DOCSLIB.ORG

Painful Pasts and Useful Memories

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Painful Pasts and Useful Memories Painful Pasts and Useful Memories Remembering and Forgetting in Europe and Forgetting Remembering Memories and Useful Pasts Painful CFE Conference Papers Series No. 5 | Lund 2012 Painful Pasts and useful MeMories Painful Pasts and useful MeMories reMeMbering and forgetting in euroPe reMeMbering and forgetting in euroPe In order to bring research in Memory Studies conducted in the Nordic countries together, to connect existing knowledge and to promote cooperation, a group of scholars from the universities of Lund, Karlstad, Stavanger, Copenhagen, Helsinki and Tartu in 2009 initiated the Nordic Network in Memory Studies. That year the network was awarded financial support from NordForsk for three years, and a network project was launched with the title ’Towards a Common Past? Conflicting Memories and Competitive Historical Narratives in Europe after 1989.’ The network presently includes about 45 researchers (both senior and PhD candidates). This book includes a selection of papers given by members of the NordForsk network during two workshop meetings in 2009 and 2010. Its aim is to demonstrate the variety of subjects and empirical cases that our network members deal with, as well as the range of disciplines they represent. The contributions to the volume are united by the authors’ keen research interest in the functions and dynamics of cultural memory. Lund 2012 Lund Edited by: Barbara Törnquist-Plewa & LUND UNIVERSITY Niklas Bernsand ISSN 1654-2185 CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN STUDIES AT LUND UNIVERSITY CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN STUDIES PRINT BY MEDIA-TRYCK, LUND 2012 AT LUND UNIVERSITY Painful Pasts and useful MeMories reMeMbering and forgetting in euroPe Painful Pasts and useful MeMories reMeMbering and forgetting in euroPe Edited by: Barbara Törnquist-Plewa & Niklas Bernsand CFE Conference Papers Series No. 5 Lund 2012 The CFE Conference papers series is published by The Centre for European Studies (CFE) at Lund University: © 2012 The Centre for European Studies at Lund University and the authors Editors: Barbara Törnquist-Plewa and Niklas Bernsand ISSN: 1654-2185 The paper is also available in pdf-format at CFE’s website www.cfe.lu.se CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN STUDIES AT LUND UNIVERSITY Box 201 Phone +46 (0)46-222 88 19 SE-221 00 LUND Fax: +46 (0)46-222 32 11 SWEDEN E-mail: [email protected] Contents Introduction 7 Barbara Törnquist-Plewa & Niklas Bernsand The Use and Non-Use of the Holocaust Memory in Poland 11 Barbara Törnquist-Plewa “Huta is the air that I breathe” Belonging, Remembering and Fighting in the Story of Maciej Twaróg 29 Agnes Malmgren Collective Memories and “Blank Spots” of the Ukrainian Past as Addressed by the Lviv Intellectuals 51 Eleonora Narvselius The Nexus Between Cultural Trauma, Collective Memory and Social Trust: A Glass Half-Full, Half-Empty or Shattered. The Case of post-1991 Ukraine 73 Yuliya Yurchuk Relearning to Remember: Romania’s Cultural Legacy and European Aspirations 91 Adrian Velicu Emotional Silences: the Rituals of Remembering the Finnish Karelia 109 Kristiina Korjonen-Kuusipuro & Anna-Kaisa Kuusisto-Arponen After “The Bloody Cloth of Krajina” The Yugoslav communists and the construction of a usable past out of the history of the inter-Yugoslav massacres of the Second World War 127 Tea Sindbæk Looking at the Past with Jorge Semprún Literature or Life (1995): An Aesthetic Reflection on the Use of Memories 147 Alexandre Dessingué Memory of a Tragedy and the Beginnings of Roma Literature in Czech and Slovak Culture 161 Miloslava Slavíčková Political Frames of Welfare History 179 Ketil Knutsen Preserving the past and intervening in the future through memorials and gravestones 193 Marie Smith-Solbakken and Hans-Jørgen Wallin Weihe Introduction Barbara Törnquist-Plewa & Niklas Bernsand Knowledge about the past and knowledge about how the past is interpreted, transmitted and used are of tremendous importance for the community. Researchers within the hu- manities and social sciences have always in one way or another dealt with these issues; yet the last two decades have seen a dramatically increased interest in them. Scholars speak of the memory turn within the humanities and social sciences, and a new multi- disciplinary area of research called Memory Studies has been established. Its clearest manifestation was the creation in 2008 of the international interdisciplinary review Memory Studies. It is widely recognized that social memory (or collective/cultural me- mory), understood as emotionally loaded and durable representations of the past, is widely used by and within social groups and plays an important role for their identities, expectations and actions. Issues of memory are nowadays on the political and cultural agendas of most countries. The United Kingdom and France work through their colo- nial past; Spain tries to come to terms with the legacy of the Franco regime; Eastern European countries struggle with the legacy of Communism and ethnic cleansings of the twentieth century; Germany is dealing with both its Nazi and Communist past; and the Scandinavian countries, too, are reassessing and debating their history. A couple of examples among many are the Swedish debate on forced sterilization and racial research, and Norwegian and Finnish historians’ debates on their countries’ perception of their own roles in the Second World War. It is no coincidence that the interest in issues of memory and use of history gathered momentum following the events of 1989, the end of the Cold War and the accelerated European integration process. These upheavals led to the need to question old collective (first and foremost, national) identities based on well-established ’narratives’ about the past. New ’narratives’, involving a rewriting of history, have emerged, dealing with events previously forgotten, hushed up or marginalized. The Holocaust has, for example, become a kind of founding memory in Europe, followed by interest in the memories of other ethnic cleansings and mass killings. The liberated narratives and memories have in many cases led to conflicts both within nations and between peoples and states (e.g. the conflict concerning the bronze soldier in Tallinn in 2007). At the same time, EU political and intellectual elites repeatedly attempt to create a common European identity; one based inter alia on shared history, shared collective memories, and a kind of unitary memory ethics stipulating what should be remembered, and in 7 which way. How do such ambitions relate to the innumerable ongoing memory conflicts in Europe? Are there any means of negotiating between these memories, between the various national identity projects and the European project? Intensified research is needed in order to answer these questions and others connected to them. On the basis of studies of concrete empirical cases, we need to investigate matters such as what kind of historical narratives are produced and how. How are memories of the past used, and how do they, in turn, affect people’s existence and their co-existence with others? Thus we also need to treat ethical and normative issues connected with memory issues. How is memory to be shaped in order to promote reconciliation and coming closer to the Other/s? How are traumatic memories to be handled? These questions lie at the very heart of the research area called Memory Studies, but there are other important questions to be studied; for example, the actual dynamics of memory, memory mediation and the role of agency in this mediation, memory transmission across cultural borders, etc. The complexity of the field leads to the multi- and interdisciplinary character of research into memory politics and memory culture. It involves such disciplines as history, sociology, political science, psychology, cultural geography, anthropology, philosophy, educational sciences, urban planning (heritage maintenance), as well as aesthetic subjects such as literary studies, film studies and art history. This truly interdisciplinary research area is now firmly established in Germany, France and Britain, but is also growing rapidly both outside and inside other parts of Europe, including Scandinavia. A number of Scandinavian researchers work within this sphere of cultural memory and the politics of memory that has emerged in Scandinavia since the end of the Cold War. An example thereof is the Swedish project ‘Living History’ (Levande historia) that started with a focus on the memory of the Holocaust, followed by research and information activities dealing with the crimes of the Communist regimes. Scandinavian researchers investigate the memory cultures of their own countries as well as those of others both within and outside Europe. At present there are a number of individual researchers in Scandinavia who work on memory issues in various ways, but the field is far from being consolidated. There is a strong need to bring this research together, to connect existing knowledge and promote cooperation. With this idea in mind, a group of scholars from the universities of Lund, Karlstad, Stavanger, Copenhagen, Helsinki and Tartu took the initiative to create a Nordic Network in Memory Studies. In 2009 the network was awarded financial support from NordForsk for three years. A network project was launched with the title ’Towards a Common Past? Conflicting Memories and Competitive Historical Narratives in Europe after 1989.’ It presently includes about 45 researchers (both senior and PhD candidates) from five Nordic countries. The core of the Nordic network consists of three dynamic, university-based networks on Memory Studies: one in Lund, established in 2007, around the research programme ’Whose Memory? Which Future?’ at the Centre for European Studies, led by Barbara Törnquist-Plewa; one in Karlstad, the Memory Culture Research Group, launched in 2002 under the leadership of John Sundholm and Conny Mithander; and one in Stavanger in the programme area Memory Studies, established in 2008 and headed by Alexandre Dessingué. 8 The Nordic network, now active for two years, has among other things engendered such common activities as two PhD training courses, one PhD seminar, two workshops and several joint applications for funding of research projects to both EU and national research-financing bodies.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Writers Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie Monica Ali Isabel Allende Martin Amis Kurt Andersen K
    Writers Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie Monica Ali Isabel Allende Martin Amis Kurt Andersen K. A. Applegate Jeffrey Archer Diana Athill Paul Auster Wasi Ahmed Victoria Aveyard Kevin Baker Mark Allen Baker Nicholson Baker Iain Banks Russell Banks Julian Barnes Andrea Barrett Max Barry Sebastian Barry Louis Bayard Peter Behrens Elizabeth Berg Wendell Berry Maeve Binchy Dustin Lance Black Holly Black Amy Bloom Chris Bohjalian Roberto Bolano S. J. Bolton William Boyd T. C. Boyle John Boyne Paula Brackston Adam Braver Libba Bray Alan Brennert Andre Brink Max Brooks Dan Brown Don Brown www.downloadexcelfiles.com Christopher Buckley John Burdett James Lee Burke Augusten Burroughs A. S. Byatt Bhalchandra Nemade Peter Cameron W. Bruce Cameron Jacqueline Carey Peter Carey Ron Carlson Stephen L. Carter Eleanor Catton Michael Chabon Diane Chamberlain Jung Chang Kate Christensen Dan Chaon Kelly Cherry Tracy Chevalier Noam Chomsky Tom Clancy Cassandra Clare Susanna Clarke Chris Cleave Ernest Cline Harlan Coben Paulo Coelho J. M. Coetzee Eoin Colfer Suzanne Collins Michael Connelly Pat Conroy Claire Cook Bernard Cornwell Douglas Coupland Michael Cox Jim Crace Michael Crichton Justin Cronin John Crowley Clive Cussler Fred D'Aguiar www.downloadexcelfiles.com Sandra Dallas Edwidge Danticat Kathryn Davis Richard Dawkins Jonathan Dee Frank Delaney Charles de Lint Tatiana de Rosnay Kiran Desai Pete Dexter Anita Diamant Junot Diaz Chitra Banerjee Divakaruni E. L. Doctorow Ivan Doig Stephen R. Donaldson Sara Donati Jennifer Donnelly Emma Donoghue Keith Donohue Roddy Doyle Margaret Drabble Dinesh D'Souza John Dufresne Sarah Dunant Helen Dunmore Mark Dunn James Dashner Elisabetta Dami Jennifer Egan Dave Eggers Tan Twan Eng Louise Erdrich Eugene Dubois Diana Evans Percival Everett J.
    [Show full text]
  • E.V. Tarle $875-1955) As a Case Study
    Soviet System and the Historian; E.V. Tarle $875-1955) as a Case Study MEL ROBERT SH1TEE WAYNE STATE UNIV. HISTORY DEPT, Copyright by SIDNEY R. SHERTER 1968 THE SOVIET SYSTEM AND THE HISTORIAN: E.V. TARLE (1875-1955) AS A CASE STUDY by Sidney Robert Sherter A DISSERTATION Submitted to the Office for Graduate Studies, Graduate Division of Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 1968 MAJOR: HISTORY APPROVED BY: Adviser Date O rd er No No. Of Volumes . « Color ........................ Dreciation to all my dissertation. P a rt No. Stephen Fisher and M onths 3 , and Professor Y e a r . their constructive Imprint ( ) yes ( ) no essor Richard V. Burks of Wayne State University for graciously consenting to read my dissertation and agreeing under the circumstances to serve as Chairman of the defense committee. I wish to thank Professor Goldwin Smith of Wayne State University for allowing me to undertake the initial research on E.V. Tarle in his Ph.D. seminar. I would like to praise the staff of the Wayne State University Library, especially the personnel in the inter-library loan section, for their aid in locating source materials from all over the country. My father-in-law Samuel Tattelbaum of Newton, Massachu- setts, Elizabeth Poniewerska of Chicago, Illinois, Professor Frank Gambacortta and William Kluback of Southampton College deserve mention for their assistance in translating some dif­ ficult passages in Russian, Polish, Italian, and German. I also wish to commend my typist, Miss Barbara Dubikowicz, for a superlative job.
    [Show full text]
  • Soviet Identity Politics and Local Identity in a Closed Border Town, 1944–1991
    Soviet Identity Politics and Local Identity in a Closed Border Town, 1944–1991 Alexander Izotov INTRODUCTION This study will attempt to understand how local identity was constructed in the exceptional historical context of the closed Soviet border town Sortavala and to describe processes of place-making under the socio-economic conditions of the Soviet period. It will illustrate shifts in dominant Soviet discourses at various historical stages through narratives encountered in the local media and official documents. These narratives cover a wide spectrum of social life in Sortavala: political and ideological, social and econom- ic, cultural and religious. Particular emphasis will be put on the construction of a local spatial identity in Soviet times. Sortavala today is one of the administrative centres of the Republic of Karelia in Northwest Russia. It is located in approximately 60 km from the Finnish-Russian border in the North Ladoga region. Due to its geopolitical position the region has a dramatic history. In course of history it was a part of Swedish and Russian empires, and the Grand Duchy of Finland. As part of the Finnish independent state in the 1920s and 1930s the town experienced dynamic development. After the WWII the territory was annexed to the USSR and was settled by migrant community from different parts of the former Soviet Union. Finnish population moved totally to Finland. In the Soviet era the town was closed for both, internal and external visitors, and knowledge about neighbouring Finland and the Finnish everyday culture was limited. The main question for this study is what the border meant for the local community during the Soviet period (1944–1991).
    [Show full text]
  • Lived Experience and the Narratives Representing It Are Crucial Elements for Under- Standing the Construction of a Local Sense of Place in Soviet Sortavala
    7. SPATIAL IDENTITIES OF A BORDER TOWN Lived experience and the narratives representing it are crucial elements for under- standing the construction of a local sense of place in Soviet Sortavala. For first-genera- tion Sortavalans after the war, this often meant overcoming their unfamiliarity with the new environment and a certain alienation. As Pekka Hakamies has argued, everyday experiences linked to the territory of the North Ladoga region were initially to some extent exceptional, because the historical, geographical, social and cultural context of formerly Finnish Karelia was alien to the Russian settlers (Hakamies 2005: 14). How- ever, familiarity became more common in time, as Sortavala gradually changed from a Finnish town into a recognisably Soviet space (Izotov 2013: 172). During the Soviet period, Sortavala’s Finnish legacy was mostly obscured in of- ficial documents and public discourses, and the local media ignored it with the rare exception of local Finnish architecture. But it was much more difficult to inhibit Sorta- valans’ curiosity about the town’s Finnish past. It has been argued here that the memory of this past was a major element in the construction of a local identity although it was based on the creation of myths which were documented in the oral history surveys (Mel’nikova 2005). Local discursive contexts illustrate how residents of Sortavala per- ceived their place of living. Based on the assumption that territorial identities of Soviet citizens owe a lot to official Soviet discourses, this section aims to investigate how feel- ings of locality relate to the local political elite’s attempts of shaping a Soviet identity.
    [Show full text]
  • Images of Male Political Leaders in France and Norway
    Reconsidering Politics as a Man's World: Images of Male Political Leaders in France and Norway Anne Krogstad and Aagoth Storvik Researchers have often pointed to the masculine norms that are integrated into politics. This article explores these norms by studying male images of politics and power in France and Norway from 1945 to 2009. Both dress codes and more general leadership styles are discussed. The article shows changes in political aesthetics in both countries since the Second World War. The most radical break is seen in the way Norwegian male politicians present themselves. The traditional Norwegian leadership ethos of piety, moderation, and inward orientation is still important, but it is not as self- effacing and inelegant as it used to be. However, compared to the leaders in French politics, who still live up to a heroic leadership ideal marked by effortless superiority and seduction, the Norwegian leaders look modest. To explain the differences in political self-presentation and evaluation we argue that cultural repertoires are not only national constructions but also gendered constructions. Keywords: photographs; politics; aesthetics; gender; national cultural repertoires 1 When people think of presidents and prime ministers, they usually think of the incumbents of these offices.1 In both France and Norway, these incumbents have, with the exception of Prime Minister Edith Cresson in France and Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland in Norway, been male (and white). Researchers have often pointed to the masculine norms which are integrated into the expectations of what political officeholders should look like and be. Politics, it is claimed, is still very much a man’s world.2 However, maleness does not express general political leadership in a simple and undifferentiated way.
    [Show full text]
  • Background to the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact Legends and Facts
    Miklós Mitrovits Central European Horizons, Vol I Issue 1 (2020) I Issue Vol Horizons, Central European Miklós Mitrovits Background to the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact Legends and Facts The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was signed on 23 August 1939. Today, eighty years on, it still stirs up controversy in public life and among academics. One side still voices the Stalinist argument, according to which the Soviet Union had no alternative: prioritizing its own security interests, it had to sign the agreement. According to the advocates of this view, the Soviet Union was forced into the situation as it was on the defensive and wanted nothing but peace. However, the archival sources that have become accessible in Ger- many, Poland and Russia contradict the view that paints Stalin as a passive victim. In these documents, expansionist imperial policies surface, moreover, one may find abundant cases for military, economic and political cooperation between the two totalitarian dictatorship. This study presents the Stalinist arguments, their sources, then, turns to the documentary evidence contradi- cting these. The old debate about the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, which was signed in Moscow on 23 August 1939, has resurfaced. The alliance between Nazi Germany and Com- munist Soviet Union has been a matter for controversy since the time of signing. Even contemporaries had difficulties comprehending how two countries with such diametrically opposing ideologies could come to an agreement. Surely, these cont- emporaries did not know about the secret clause attached to the pact of non-aggres- sion, which divided Central Europe between the two powers. It was in the context of this agreement that the Wehrmacht attacked Poland on 1 September 1939, and the World War II began.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fiftieth Anniversary of the October Revolution (1967) – a Generational Turnover and the Politics of Memory of the USSR*
    Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Ś rodkowo-Wschodniej ■ LII-SI(2) Bartłomiej Gajos Tadeusz Manteuffel Institute of History of the Polish Academy of Sciences Centre for Polish-Russian Dialogue and Understanding The Fiftieth Anniversary of the October Revolution (1967) – a Generational Turnover and the Politics of Memory of the USSR* Zarys treści: Obchody 50. rocznicy rewolucji październikowej zademonstrowały istotne zmiany polityki historycznej KPZS. Wydarzenia, które rozegrały się w Piotrogrodzie, i wokół których koncentrowała się pamięć społeczna przez ostatnie półwiecze, nie posiadały w latach sześćdzie- siątych tak silnego wymiaru symbolicznego, zdolnego mobilizować społeczeństwo do realizacji celów stawianych przez partię komunistyczną, takich jak Wielka Wojna Ojczyźniana. Rewolucja październikowa w chwili reaktywacji ofi cjalnego święta Dnia Zwycięstwa w 1965 r. zaczęła tracić swój centralny status w pamięci społecznej w Związku Sowieckim. Outline of content: Th e celebrations of the fi ft ieth anniversary of the October Revolution revealed signifi cant changes in politics of memory of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Th e events which took place in Petrograd and on which social memory had focused for last fi ft y years, did not have in the 1960s such a strong symbolic impact, being able to mobilise the people to achieve goals set by the Communist Party as the Great Patriotic War. From the time of reactivation of the offi cial celebrations of the Victory Day in 1965 the October Revolution began gradually to diminish in importance and lose its central place in collective memory of the Soviet people. Słowa kluczowe: rewolucja październikowa 1917, Leonid Breżniew, radziecka polityka historyczna, KPZS, Wielka Wojna Ojczyźniana Keywords: October Revolution 1917, Leonid Brezhnev, Soviet politics of history, Communist Part of the Soviet Union, Great Patriotic War * Th is article was fi nanced from the budgetary funds assigned for research in 2015–2019 within the framework of the Diamond Grant Programme (project ID: DI2014008844).
    [Show full text]
  • From the Tito-Stalin Split to Yugoslavia's Finnish Connection: Neutralism Before Non-Alignment, 1948-1958
    ABSTRACT Title of Document: FROM THE TITO-STALIN SPLIT TO YUGOSLAVIA'S FINNISH CONNECTION: NEUTRALISM BEFORE NON-ALIGNMENT, 1948-1958. Rinna Elina Kullaa, Doctor of Philosophy 2008 Directed By: Professor John R. Lampe Department of History After the Second World War the European continent stood divided between two clearly defined and competing systems of government, economic and social progress. Historians have repeatedly analyzed the formation of the Soviet bloc in the east, the subsequent superpower confrontation, and the resulting rise of Euro-Atlantic interconnection in the west. This dissertation provides a new view of how two borderlands steered clear of absorption into the Soviet bloc. It addresses the foreign relations of Yugoslavia and Finland with the Soviet Union and with each other between 1948 and 1958. Narrated here are their separate yet comparable and, to some extent, coordinated contests with the Soviet Union. Ending the presumed partnership with the Soviet Union, the Tito-Stalin split of 1948 launched Yugoslavia on a search for an alternative foreign policy, one that previously began before the split and helped to provoke it. After the split that search turned to avoiding violent conflict with the Soviet Union while creating alternative international partnerships to help the Communist state to survive in difficult postwar conditions. Finnish-Soviet relations between 1944 and 1948 showed the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry that in order to avoid invasion, it would have to demonstrate a commitment to minimizing security risks to the Soviet Union along its European political border and to not interfering in the Soviet domination of domestic politics elsewhere in Eastern Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • War of Textbooks: History Education in Russia and Ukraine
    Communist and Post-Communist Studies 43 (2010) 129–137 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Communist and Post-Communist Studies journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/postcomstud War of textbooks: History education in Russia and Ukraine Karina Korostelina Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University, 3330 N. Washington Blvd., Truland Building, 5th Floor, Arlington, VA 22201 USA article info abstract Article history: Many scholars stress that teaching about the shared past plays a major role in the formation Available online 7 May 2010 of national, ethnic, religious, and regional identities, in addition to influencing intergroup perceptions and relations. Through the analysis of historic narratives in history textbooks this paper shows how the governments of the Russian Federation and Ukraine uses state- Keywords: controlled history education to define their national identity and to present themselves in History education relations to each other. For example, history education in Ukraine portrays Russia as Nation building oppressive and aggressive enemy and emphasizes the idea of own victimhood as a core of National identity Russia national identity. History education in the Russian Federation condemns Ukrainian nation- Ukraine alism and proclaims commonality and unity of history and culture with Russian dominance over “younger brother, Ukraine”. An exploration of the mechanisms that state-controlled history education employs to define social identities in secondary school textbooks can provide an early warning of potential problems being created between the two states. Ó 2010 Published by Elsevier Ltd on behalf of The Regents of the University of California. Since the independence of Russia and Ukraine in 1991, the relations between two countries have become complex and often involve tensions.
    [Show full text]
  • Liberalist Ideology in a Norwegian Cold War Business Paper
    Media and Communication (ISSN: 2183–2439) 2018, Volume 6, Issue 1, Pages 52–61 DOI: 10.17645/mac.v6i1.1189 Article “Approaching an Abyss”: Liberalist Ideology in a Norwegian Cold War Business Paper Birgitte Kjos Fonn Department of Journalism and Media Studies, Oslo Metropolitan University, 0130 Oslo, Norway; E-Mail: [email protected] Submitted: 29 September 2017 | Accepted: 24 November 2017 | Published: 9 February 2018 Abstract The international business press has been a powerful and influential voice in modern societies and, as its formative years took place during the Cold War, a closer look at the ideologies that were promoted in this part of the press is of interest. Until the 1970s, Farmand was the only Norwegian business magazine of any size and standing. Trygve J. B. Hoff, Farmand’s editor from 1935, was part of the Mont Pèlerin Society (MPS), a neoliberal intellectual collective established in 1947 with participants such as Friedrich Hayek and Ludwig von Mises. This article is a study of the ideas that Hoff promoted, partic- ularly in Farmand, from the 1940s to the 1970s. Keywords business press; Cold War; democracy; liberalism; media; media history; Mont Pèlerin Society; Norway Issue This article is part of the issue “Media History and Democracy”, edited by David W. Park (Lake Forest College, USA). © 2018 by the author; licensee Cogitatio (Lisbon, Portugal). This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribu- tion 4.0 International License (CC BY). 1. Introduction until the 1970s, was Farmand. This magazine, first es- tablished in 1891, is an interesting case because it was During the Cold War, throughout the Western world an early proponent of neoliberalism in the media dur- business media extended its readership and increased ing the post-war era—a time when neoliberal thought its influence over the production of public knowledge, was still rather marginal.
    [Show full text]
  • The Art of Empathy Translation.Pdf
    共感の芸術 • Sztuka empatii • L’art de l’empathie • Изкуството на емпатия • Empati Sanat • 同情的藝術 • A Arta de empatie • Nghệ thuật của đồng • هبئاش یب یدردمه زا رنه • művészet, az empátia • Уметност емпатије -Arti i Empatia • Sanaa ya uelewa • Umjetnost em • فطاعتلا نف • cảm • Taiteen empatiaa • Ubuciko Uzwela patije • 공감의 예술 • Umění empatie • L’arte di empatia • Η τέχνη της ενσυναίσθησης • Kunsten å empati • El arte de la empatía • ang sining ng makiramay • یلدمه رنه • Die Kunst der Empathie • A arte da empatia • National Endowment for the Arts Искусство сопереживания • 共感の芸術 • Sztuka empatii • L’art de l’empathie • Изкуството на емпатия • -Arta de em • هبئاش یب یدردمه زا رنه • Empati Sanat • 同情的藝術 • A művészet, az empátia • Уметност емпатије Arti i Empatia • Sanaa ya • فطاعتلا نف • patie • Nghệ thuật của đồng cảm • Taiteen empatiaa • Ubuciko Uzwela uelewa • Umjetnost empatije • 공감의 예술 • Umění empatie • L’arte di empatia • Η τέχνη της ενσυναίσθησης El arte de la empatía • ang sining • یلدمه رنه • Kunsten å empati • Die Kunst der Empathie • A arte da empatia • ng makiramay • Искусство сопереживания • 共感の芸術 • Sztuka empatii • L’art de l’empathie • Изкуството هبئاش یب یدردمه زا رنه • на емпатия • Empati Sanat • 同情的藝術 • A művészet, az empátia • Уметност емпатије -Arti i Em • فطاعتلا نف • Arta de empatie • Nghệ thuật của đồng cảm • Taiteen empatiaa • Ubuciko Uzwela • patia • Sanaa ya uelewa • Umjetnost empatije • 공감의 예술 • Umění empatie • L’arte di empatia • Η τέχνη El arte de • یلدمه رنه • της ενσυναίσθησης • Kunsten å empati • Die Kunst der Empathie
    [Show full text]
  • The Working Class Will
    25¢ No.52 ~¢~) )(·'23 13 September 1974 ew ontrolS reaten Gerald Ford and George Meany already approaching 8 percent in sever­ Nevertheless, the new president will clip since 1971. This is to be contrast­ Ford Cancels Federal al industrial states. (In particular in­ still have quite a few "bitter pills" for ed with a rate of growth of 1.8 percent dustries the rate is already at epidemic the less advantaged sectors of the pop­ in the 1950's and of 3.5 percent during Pay Increase levels. In New Jersey construction ear­ ulation to swallow. the 1960's. lier this summer unemployment was Depression and large-scale uneIll­ The reasons for such profligacy are SEPTEMBER 9-Nixon's resignation as over 30 percent.) ployment are indeed on the agenda, and clear. Important sectors of the Ameri­ U.S. President last month was the cul­ Liberals ana trade-union bureau­ it is evident that Ford will look toward can economy would be in dire straits mination of the deepest constitutional crats alike are now concerned that wage controls and cutbacks in social if the liquidity of their assets was ad­ crisis of the American bourgeoisie in Ford/Rockefeller may invoke the "old­ services in an effort to stimulate the versely affected by a real tight-money the last century. Yet it was not accom­ time religion" of tight money and sharp­ flagging economy. Here he will be sup­ policy. This would lead to a series of panied by a corresponding social/eco­ ly reduced government spending in an ported by all key sectors of the ruling bankruptcies, a situation which Amer­ nomic crisis or m:>bilization of the ican capital would go a long way to ',',":l'k:ng C h5s.
    [Show full text]