Billy Boomer, 1952 -1995 a Prisoner
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Identity, Authority and Myth-Making: Politically-Motivated Prisoners and the Use of Music During the Northern Irish Conflict, 1962 - 2000
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Queen Mary Research Online Identity, authority and myth-making: Politically-motivated prisoners and the use of music during the Northern Irish conflict, 1962 - 2000 Claire Alexandra Green Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 I, Claire Alexandra Green, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Date: 29/04/19 Details of collaboration and publications: ‘It’s All Over: Romantic Relationships, Endurance and Loyalty in the Songs of Northern Irish Politically-Motivated Prisoners’, Estudios Irlandeses, 14, 70-82. 2 Abstract. In this study I examine the use of music by and in relation to politically-motivated prisoners in Northern Ireland, from the mid-1960s until 2000. -
Copyrighted Material
Index Note: page numbers in italics denote illustrations or maps Abbey Theatre 175 sovereignty 390 Abbot, Charles 28 as Taoiseach 388–9 abdication crisis 292 and Trimble 379, 409, 414 Aberdeen, Earl of 90 Aiken, Frank abortion debate 404 ceasefire 268–9 Academical Institutions (Ireland) Act 52 foreign policy 318–19 Adams, Gerry and Lemass 313 assassination attempt 396 and Lynch 325 and Collins 425 and McGilligan 304–5 elected 392 neutrality 299 and Hume 387–8, 392, 402–3, 407 reunification 298 and Lynch 425 WWII 349 and Paisley 421 air raids, Belfast 348, 349–50 St Andrews Agreement 421 aircraft industry 347 on Trimble 418 Aldous, Richard 414 Adams, W.F. 82 Alexandra, Queen 174 Aer Lingus 288 Aliens Act 292 Afghan War 114 All for Ireland League 157 Agar-Robartes, T.G. 163 Allen, Kieran 308–9, 313 Agence GénéraleCOPYRIGHTED pour la Défense de la Alliance MATERIAL Party 370, 416 Liberté Religieuse 57 All-Ireland Committee 147, 148 Agricultural Credit Act 280 Allister, Jim 422 agricultural exports 316 Alter, Peter 57 agricultural growth 323 American Civil War 93, 97–8 Agriculture and Technical Instruction, American note affair 300 Dept of 147 American War of Independence 93 Ahern, Bertie 413 Amnesty Association 95, 104–5, 108–9 and Paisley 419–20 Andrews, John 349, 350–1 resignation 412–13, 415 Anglesey, Marquis of 34 separated from wife 424 Anglicanism 4, 65–6, 169 Index 513 Anglo-American war 93 Ashbourne Purchase Act 133, 150 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1938) 294, 295–6 Ashe, Thomas 203 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985) Ashtown ambush 246 aftermath -
The Unsung Heroes of the Irish Peace Process Ted Smyth
REC•NSIDERATI•NS Ted Smyth took part in the Irish peace process as an Irish diplomat in the United States, Britain, and the secretariat of the New Ireland Forum. The Unsung Heroes of the Irish Peace Process Ted Smyth Why did the Irish peace process eventually been viewed as traitors to their Catholic succeed in stopping the sectarian killing af- tribe, but today they are celebrated for their ter centuries of violence in Ireland and when courage and integrity. other sectarian conflicts still rage around the The road to peace in Ireland was led by world? Might there be lessons the Irish many, many individuals who made contri- could teach the world about reconciling bit- butions large and small. There were politi- ter enemies? The political successes in cians who were truly heroic, but it should Northern Ireland owe much to that oft- never be forgotten that the ordinary people scorned ingredient, patient, determined, and of Northern Ireland steadily found their principled diplomacy, which spanned suc- own way toward reconciliation, defying his- cessive administrations in London, Dublin, tory and the climate of fear. Maurice Hayes, and Washington. The result is a structure a columnist for the Irish Independent and a surely durable enough to survive the IRA’s veteran peacemaker puts it well: “Through- disturbing recent violations: an apparently out the troubles, in the darkest days, there long-planned $50 million raid on the have been outstanding examples of charity Northern Bank in Belfast in December at- and courage, of heroic forgiveness, often, tributed to IRA militants and the leader- and most notably, from those who had suf- ship’s unabashedly outlaw offer to shoot fered most. -
Northern Ireland
1 Northern Ireland The Atlantic Philanthropies Northern Ireland 2 2 More than 22,000TheThe students share classes, resourcesAtlanticAtlantic and facilities each PhilanthropiesPhilanthropies week in Northern Ireland, bringing children, parents and teachers of Catholic and Protestant communities together. In Derry/Londonderry, these students from St. Mary’s and Lisneal colleges share a citizenship class. Foreword 6 Preface 10 Summary 13 Northern Ireland 18 Grantee Profiles 41 Northern Ireland Alternatives 43 Lifestart Foundation 49 The Detail 53 Suffolk Lenadoon Interface Group 56 Alzheimers Society NI — Dementia 63 Friendly Communities Sonic Arts Research Centre, 65 Queen’s University Integrated and Shared Education 69 Committee on the Administration 76 of Justice South Tyrone Empowerment 80 Programme (STEP) Lessons 84 Acknowledgements 105 The Atlantic Philanthropies Northern Ireland BY SUSAN Mc KAY In 2012, Chuck Feeney received an unprecedented joint Honorary Doctorate of Laws from all nine universities, in the North and the Republic, in recognition of his contributions to higher education. Dedication To Charles Francis Feeney, whose generosity and vision have improved the lives of millions, on the island of Ireland and across the globe. 6 Northern Ireland Foreword have had the good fortune both to work for grantee organisations supported by The Atlantic Philanthropies and to have also worked for I Atlantic itself. My connection with Atlantic and Chuck Feeney goes back over 20 years. Chuck’s values, style and approach to his philanthropy shaped Atlantic’s approach to giving. Once he decided to support an organisation, he trusted it to get on with the work. He also placed a high degree of confidence and autonomy in Atlantic’s staff charged with making recommendations on where money should be awarded. -
How New Is New Loyalism?
HOW NEW IS NEW LOYALISM? CATHERINE MCGLYNN EUROPEAN STUDIES RESEARCH INSTITUTE UNIVERSITY OF SALFORD SALFORD, UK Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, February 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Page 1 Chapter One Hypothesis and Methodology Page 6 Chapter Two Literature Review: Unionism, Loyalism, Page 18 New Loyalism Chapter Three A Civic Loyalism? Page 50 Chapter Four The Roots of New Loyalism 1966-1982 Page 110 Chapter Five New Loyalism and the Peace Process Page 168 Chapter Six New Loyalism and the Progressive Page 205 Unionist Party Chapter Seven Conclusion: How New is New Loyalism? Page 279 Bibliography Page 294 ABBREVIATONS CLMC Combined Loyalist Military Command DENI Department of Education for Northern Ireland DUP Democratic Unionist Party IOO Independent Orange Order IRA Irish Republican Army LAW Loyalist Association of Workers LVF Loyalist Volunteer Force NICRA Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association NIHE Northern Ireland Housing Executive NILP Northern Ireland Labour Party PUP Progressive Unionist Party RHC Red Hand Commandos RHD Red Hand Defenders SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party UDA Ulster Defence Association UDP Ulster Democratic Party UDLP Ulster Democratic and Loyalist Party UFF Ulster Freedom Fighters UUP Ulster Unionist Party UUUC United Ulster Unionist Council UWC Ulster Workers' Council UVF Ulster Volunteer Force VPP Volunteer Political Party ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my PhD supervisor, Jonathan Tonge for all his support during my time at Salford University. I am also grateful to all the staff at the Northern Irish Political collection at the Linen Hall Library in Belfast for their help and advice. -
Birth of the Blanket Protest
Birth of the Blanket Protest Ned Flynn H Block 4, Long Kesh Ned Flynn, from Andersonstown in West Belfast, was nineteen years of age in 1976 when he was sentenced and became the second man to enter the historic blanket protest in the H blocks. As we commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the beginning of that campaign, he reflects on how the protest started. Twenty years ago, Britain's three-pronged strategy to break the republican struggle was in full swing, i.e. normalisation, Ulsterisation, andcriminalisation. Normalisation involved the British Government portraying the conflict to the international community as one which was well under control, with a degree of normality now evident Ulsterisation involved the six-county, sectarian militias of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) taking primary control of security, with the British army now playing a secondary back-up role. Criminalisation was a media-orientated policy, overseen by Northern Ireland Office (NIO) officials, that portrayed the repub- lican struggle as acts of criminals, with terms such as 'mafia-type gangsters,' 'godfathers,' 'racketeers,' and 'drug barons' being circulated daily by the media. Futhermore, the struggle was represented as sectarian, and this portrayal was fuelled by British military intelligence who organised Loyalist death squads and even recruited a Military Reaction Force (MRF) within the nationalist community, mercenaries who were ordered to carry out attacks on nationalists and attribute them to loyalists. To reinforce criminalisation, Britain declared that any republican prisoner captured after March I, 1976 would be classified as a criminal rather than a POW, and as such, would be treated accordingly. -
Framing of the Irish Republican Narrative on Policing in Northern Ireland Hearty, K
How the ‘suspect community’ became ‘critical engagers’: the (re)framing of the Irish republican narrative on policing in Northern Ireland Hearty, K. (2016). How the ‘suspect community’ became ‘critical engagers’: the (re)framing of the Irish republican narrative on policing in Northern Ireland. Irish Political Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2016.1198322 Published in: Irish Political Studies Document Version: Peer reviewed version Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights © 2016 Political Studies Association of Ireland. This work is made available online in accordance with the publisher’s policies. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:26. Sep. 2021 1 How the ‘suspect community’ became ‘critical engagers’: the (re)framing of the Irish republican narrative on policing in Northern Ireland. This article is an empirical case study of how the Irish republican narrative on policing in Northern Ireland evolved from an absolutist position of rejection to one of post‐conflict ‘critical engagement’. -
In Defense of Propaganda: the Republican Response to State
IN DEFENSE OF PROPAGANDA: THE REPUBLICAN RESPONSE TO STATE CREATED NARRATIVES WHICH SILENCED POLITICAL SPEECH DURING THE NORTHERN IRISH CONFLICT, 1968-1998 A thesis presented to The Honors Tutorial College Ohio University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation from the Honors Tutorial College with a Degree of Bachelor of Science in Journalism By Selina Nadeau April 2017 1 This thesis is approved by The Honors Tutorial College and the Department of Journalism Dr. Aimee Edmondson Professor, Journalism Thesis Adviser Dr. Bernhard Debatin Director of Studies, Journalism Dr. Jeremy Webster Dean, Honors Tutorial College 2 Table of Contents 1. History 2. Literature Review 2.1. Reframing the Conflict 2.2.Scholarship about Terrorism in Northern Ireland 2.3.Media Coverage of the Conflict 3. Theoretical Frameworks 3.1.Media Theory 3.2.Theories of Ethnic Identity and Conflict 3.3.Colonialism 3.4.Direct rule 3.5.British Counterterrorism 4. Research Methods 5. Researching the Troubles 5.1.A student walks down the Falls Road 6. Media Censorship during the Troubles 7. Finding Meaning in the Posters from the Troubles 7.1.Claims of Abuse of State Power 7.1.1. Social, political or economic grievances 7.1.2. Criticism of Government Officials 7.1.3. Criticism of the police, army or security forces 7.1.4. Criticism of media or censorship of media 7.2.Calls for Peace 7.2.1. Calls for inclusive all-party peace talks 7.2.2. British withdrawal as the solution 7.3.Appeals to Rights, Freedom, or Liberty 7.3.1. Demands of the Civil Rights Movement 7.3.2. -
THE APPARATUS of IMPUNITY? Human Rights Violations and the Northern Ireland Conflict: a Narrative of Official Limitations on Post-Agreement Investigative Mechanisms
THE APPARATUS OF IMPUNITY? Human rights violations and the Northern Ireland conflict: a narrative of official limitations on post-Agreement investigative mechanisms Committee on the Administration of Justice January 2015 The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) © Committee on the Administration of Justice January 2015 The material may be reproduced, free of charge, in any format or medium without specific permission, provided the reproduction is not for financial or material gain.The material must be reproduced accurately and not used in a misleading context. If the material is to be republished or issued to others, acknowledgement must be given to its source, copyright status, and date of publication. This publication is available on our website. CAJ Committee on the Administration of Justice 2nd Floor, Sturgen Building 9-15 Queen Street Belfast BT1 6EA Tel: 028 9031 6000 Fax: 028 9031 4583 [email protected] www.caj.org.uk ISBN 978 1 873285 94 7 The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) THE APPARATUS OF IMPUNITY? Human rights violations and the Northern Ireland conflict: a narrative of official limitations on post-Agreement investigative mechanisms Committee on the Administration of Justice January 2015 The Apparatus of Impunity? Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) Recent comments from key Council of Europe and UN human rights bodies in relation to existing mechanisms investigating the conflict in Northern Ireland: The absence of any plausible explanation for the failure to collect key evidence at the time when this was possible, and for attempts to even obstruct this process, should be treated with particular vigilance. -
Procedural Witness Statement of Officer a 27 May 2016
KIN-3503 INQUIRY INTO HISTORICAL INSTITUTIONAL ABUSE 1922 TO 1995 WITNESS STATEMENT I, SIS Officer A, will say as follows: 1. I have been employed by the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS) since August 1989 in a range of roles in the UK and overseas. I became a Deputy Director in 2012 and, since October 2015, have been Deputy Director responsible for compliance and disclosure matters. It is the longstanding policy of SIS that the identities of its officers, other than C, are not publicly disclosed, for operational reasons and in order to ensure the safety of them and their families. 2. In my current role, I oversee the compliance of SIS operations with the law and other relevant guidance and directives. This role includes overseeing the Service’s response to legal cases and disclosure requests related to a range of issues, including legacy matters in Northern Ireland. In this capacity, I provide assurance to C, the Service’s Accounting Officer, that we are effectively meeting our legal obligations. 3. SIS has received requests for disclosure from the Historical Institutional Abuse Inquiry. SIS takes its disclosure obligations seriously and I am satisfied that the searches carried out by officers in our compliance team constitute a reasonable and proportionate search for relevant material on the SIS corporate record. These officers, and SIS legal advisers, specialise in disclosure matters and regularly conduct searches of this type; they also consulted the SIS records management team to ensure a sufficiently broad search was conducted. I know that SIS officers have made the Inquiry aware of the capabilities, nature and operation of our file management systems. -
Benjamin Morgan Palmer: Southern Presbyterian Divine
BENJAMIN MORGAN PALMER: SOUTHERN PRESBYTERIAN DIVINE Except where reference is made to the work of others, the work described in this dissertation is my own or was done in collaboration with my advisory committee. This dissertation does not include proprietary or classified information. _________________________ Christopher M. Duncan Certificate of Approval: ________________________ ________________________ Kenneth W. Noe Anthony G. Carey, Chair Associate Professor Professor History History ________________________ ________________________ Charles A. Israel George T. Flowers Associate Professor Dean History Graduate School BENJAMIN MORGAN PALMER: SOUTHERN PRESBYTERIAN DIVINE Christopher M. Duncan A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Auburn University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Auburn, Alabama December 19, 2008 BENJAMIN MORGAN PALMER: SOUTHERN PRESBYTERIAN DIVINE Christopher M. Duncan Permission is granted to Auburn University to make copies of this dissertation at its discretion, upon request of individuals or institutions and at their expense. The author reserves all publication rights. ______________________________ Signature of Author ______________________________ Date of Graduation iii VITA Christopher Michael Duncan was born in Atlanta, Georgia to Michael Alan Duncan and Lurajean Akin on November 14, 1974. He received a Bachelor of Arts degree from Auburn University in Speech Communication in 1997 and a Master of Divinity from Beeson Divinity School at Samford University in 2000. He was ordained to the gospel ministry in the Presbyterian Church in America in 2001. He is married to Kelli Anne Johnson and currently resides in Opelika, Alabama with their two daughters. iv DISSERTATION ABSTRACT BENJAMIN MORGAN PALMER: SOUTHERN PRESBYTERIAN DIVINE Christopher M. Duncan Doctor of Philosophy, December 19, 2008 (M.Div., Beeson Divinity School, 2000) (B.A., Auburn University, 1997) 226 Typed Pages Directed by Anthony G. -
Northern Ireland Peace Initiative
Northern Ireland Peace Initiative JOURNEY TO BELFAST AND LONDON Report and Policy Recommendations by William J. Flynn and George D. Schwab February 1999 Contents • Acknowledgment • Foreword • Policy Recommendations • From Hate to Hope • Conclusion ACKNOWLEDGMENT At the invitation of the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office, a National Committee on American Foreign Policy mission consisting of William J. Flynn, chairman, and George D. Schwab, president, spent a week (November 2-7, 1998) in Belfast discussing the peace process in Northern Ireland and in London where we also discussed U.S. and British global security interests with leading statesmen, politicians, diplomats, and academics. The meetings took place at Stormont Estate, 10 Downing Street, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the House of Commons, think tanks, and the American embassy in London, among other sites. Before embarking, Dr. Schwab was briefed at the State Department by James I. Gadsden, deputy assistant secretary of state for European and Canadian affairs; James M. Lyons, special adviser to the president and the secretary of state for economic initiatives in Ireland; Katharine E. Koch, special assistant, office of the special adviser to the president and the secretary of state for economic initiatives in Ireland; and Patricia Nelson-Douvelis, Ireland desk officer. Although this report and the policy recommendations it contains focus on Northern Ireland, the material gathered on U.S. and British national security interests will be incorporated in relevant NCAFP publications, including those forthcoming on NATO and the Middle East. The sensitivity of some of the issues discussed led a number of people to request that they not be quoted by name or identified in other ways.