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Ortega for President: the Religious Rebirth of Sandinismo in Nicaragua
European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 89, October 2010 | 47-63 Ortega for President: The Religious Rebirth of Sandinismo in Nicaragua Henri Gooren Abstract: This article analyses various connections between Daniel Ortega’s surprising victory in the presidential elections of 5 November 2006, his control of the Frente Sandinista de la Liberación Nacio- nal (FSLN) party, and the changing religious context in Nicaragua, where Pentecostal churches now claim almost one quarter of the population. To achieve this, I draw from my fieldwork in Nicaragua in 2005 and 2006, which analysed competition for members between various religious groups in Managua: charismatic Catholics, the Assemblies of God, the neo-Pentecostal mega-church Hosanna, and the Mormon Church. How did Ortega manage to win the votes from so many religious people (evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholics alike)? And how does this case compare to similar cases of populist leaders in Latin America courting evangelicals, like Chávez in Venezuela and earlier Fujimori in Peru? Keywords: Nicaragua, religion, elections, FSLN, Daniel Ortega. Populist leadership and evangelical support in Latin America At first look, the case of Ortega’s surprise election victory seems to fit an estab- lished pattern in Latin America: the populist leader who comes to power in part by courting – and winning – the evangelical vote. Alberto Fujimori in Peru was the first to achieve this in the early 1990s, followed by Venezuelan lieutenant-colonel Hugo Chávez in the late 1990s and more recently Rafael Correa in Ecuador (Op- penheimer 2006). These three populist leaders came to power thanks to the break- down of an old party system, which gradually became stagnant and corrupted. -
Nicaragua: Revolution and Restoration
THE NEW GEOPOLITICS NOVEMBER 2018 LATIN AMERICA NICARAGUA: REVOLUTION AND RESTORATION RICHARD E. FEINBERG NICARAGUA: REVOLUTION AND RESTORATION RICHARD E. FEINBERG EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Since independence, Nicaragua has suffered periodic internecine warfare, deep distrust between contending factions dominated by powerful caudillos (strongmen), and interventions by foreign powers. While the United States was frequently a party to these conflicts, local Nicaraguan actors often outmaneuvered U.S. diplomats. At the end of the Cold War, internationally supervised elections yielded an interlude of relatively liberal democracy and alternation of power (1990-2006). To the consternation of the United States, Sandinista Party leader Daniel Ortega regained the presidency in 2007, and orchestrated a successful strategy of coalition-building with the organized private sector and the Catholic Church. Supported by the international financial institutions and the Venezuelan Chavista government, Nicaragua achieved strong economic performance with moderately inclusive growth. President Ortega used those economic resources to gradually capture or suppress—one by one—many of the nation’s political institutions, eroding institutional checks and balances. Ortega’s strategy of co-opting all centers of power extended to the military and national police. The restoration of traditional caudillo politics and the fusion of family-state-party-security forces were all too reminiscent of the Somoza family dynasty (1934-1979). Frustrated by Ortega’s narrowing of democratic -
Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: the Chamorro Years (1990-1996)
Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: The Chamorro Years (1990-1996) A thesis presented to the faculty of the Center for International Studies of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Tatiana Argüello Vargas August 2010 © 2010 Tatiana Argüello Vargas. All Rights Reserved. 2 This thesis titled Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: The Chamorro Years (1990-1996) by TATIANA ARGÜELLO VARGAS has been approved for the Center for International Studies by Patrick Barr-Melej Associate Professor of History José A. Delgado Director, Latin American Studies Daniel Weiner Executive Director, Center for International Studies 3 ABSTRACT ARGÜELLO VARGAS, TATIANA, M.A., August 2010, Latin American Studies Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: The Chamorro Years (1990-1996) (100 pp.) Director of Thesis: Patrick Barr-Melej This thesis explores the role of culture in post-revolutionary Nicaragua during the administration of Violeta Barrios de Chamorro (1990-1996). In particular, this research analyzes the negotiation and redefinition of culture between Nicaragua’s revolutionary past and its neoliberal present. In order to expose what aspects of the cultural project survived and what new manifestations appear, this thesis examines the followings elements: 1) the cultural policy and institutional apparatus created by the government of President Chamorro; 2) the effects and consequences that this cultural policy produced in the country through the battle between revolutionary and post-revolutionary cultural symbols in Managua as a urban space; and 3), the role and evolution of Managua’s mayor and future president Arnoldo Alemán as an important actor redefining culture in the 1990s. -
Working Papers
• LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM THE WILSONw CENTER SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUILDING WASHINGTON, D.C. WORKING PAPERS Number 174 RELIGION AND REVOLUTION: CUBA AND NICARAGUA Margaret Crahan, Henry R. Luce Professor of Religion, Power and Political Process Occidental College Number 174 RELIGION AND REVOLUTION: CUBA AND NICARAGUA Margaret Crahan, Henry R. Luce Professor of Religion, Power and Political Process Occidental College A portion of the research on Nicaragua included in this paper was accomplished while the author was a fellow at the Wilson Center in 1985-86. In addition to the Wilson Center, the author wishes to thank Miguel Guzman, Arlene Sullivan and the Woodstock Theological Center for their assistance in the preparation of this paper. This paper was presented at the author's colloquium, "Religion and Revolution: Cub~ and Nicaragua," on Monday, September 8, 1987. This essay is one of a series of Working Papers of the Latin American program of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. the series includes papers in the humanities and social sciences by Program Fellows, Guest Scholars, interns, staff, and Academic Council, as well as work from Program seminars, workshops, colloquia, and conferences. The series aims to extend the Program's discussions to a wider community throughout the Americas, to help authors obtain timely criticism of work in progress, and to provide, directly or indirectly, scholarly and intellectual context for contemporary policy concerns. Support to make distribution possible is provided by the Inter-American Development Bank and the World Bank. Editorial Assistant for Working Paper No. 174: Maria A. Holperin. Single copies of Working Papers may be obtained without charge by writing to: Latin American Program, Working Papers The Wilson Center Smithsonian Institution Buildjng Washington, D.C. -
The Ends of Modernization: Development, Ideology, and Catastrophe in Nicaragua After the Alliance for Progress
THE ENDS OF MODERNIZATION: DEVELOPMENT, IDEOLOGY, AND CATASTROPHE IN NICARAGUA AFTER THE ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by David Johnson Lee December 2015 Examining Committee Members: Dr. Richard Immerman, Advisory Chair, History, Temple University Dr. Harvey Neptune, History, Temple University Dr. David Farber, History, University of Kansas Dr. Michel Gobat, History, University of Iowa © Copyright 2015 by David Johnson Lee All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT This dissertation traces the cultural and intellectual history of Nicaragua from the heyday of modernization as ideology and practice in the 1960s, when U.S. planners and politicians identified Nicaragua as a test case for the Alliance for Progress, to the triumph of neoliberalism in the 1990s. The modernization paradigm, implemented through collusion between authoritarian dictatorship and the U.S. development apparatus, began to fragment following the earthquake that destroyed Managua in 1972. The ideas that constituted this paradigm were repurposed by actors in Nicaragua and used to challenge the dominant power of the U.S. government, and also to structure political competition within Nicaragua. Using interviews, new archival material, memoirs, novels, plays, and newspapers in the United States and Nicaragua, I trace the way political actors used ideas about development to make and unmake alliances within Nicaragua, bringing about first the Sandinista Revolution, then the Contra War, and finally the neoliberal government that took power in 1990. I argue that because of both a changing international intellectual climate and resistance on the part of the people of Nicaragua, new ideas about development emphasizing human rights, pluralism, entrepreneurialism, indigenous rights, and sustainable development came to supplant modernization theory. -
EXTENSIONS of REMARKS April 30, 1986 EXTENSIONS of REMARKS SANDINISTAS DENY RELIGIOUS Miguel Obando Y Bravo
9148 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS April 30, 1986 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS SANDINISTAS DENY RELIGIOUS Miguel Obando y Bravo ... You may be The government supports a front-organi FREEDOM TO THE NICARA sure that these attacks are an offense zation "Peoples Church" that actively pro GUAN PEOPLE AND PERSE against the Christian sentiments of the motes Marxism-Leninism. The "Peoples CUTE ROMAN CATHOLICS IN great majority of the Nicaraguan people Church" blasphemous symbol is a crucified Christ imposed on a Sandinista guerrilla NICARAGUA Since that letter was written, the situation waving a Soviet AK-47 rifle. The "Peoples has gotten even worse. Church" is largely ignored by Nicaraguan HON. JACK F. KEMP The Sandinistas' most intense anti-Catho Catholics, and has minuscule support from OF NEW YORK lic efforts have been directed against the the clergy. Of the approximately 880 IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Church's leaders. The regime's goal has priests, nuns, and monks in the country, been to undercut popular support for the fewer than 40 are loyal to this "Church," Wednesday, April 30, 1986 Catholic bishops through vicious propagan and of those 40, all but 10 are foreign mis Mr. KEMP. Mr. Speaker, recently 22 of our da portraying them as "counterrevolution sionaries. colleagues, led by Congressman HENRY aries" and "enemies of the people." Cardi Despite this grim record, the Sandinista nal Obando has been labelled as the "anti regime has waged a successful disinforma HYDE, circulated a "Dear Colleague" letter Christ" and accused of "collaborating" with tion campaign that has convinced many calling the attention of the Members to the ac the Somoza government-of which he was a American Catholic bishops, the United tions of the Marxist-Leninist Sandinista regime harsh critic. -
Anuncio 2870 Del BOE Núm. 22 De 2010
BOLETÍN OFICIAL DEL ESTADO Núm. 22 Martes 26 de enero de 2010 Sec. V-B. Pág. 6641 V. Anuncios B. Otros anuncios oficiales MINISTERIO DE ECONOMÍA Y HACIENDA 2870 Resolución de 18 de enero de 2010, del Servicio de Gestión Económica de la Agencia Estatal de Administración Tributaria, por la que se anuncian las notificaciones por comparecencia, después de haber realizado primero y segundo intentos. En virtud de lo dispuesto en el artículo 112 de la Ley General Tributaria (Ley 58/2003, de 17 de diciembre), para las notificaciones de naturaleza Tributaria, y artículo 59 de la Ley 30/1992 de Régimen Jurídico de las Administraciones Públicas y del Procedimiento Administrativo Común, de 26 de noviembre, en relación con las de naturaleza no Tributaria, no siendo posible practicar la notificación por causas no imputables a la Administración y habiéndose realizado, al menos, los intentos de notificación exigidos por los citados artículos, por el presente anuncio se cita a los obligados tributarios, demás interesados o representantes que se relacionan en el anexo que se publica en los suplementos de este diario, para ser notificados por comparecencia de los actos administrativos derivados de los procedimientos que en el mismo se incluyen. Los obligados tributarios, los demás interesados o sus representantes deberán comparecer en el plazo máximo de 15 días naturales, contados desde el día siguiente al de publicación del presente anuncio en el Boletín Oficial del Estado, en horario de nueve a catorce horas, de lunes a viernes, en los lugares que en cada caso se señalan, al efecto de practicarse las notificaciones pendientes en los procedimientos tramitados por los órganos relacionados en el anexo que se publica en los suplementos de este diario. -
Extensions of Remarks 2615
February 11, 1980 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS 2615 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS "POWER OF THE PURSE" TYING CONGRESS HANDS creases the physical dangers to the mother IMPLICATIONS At the very time when Congress is looking by delaying her recourse to· an abortion for new ways to improve its monitoring of during the earliest weeks of pregnancy, government programs, a major federal court when the risk is smallest. As a result, he HON. ROMANO L. MAZZOU opinion suggests that. its options may some said, the amendment impermissibly restricts times be narrower than it thinks. the medicaid program, which is designed to OF KENTUCKY The ruling holds unconstitutional the con assure eligible persons adequate basic IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES troversial Hyde amendment, which severely health services, including hospitalization and doctors' visits. Abortion is such a b&Sic Monday, February 11, 1980 restricts medicaid reimbursements for abor tions. More important, the decision, if al health service, Dooling found, and is denial e Mr. MAZZOLI. Mr. Speaker, the lowed to stand, could put Congress in a legal to medicaid recipients would undermine. the Congress is keenly protective of the straitJacket when it tries to tinker with pro entire program. appropriations powers it possesses grams, such as medicaid, that grant broad Critics-contend that Dooling's reasoning rights to large groups of people. lacks logic, and that he is barring Congress under article J. section 9, clause 7 of The restraint on Congress is the Constitu the Constitution: "• • • no money shall fi:·om enacting a law limiting the application tion, which places a high value on assuring of _an earlier law. -
Download the Nazi Persecution of the Churches, 1933-1945 1St
THE NAZI PERSECUTION OF THE CHURCHES, 1933-1945 1ST EDITION DOWNLOAD FREE BOOK John S Conway | --- | --- | --- | 9781573830805 | --- | --- Nazi persecution of the Catholic Church in Germany The following year, on 22 Marchthe 1933-1945 1st edition bishops issued a pastoral letter on "The Struggle against Christianity and the Church": [32] The letter launched a defence of human rights and the rule of law and accused the Reich Government of "unjust oppression and hated struggle against Christianity and the Church", despite the loyalty of German Catholics to the Fatherland, and brave service of Catholics soldiers. Washington: National Catholic Welfare Conference. In Carol Rittner; Stephen D. El Salvador Four U. The Nazi persecution of the Church in annexed The Nazi Persecution of the Churches was akin to that which occurred in Poland. National Socialism is the doing of God's will Of the 2, clergy imprisoned at Dachau from Germany and occupied territories, 2, or New issue alert. Want to Read Currently Reading Read. At the end ofthe Nazis arrested of Confessional Church pastors. Sign In Forgot password? Readers also enjoyed. New Leaf Press. Main article: Nazi persecution of the Catholic Church in Poland. Most books from the past fifty years on this topic have presented arguments at one of the two extremes, i. In JanuaryHitler had appointed Alfred Rosenberg as the cultural and educational leader of the Reich. Mary Fulbrook wrote in her history of Germany: [88]. The Provincial of the Dominican Province of Teutonia, Laurentius Siemera spiritual leader of the German Resistance was influential in the Committee for Matters Relating to the Orders, which formed in response to Nazi attacks against Catholic monasteries and aimed to encourage the bishops to intercede on behalf of the Orders and oppose the Nazi state more emphatically. -
Church-State Schism Develops LADB Staff
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiCen Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 6-13-2002 Church-state Schism Develops LADB Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen Recommended Citation LADB Staff. "Church-state Schism Develops." (2002). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen/8970 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiCen by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 53067 ISSN: 1089-1560 Church-state Schism Develops by LADB Staff Category/Department: Nicaragua Published: 2002-06-13 [The author is a staff writer for Inforpress Centroamericana, published in Guatemala.] In Nicaragua, Cardinal Miguel Obando y Bravo and the Catholic Church are living turbulent times. On the heels of a regime in which political and economic favors were traded freely, the new administration of President Enrique Bolanos has taken steps that have alienated the church. The government has recently reduced church subsidies and begun an aggressive anti-corruption campaign that has implicated a number of bishops in irregularities. The church has countered with accusations that the government lobbied the Vatican to undercut Obando y Bravo. The church's role in politics has grown steadily in the last years. Its representatives make suggestions, criticisms, and comments on politics and social situations on the front pages of local newspapers. It still counts a large majority of Nicaraguans as its members. In a 1999 poll conducted by the Instituto de Estudios Nicaraguenses (IEN), 68.8% of respondents said they consider themselves Catholic, 17% evangelical Christians, 0.8% identifies with other religions, and 13.4% said they have no religion. -
Chapter 1 Anthropological Theory
Introduction This dissertation is a historical ethnography of religious diversity in post- revolutionary Nicaragua, a study of religion and politics from the vantage point of Catholics who live in the city of Masaya located on the Pacific side of Nicaragua at the end of the twentieth century. My overarching research question is: How may ethnographically observed patterns in Catholic religious practices in contemporary Nicaragua be understood in historical context? Analysis of religious ritual provides a vehicle for understanding the history of the Nicaraguan struggle to imagine and create a viable nation-state. In Chapter 1, I explain how anthropology benefits by using Max Weber’s social theory as theoretical touchstone for paradigm and theory development. Considering postmodernism problematic for the future of anthropology, I show the value of Weber as a guide to reframing the epistemological questions raised by Michel Foucault and Talal Asad. Situating my discussion of contemporary anthropological theory of religion and ritual within a post-positive discursive framework—provided by a brief comparative analysis of the classical theoretical traditions of Durkheim, Marx, and Weber—I describe the framework used for my analysis of emerging religious pluralism in Nicaragua. My ethnographic and historical methods are discussed in Chapter 2. I utilize the classic methods of participant-observation, including triangulation back and forth between three host families. In every chapter, archival work or secondary historical texts ground the ethnographic data in its relevant historical context. Reflexivity is integrated into my ethnographic research, combining classic ethnography with post-modern narrative methodologies. My attention to reflexivity comes through mainly in the 10 description of my methods and as part of the explanation for my theoretical choices, while the ethnographic descriptions are written up as realist presentations. -
Redalyc.Church, State, and Society During the Nicaraguan Revolution
Diálogos Latinoamericanos ISSN: 1600-0110 [email protected] Aarhus Universitet Dinamarca Wilson, John-Paul Church, State, and Society during the Nicaraguan Revolution Diálogos Latinoamericanos, núm. 16, 2009, pp. 115-135 Aarhus Universitet Aarhus, Dinamarca Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=16212429007 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Diálogos Latinoamericanos 16, 2009 Church, State, and Society during the Nicaraguan Revolution John-Paul Wilson16 The course of the Church's history in Nicaragua had changed from an institution led by a martyred Bishop protecting Indian rights before Rome and the Spanish King to one largely concerned with protecting its own interests following Nicaragua’s independence to one that had come to terms with its mission to save souls and to serve its people. However, many of those who took the initiative to bring the Church toward a more humanitarian orientation in modern times had allowed themselves to become the tool of a revolutionary political movement whose aim was to perpetuate its own power. Ironically, those who truly wished to serve God and His people found themselves oppressed by those who claimed that they were doing the same. After a long struggle, a free election in 1990 brought to power a series of democratic governments allowing freedom of the Church to fulfil its mission. Keywords: Governors, Popes, Dictators, Christians, Marxist, ecclesia Throughout the centuries, the Catholic Church was created to propagate the basic Christian message (evangelisation) and to provide for God's people according to their spiritual and material needs.