide Carmine Anthony Ruff
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Master's Theses Student Research 1974 The complexity of Roman suicide Carmine Anthony Ruff Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/masters-theses Part of the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Ruff, Carmine Anthony, "The ompc lexity of Roman suicide" (1974). Master's Theses. Paper 937. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE COMPLEXITY OF ROMAN SUICIDE BY CARMINE ANTHONY RUFFA A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN CLASSICAL STUDIES MAY 1974 APPROVAL SHEET ii TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE • . • • . .iv Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . • . • • • • . • • • • • . • 1 II. ANCIENT SUICIDE: A PROBLEM OF SEMANTICS. • • • • • • • • • • • • 5 Latin Citations to Suicide The Absence of A Standard Word Or Phrase III. PHILOSOPHIC SUICIDE . • .11 The Attitude of the Latin Philosophers Toward Suicide The Divergent Views of the Stoic Philosophers The Effect of Cato's Suicide on Stoicism IV. THE TREATMENT OF LUCRETIA'S SUICIDE BY LIVY AND AUGUSTINE • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 4 4 Section I: Livy's Lucretia Section II: Augustine's Denunciation of Lucretia v. SUICIDE IN THE AENEID • • • • • • . .61 Vergii's Development of Dido's Suicidal Personality The Condemnation of Suicides in the Underworld Amata's Suicide CONCLUSION. .80 APPENDIX I • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• 83 APPENDIX II • . .86 BIBLIOGRAPHY . .91 VITA . .99 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to acknowledge two people who have influenced and inspired his academic and professional life. -
Temples and Priests of Sol in the City of Rome
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/242330197 Temples and Priests of Sol in the City of Rome Article in Mouseion Journal of the Classical Association of Canada · January 2010 DOI: 10.1353/mou.2010.0073 CITATIONS READS 0 550 1 author: S. E. Hijmans University of Alberta 23 PUBLICATIONS 9 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Available from: S. E. Hijmans Retrieved on: 03 November 2016 Temples and Priests of Sol in the city of Rome Summary It was long thought that Sol Invictus was a Syrian sun-god, and that Aurelian imported his cult into Rome after he had vanquished Zenobia and captured Palmyra. This sun-god, it was postulated, differed fundamentally from the old Roman sun-god Sol Indiges, whose cult had long since disappeared from Rome. Scholars thus tended to postulate a hiatus in the first centuries of imperial rule during which there was little or no cult of the sun in Rome. Recent studies, however, have shown that Aurelian’s Sol Invictus was neither new nor foreign, and that the cult of the sun was maintained in Rome without interruption from the city’s earliest history until the demise of Roman religion(s). This continuity of the Roman cult of Sol sheds a new light on the evidence for priests and temples of Sol in Rome. In this article I offer a review of that evidence and what we can infer from it the Roman cult of the sun. A significant portion of the article is devoted to a temple of Sol in Trastevere, hitherto misidentified. -
The Odyssey Homer Translated Lv Robert Fitzç’Erald
I The Odyssey Homer Translated lv Robert Fitzç’erald PART 1 FAR FROM HOME “I Am Odysseus” Odysseus is in the banquet hail of Alcinous (l-sin’o-s, King of Phaeacia (fë-a’sha), who helps him on his way after all his comrades have been killed and his last vessel de stroyed. Odysseus tells the story of his adventures thus far. ‘I am Laertes’ son, Odysseus. [aertes Ia Men hold me formidable for guile in peace and war: this fame has gone abroad to the sky’s rim. My home is on the peaked sea-mark of Ithaca 4 Ithaca ith’. k) ,in island oft under Mount Neion’s wind-blown robe of leaves, the west e ast it C reece. in sight of other islands—Dulichium, Same, wooded Zacynthus—Ithaca being most lofty in that coastal sea, and northwest, while the rest lie east and south. A rocky isle, but good for a boy’s training; I (I 488 An Epic Poem I shall not see on earth a place more dear, though I have been detained long by Calypso,’ 12. Calypso k1ip’sö). loveliest among goddesses, who held me in her smooth caves, to be her heart’s delight, as Circe of Aeaea, the enchantress, 15 15. Circe (sür’së) of Aeaea e’e-). desired me, and detained me in her hail. But in my heart I never gave consent. Where shall a man find sweetness to surpass his OWfl home and his parents? In far lands he shall not, though he find a house of gold. -
Renaissance Receptions of Ovid's Tristia Dissertation
RENAISSANCE RECEPTIONS OF OVID’S TRISTIA DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Gabriel Fuchs, M.A. Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Frank T. Coulson, Advisor Benjamin Acosta-Hughes Tom Hawkins Copyright by Gabriel Fuchs 2013 ABSTRACT This study examines two facets of the reception of Ovid’s Tristia in the 16th century: its commentary tradition and its adaptation by Latin poets. It lays the groundwork for a more comprehensive study of the Renaissance reception of the Tristia by providing a scholarly platform where there was none before (particularly with regard to the unedited, unpublished commentary tradition), and offers literary case studies of poetic postscripts to Ovid’s Tristia in order to explore the wider impact of Ovid’s exilic imaginary in 16th-century Europe. After a brief introduction, the second chapter introduces the three major commentaries on the Tristia printed in the Renaissance: those of Bartolomaeus Merula (published 1499, Venice), Veit Amerbach (1549, Basel), and Hecules Ciofanus (1581, Antwerp) and analyzes their various contexts, styles, and approaches to the text. The third chapter shows the commentators at work, presenting a more focused look at how these commentators apply their differing methods to the same selection of the Tristia, namely Book 2. These two chapters combine to demonstrate how commentary on the Tristia developed over the course of the 16th century: it begins from an encyclopedic approach, becomes focused on rhetoric, and is later aimed at textual criticism, presenting a trajectory that ii becomes increasingly focused and philological.