Safshekan Esfahani Roozbeh 201808 Phd

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Safshekan Esfahani Roozbeh 201808 Phd The Politics of Cyberspace in Iran: State-society and International Relations ! in the Information Age by Roozbeh Safshekan Esfahani A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Alberta © Roozbeh Safshekan Esfahani, 2018 ABSTRACT Cyberspace is a domain accommodating an unprecedented level of human activity and social relations, with significant implications for domestic politics and international relations. Despite the growing significance of cyberspace in politics, it has received relatively little attention in the scholarly literature, especially with regard to the measures that states are adopting to manage this emerging domain of power. The Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) provides a strong case study for understanding this dynamic, having experienced the full spectrum of opportunities and risks associated with the exercise of power in cyberspace. Using the IRI as a case study, this dissertation asks: what measures has the IRI adopted to manage the risks and opportunities of cyberspace as an emerging domain of power, and how have these measures interacted with Iranian state-society and international relations? This dissertation criticizes the materialist and state-centric concept of power in structural realism as an inadequate analytical tool for examining how power is exercised in cyberspace. In order to suggest an inclusive conceptualization of power, which highlights the significance of ideational factors and non-state actors in the exercise of power in cyberspace, this dissertation draws on the theoretical frameworks of Robert W. Cox and Joseph S. Nye, distinguishing between four major types of power: coercive power; economic power; power embedded in international institutions; and co-optive power generated from ideational sources. The exercise of each type of power in Iranian cyberspace is examined in a separate chapter by using a hybrid methodology suitable for analyzing quantitative and qualitative data collected from online public documents, academic !ii literature on cyberpolitics, semi-structured interviews, raw technical and macro-economic data, and social media data. First, this dissertation identifies the main pillars through which the IRI exercises coercive power in cyberspace at the domestic level, showing how they limit Iranian users’ access to information and compromise their online security. These pillars are the national information network; comprehensive regime of filtering; and restrictive body of law regulating cyber activities and the law enforcement organizations that implement it. The dissertation also examines the IRI’s exercise of coercive power at the global level and identifies the main defensive and offensive cyber measures taken by the IRI to establish deterrence against foreign adversaries. Second, the dissertation examines the measures adopted by the IRI to exploit the significant potential of cyberspace for economic development. Using four main global indexes of information and communication technology development, this study compares the impact of cyberspace on the Iranian economy against the impact on a sample of economies in the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Middle East regions. The analysis of these indexes illustrates the IRI has fallen short of meeting the ambitious goals that it has set for itself in its core development documents. Third, the dissertation studies the policies promoted by the IRI to govern cyberspace through international institutions of Internet governance. Analyzing the official documents of six major global forums on Internet governance, the research finds that the IRI agenda is mainly preoccupied with the issues of the digital divide and what it perceives as the negative role of Global North countries and non-state actors in Internet Governance. The analysis shows that !iii overemphasis on these issues led the IRI to ignore the complexity of the emerging regime of global Internet Governance and, consequently, to overlook pervasive issues such as transnational cybercrime. Fourth, this dissertation examines how effectively moderates and principlists, the IRI’s two main political currents, utilize cyberspace to generate the ideational sources of co-optive power. Analyzing the online content generated by the selected moderate and principlist figures and the level of content generation and user engagement they spawn, the research finds that moderates exert strong influence over the generation of ideational sources in Iranian cyberspace. The analysis also finds that principlists have recently made the shift from a reactive to proactive approach to cyberspace and actively engaged in an online competition with moderates over the generation of ideational sources. When it comes to user engagement, however, principlists still lag behind moderates." !iv PREFACE This thesis is an original work by Roozbeh Safshekan Esfahani. A version of chapter five of this thesis has been published as: Safshekan, Roozbeh. "Iran and the Global Politics of Internet Governance." Journal of Cyber Policy 2.2 (2017): 266-84." !v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many individuals helped me during my doctoral studies at the University of Alberta to whom I am deeply indebted. First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisor, Mojtaba Mahdavi, for his knowledge and expertise, without which the completion of this dissertation would have been hardly possible. Throughout my doctoral research, I learned a great deal from him and benefitted tremendously from his guidance and assistance, while always enjoying the liberty he kindly gave me to determine the direction of my research and draw my own conclusions. I owe a great deal to the other members of my supervisory committee, Roger Epp and Thomas Keating, whose invaluable comments and suggestions enormously helped me to refine various aspects of my research agenda and improve the quality of my dissertation. I am also thankful to Zohreh Bayatrizi and Ashley Esarey for their insightful feedback on my doctoral proposal and the earlier drafts of this dissertation. I am very grateful to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) for recognizing the value of my doctoral research and awarding me a three-year Joseph-Armand Bombardier CGS Doctoral Scholarship. I would also like to thank the interviewees who accepted to participate in this research and generously shared their time with me to answer my questions. I owe a great debt to my parents for their unconditional love and support throughout my whole life and I can not thank them enough for the encouragement and motivation they gave me during my doctoral studies. I will be forever indebted to my loving wife and best friend, Mina Gheiratmand, for giving me all of her kindness and support. It is to her that I dedicate this dissertation." !vi TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 Research Topic 2 Research Background: The Contested Political Implications of Cyberspace 5 Chapter Breakdown 10 CHAPTER ONE: LITERATURE REVIEW 14 Introduction 14 1.1. Background: Second Information Revolution 16 1.2. Cyberspace: Definition and Characteristics 19 1.3. Cyberspace and State-Society Relations 22 1.4. Cyberspace and International Relations 45 Conclusion 70 CHAPTER TWO: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY 73 Introduction 73 2.1 Conceptualization of Power 74 2.2. Research Design 92 Conclusion 100 CHAPTER THREE: IRAN AND THE EXERCISE OF COERCIVE POWER IN 103 CYBERSPACE Introduction 103 3.1. The National Information Network 105 3.2. The Comprehensive Regime of Internet Filtering 115 3.3. The Law and Regulation of Cyber Activities 126 3.4. Iran and the Exercise of Coercive Power at the Global Level 137 Conclusion 149 CHAPTER FOUR: THE DEVELOPMENT OF INFORMATION AND 151 COMMUNICATION TECHNOLOGY AND THE IRANIAN ECONOMY Introduction 151 4.1. E-readiness Index (ERI) 154 4.2. E-Government Development Index (EGDI) 165 4.3. Networked Readiness Index (NRI) 175 !vii 4.4. ICT Development Index (IDI) 186 Conclusion 194 CHAPTER FIVE: IRAN AND THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF INTERNET 199 GOVERNANCE Introduction 199 5.1. The World Summit on the Information Society: Geneva Phase 201 5.2. The World Summit on the Information Society: Tunisia Phase 209 5.3. The 2012 World Conference on International Telecommunications (WCIT-12) 218 5.4. The 2013 World Telecommunication/Information and Communication Technology 225 Policy Forum (WTPF) 5.5. Netmundial: The Global Multistakeholder Meeting on the Future of Internet 229 Governance 5.6. WSIS+10: The United Nations General Assembly High-level Meeting of Internet 234 Governance Conclusion 237 CHAPTER SIX: IRAN AND EXERCISE OF CO-OPTIVE POWER IN 243 CYBERSPACE Introduction 243 6.1. Public Figures 250 6.2. Government Officials 269 Conclusion 290 CONCLUSION 293 BIBLIOGRAPHY 311 English Sources 311 Persian Sources 343 APPENDICES 355 Appendix 1: A Sample List of the Cyber Activities Punishable Under the Iranian Laws 355 Appendix 2: The E-readiness Index Data 360 Appendix 3: The E-Government Development Index Data 365 Appendix 4: The Networked Readiness Index Data 371 Appendix 5: The ICT Development Index Data 377 !viii LIST OF TABLES Table 3.1: The Country’s entire ICT Budget from 2011 to 2021 (Million Rials) 112 Table 3.2: The NIN budget from 2011 to 2021 (Million Rials) 113 Table 3.3: The Membership of the Working Group 120 Table 3.4: A Sample List of the IRI Senior Officials Using Social Media Websites 122 Table 3.5: The Membership of the Supreme Council for Cyberspace (SCC) 124 Table 4.1: The E-readiness
Recommended publications
  • A WAY FORWARD with IRAN? Options for Crafting a U.S. Strategy
    A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? Options for Crafting a U.S. Strategy THE SOUFAN CENTER FEBRUARY 2021 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? Options for Crafting a U.S. Strategy THE SOUFAN CENTER FEBRUARY 2021 Cover photo: Associated Press Photo/Photographer: Mohammad Berno 2 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY CONTENTS List of Abbreviations 4 List of Figures 5 Key Findings 6 How Did We Reach This Point? 7 Roots of the U.S.-Iran Relationship 9 The Results of the Maximum Pressure Policy 13 Any Change in Iranian Behavior? 21 Biden Administration Policy and Implementation Options 31 Conclusion 48 Contributors 49 About The Soufan Center 51 3 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS BPD Barrels Per Day FTO Foreign Terrorist Organization GCC Gulf Cooperation Council IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency ICBM Intercontinental Ballistic Missile IMF International Monetary Fund IMSC International Maritime Security Construct INARA Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act INSTEX Instrument for Supporting Trade Exchanges IRGC Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps IRGC-QF Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps - Qods Force JCPOA Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action MBD Million Barrels Per Day PMF Popular Mobilization Forces SRE Significant Reduction Exception 4 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Iran Annual GDP Growth and Change in Crude Oil Exports 18 Figure 2: Economic Effects of Maximum Pressure 19 Figure 3: Armed Factions Supported by Iran 25 Figure 4: Comparison of Iran Nuclear Program with JCPOA Limitations 28 5 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’S Revolutionary Guard
    The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’s Revolutionary Guard SAEID GOLKAR AUGUST 2021 KASRA AARABI Contents Executive Summary 4 The Raisi Administration, the IRGC and the Creation of a New Islamic Government 6 The IRGC as the Foundation of Raisi’s Islamic Government The Clergy and the Guard: An Inseparable Bond 16 No Coup in Sight Upholding Clerical Superiority and Preserving Religious Legitimacy The Importance of Understanding the Guard 21 Shortcomings of Existing Approaches to the IRGC A New Model for Understanding the IRGC’s Intra-elite Factionalism 25 The Economic Vertex The Political Vertex The Security-Intelligence Vertex Charting IRGC Commanders’ Positions on the New Model Shades of Islamism: The Ideological Spectrum in the IRGC Conclusion 32 About the Authors 33 Saeid Golkar Kasra Aarabi Endnotes 34 4 The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi Executive Summary “The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps [IRGC] has excelled in every field it has entered both internationally and domestically, including security, defence, service provision and construction,” declared Ayatollah Ebrahim Raisi, then chief justice of Iran, in a speech to IRGC commanders on 17 March 2021.1 Four months on, Raisi, who assumes Iran’s presidency on 5 August after the country’s June 2021 election, has set his eyes on further empowering the IRGC with key ministerial and bureaucratic positions likely to be awarded to guardsmen under his new government. There is a clear reason for this ambition. Expanding the power of the IRGC serves the interests of both Raisi and his 82-year-old mentor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • Policy Notes the Washington Institute for Near East Policy ■ 2019 ■ Pn58
    POLICY NOTES THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ 2019 ■ PN58 SAEID GOLKAR THE SUPREME LEADER AND THE GUARD Civil-Military Relations and Regime Survival in Iran As the Islamic Republic concludes its fourth decade, the country faces three converging threats. The first involves its Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who turns eighty this year and is, according to some reports, in poor health. The succession process could create a severe political struggle, possibly unsettling the entire regime. The second challenge is growing dissatisfaction among the population, evidenced by a rising incidence of strikes and protests throughout the country. These now occur daily. And the third has to do with economic hardships associated with the reimposition of U.S. sanctions, a development that could potentially exacerbate ongoing protests and further destabilize the regime. © 2019 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. SAEID GOLKAR To neutralize these threats, the Islamic Republic This study is divided into four sections. The first and the Supreme Leader are increasingly relying on examines the IRGC’s position and structure within their security and coercive mechanisms, foremost the Iran’s military. The second looks at the mechanisms Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and its and strategies Ayatollah Khamenei uses to control civilian militia force, known as the Basij. Indeed, the the Guard, especially indoctrination, which is carried most important factor in the survival and transition out through entities known as ideological-political of political regimes is the loyalty of the armed forces. organizations (IPOs) across Iran’s military. This sec- Dictators cannot stay in power if they lose support tion outlines, in particular, the internal structure of the from their national military.
    [Show full text]
  • Country Report Iran March 2017
    _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Country Report Iran Generated on November 13th 2017 Economist Intelligence Unit 20 Cabot Square London E14 4QW United Kingdom _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For 60 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The Economist Intelligence Unit delivers its information in four ways: through its digital portfolio, where the latest analysis is updated daily; through printed subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through research reports; and by organising seminars and presentations. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 20 Cabot Square The Economist Group London 750 Third Avenue E14 4QW 5th Floor United Kingdom New York, NY 10017, US Tel: +44 (0) 20 7576 8181 Tel: +1 212 541 0500 Fax: +44 (0) 20 7576 8476 Fax: +1 212 586 0248 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Hong Kong Geneva The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 1301 Cityplaza Four Rue de l’Athénée 32 12 Taikoo Wan Road 1206 Geneva Taikoo Shing Switzerland Hong Kong Tel: +852 2585 3888 Tel: +41 22 566 24 70 Fax: +852 2802 7638 Fax: +41 22 346 93 47 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] This report can be accessed electronically as soon as it is published by visiting store.eiu.com or by contacting a local sales representative.
    [Show full text]
  • From the Editor
    EDITORIAL STAFF From the Editor ELIZABETH SKINNER Editor Happy New Year, everyone. As I write this, we’re a few weeks into 2021 and there ELIZABETH ROBINSON Copy Editor are sparkles of hope here and there that this year may be an improvement over SALLY BAHO Copy Editor the seemingly endless disasters of the last one. Vaccines are finally being deployed against the coronavirus, although how fast and for whom remain big sticky questions. The United States seems to have survived a political crisis that brought EDITORIAL REVIEW BOARD its system of democratic government to the edge of chaos. The endless conflicts VICTOR ASAL in Syria, Libya, Yemen, Iraq, and Afghanistan aren’t over by any means, but they have evolved—devolved?—once again into chronic civil agony instead of multi- University of Albany, SUNY national warfare. CHRISTOPHER C. HARMON 2021 is also the tenth anniversary of the Arab Spring, a moment when the world Marine Corps University held its breath while citizens of countries across North Africa and the Arab Middle East rose up against corrupt authoritarian governments in a bid to end TROELS HENNINGSEN chronic poverty, oppression, and inequality. However, despite the initial burst of Royal Danish Defence College change and hope that swept so many countries, we still see entrenched strong-arm rule, calcified political structures, and stagnant stratified economies. PETER MCCABE And where have all the terrorists gone? Not far, that’s for sure, even if the pan- Joint Special Operations University demic has kept many of them off the streets lately. Closed borders and city-wide curfews may have helped limit the operational scope of ISIS, Lashkar-e-Taiba, IAN RICE al-Qaeda, and the like for the time being, but we know the teeming refugee camps US Army (Ret.) of Syria are busy producing the next generation of violent ideological extremists.
    [Show full text]
  • Guardian Politics in Iran: a Comparative Inquiry Into the Dynamics of Regime Survival
    GUARDIAN POLITICS IN IRAN: A COMPARATIVE INQUIRY INTO THE DYNAMICS OF REGIME SURVIVAL A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government By Payam Mohseni, M.A. Washington, DC June 22, 2012 Copyright 2012 by Payam Mohseni All Rights Reserved ii GUARDIAN POLITICS IN IRAN: A COMPARATIVE INQUIRY INTO THE DYNAMICS OF REGIME SURVIVAL Payam Mohseni, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Daniel Brumberg, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The Iranian regime has repeatedly demonstrated a singular institutional resiliency that has been absent in other countries where “colored revolutions” have succeeded in overturning incumbents, such as Ukraine, Georgia, Serbia, Kyrgyzstan and Moldova, or where popular uprisings like the current Arab Spring have brought down despots or upended authoritarian political landscapes, including Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, Libya and even Syria. Moreover, it has accomplished this feat without a ruling political party, considered by most scholars to be the key to stable authoritarianism. Why has the Iranian political system proven so durable? Moreover, can the explanation for such durability advance a more deductive science of authoritarian rule? My dissertation places Iran within the context of guardian regimes—or hybrid regimes with ideological military, clerical or monarchical institutions steeped in the politics of the state, such as Turkey and Thailand—to explain the durability of unstable polities that should be theoretically prone to collapse. “Hybrid” regimes that combine competitive elections with nondemocratic forms of rule have proven to be highly volatile and their average longevity is significantly shorter than that of other regime types.
    [Show full text]
  • 134TH COMMENCEMENT James E
    134 th Commencement MAY 2021 Welcome Dear Temple graduates, Congratulations! Today is a day of celebration for you and all those who have supported you in your Temple journey. I couldn’t be more proud of the diverse and driven students who are graduating this spring. Congratulations to all of you, to your families and to our dedicated faculty and academic advisors who had the pleasure of educating and championing you. If Temple’s founder Russell Conwell were alive to see your collective achievements today, he’d be thrilled and amazed. In 1884, he planted the seeds that have grown and matured into one of this nation’s great urban research universities. Now it’s your turn to put your own ideas and dreams in motion. Even if you experience hardships or disappointments, remember the motto Conwell left us: Perseverantia Vincit, Perseverance Conquers. We have faith that you will succeed. Thank you so much for calling Temple your academic home. While I trust you’ll go far, remember that you will always be part of the Cherry and White. Plan to come back home often. Sincerely, Richard M. Englert President UPDATED: 05/07/2021 Contents The Officers and the Board of Trustees ............................................2 Candidates for Degrees James E. Beasley School of Law ....................................................3 Esther Boyer College of Music and Dance .....................................7 College of Education and Human Development ...........................11 College of Engineering ...............................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Us-Iran Tensions
    U.S.-IRAN TENSIONS: IMPLICATIONS FOR HOMELAND SECURITY HEARING BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON HOMELAND SECURITY HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION JANUARY 15, 2020 Serial No. 116–57 Printed for the use of the Committee on Homeland Security Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.govinfo.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 41–269 PDF WASHINGTON : 2020 VerDate Mar 15 2010 15:27 Sep 02, 2020 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 H:\116TH\20FL0115\20FL0115 HEATH Congress.#13 COMMITTEE ON HOMELAND SECURITY BENNIE G. THOMPSON, Mississippi, Chairman SHEILA JACKSON LEE, Texas MIKE ROGERS, Alabama JAMES R. LANGEVIN, Rhode Island PETER T. KING, New York CEDRIC L. RICHMOND, Louisiana MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas DONALD M. PAYNE, JR., New Jersey JOHN KATKO, New York KATHLEEN M. RICE, New York MARK WALKER, North Carolina J. LUIS CORREA, California CLAY HIGGINS, Louisiana XOCHITL TORRES SMALL, New Mexico DEBBIE LESKO, Arizona MAX ROSE, New York MARK GREEN, Tennessee LAUREN UNDERWOOD, Illinois VAN TAYLOR, Texas ELISSA SLOTKIN, Michigan JOHN JOYCE, Pennsylvania EMANUEL CLEAVER, Missouri DAN CRENSHAW, Texas AL GREEN, Texas MICHAEL GUEST, Mississippi YVETTE D. CLARKE, New York DAN BISHOP, North Carolina DINA TITUS, Nevada BONNIE WATSON COLEMAN, New Jersey NANETTE DIAZ BARRAGA´ N, California VAL BUTLER DEMINGS, Florida HOPE GOINS, Staff Director CHRIS VIESON, Minority Staff Director (II) VerDate Mar 15 2010 15:27 Sep 02, 2020 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 H:\116TH\20FL0115\20FL0115 HEATH C O N T E N T S Page STATEMENTS The Honorable Bennie G.
    [Show full text]
  • Buku Panduan Prasiswazah FSSK 20182019
    The National University of Malaysia The National University of Malaysia Fakulti Sains Sosial dan Kemanusiaan / 1 PANDUAN PRASISWAZAH Fakulti Sains Sosial dan Kemanusiaan Sesi Akademik 2018-2019 2 /Panduan Prasiswazah Sesi Akademik 2018-2019 Fakulti Sains Sosial dan Kemanusiaan / 3 4 /Panduan Prasiswazah Sesi Akademik 2018-2019 PANDUAN PRASISWAZAH Fakulti Sains Sosial dan Kemanusiaan Sesi Akademik 2018-2019 Fakulti Sains Sosial dan Kemanusiaan Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Bangi 2018 http://www.fssk.ukm.my Fakulti Sains Sosial dan Kemanusiaan / 5 Cetakan / Printing Hak cipta / Copyright Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 2012 Pihak Pengurusan Universiti sedaya upaya sudah mempastikan bahawa Buku Panduan ini adalah tepat pada masa diterbitkan. Buku ini bermaksud untuk memberikan panduan kepada pelajar memilih program dan kursus pengajian serta kemudahan yang ditawarkan dan tidak dimaksudkan sebagai satu ikatan kontrak. Pengurusan Universiti berhak meminda atau menarik balik tawaran dan kursus pengajian serta kemudahan tanpa sebarang notis. Diterbitkan di Malaysia oleh / Published in Malaysia by FAKULTI SAINS SOSIAL DAN KEMANUSIAAN Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia 43600 UKM Bangi, Selangor D.E Malaysia. Dicetak di Malaysia / Printed in Malaysia by UKM CETAK Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia 43600 UKM Bangi Selangor D.E Semua pertanyaan hendaklah diajukan kepada: Dekan Fakulti Sains Sosial dan Kemanusiaan Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Tel: 03-8921 4123 / 8921 5356 Faks: 03-8925 2836 E-mel: [email protected] ISSN 1823-8637 6 /Panduan Prasiswazah Sesi Akademik 2018-2019 (Ucapan Tun Abdul Razak di Konvokesyen Pertama UKM, 1973) Fakulti Sains Sosial dan Kemanusiaan / 7 Maksud Logo UKM Logo Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) ialah sebuah perisai yang berpetak empat. Setiap petak mengandungi gambar dan warna latar yang berlainan dengan membawa maksud tertentu.
    [Show full text]
  • 13952 Wednesday MAY 26, 2021 Khordad 5, 1400 Shawwal 14, 1442
    WWW.TEHRANTIMES.COM I N T E R N A T I O N A L D A I L Y 8 Pages Price 50,000 Rials 1.00 EURO 4.00 AED 43rd year No.13952 Wednesday MAY 26, 2021 Khordad 5, 1400 Shawwal 14, 1442 EU welcomes extension Skocic names Iran 29 mining projects Iranian, Russian universities of surveillance deal squad for World Cup ready to go operational launch Iranistica between Iran, IAEA Page 3 qualifiers Page 3 across Iran Page 4 Encyclopedia project Page 8 Zarif holds high- level talks in Azerbaijan TEHRAN – Iranian Foreign Minister Iran presidential lineup Mohammad Javad Zarif has embarked See page 3 on a tour of the South Caucasus region amid soaring border tensions between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The chief Iranian diplomat began his tour with a visit to Baku where he met with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev on Tuesday. Continued on page 3 Water projects worth over $185m inaugurated TEHRAN – Iranian Energy Minister Reza Ardakanian on Tuesday inaugurated seven major water industry projects valued at 7.81 trillion rials (about $185.9 million) through video conference in three prov- inces, IRIB reported. Put into operation in the eighth week of the ministry’s A-B-Iran program in the current Iranian calendar year (started on March 21), the said projects were inaugurated in Hormozgan, Fars, and Kurdestan provinces. Continued on page 4 “Ambushing a Rose” published in eight languages TEHRAN – Eight translations of “Ambushing a Rose”, a biography of Lieutenant-General Ali Sayyad Shirazi who served as commander of Ground Forces during the Iran–Iraq war, have recently been published.
    [Show full text]
  • Rising up for Freedom
    IRAN RISING UP FOR FREEDOM 1,000 International Dignitaries, Iranians, in 30,000 locations from 102 countries join Free Iran Global Summit at Ashraf 3, Albania, online. Maryam Rajavi #FreeIran2020 Special Report Sponsored The by Alliance Public for Awareness Iranian dissidents rally for regime change in Tehran BY BEN WOLFGANG oppressive government that has ruled Iran from both political parties participating has proven it can’t deliver for its people. tHe WasHInGtOn tImes since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Leaders represented a who’s who list of American “The Iranian people want change, to of the NCRI, which is comprised of multiple “formers,” including former Sen. Joseph I. have democracy, finally to have human Iran’s theocracy is at the weakest point other organizations, say the council has seen Lieberman of Connecticut, former Penn- rights, to finally have economic wealth, of its four-decade history and facing un- its stature grow to the point that Iranian sylvania Gov. Tom Ridge, former Attorney no more hunger. The will of the people precedented challenges from a courageous officials can no longer deny its influence. General Michael Mukasey, retired Marine is much stronger than any oppressive citizenry hungry for freedom, Iranian dis- The NCRI has many American support- Commandant James T. Conway and others. measure of an Iranian regime,” said Martin sidents and prominent U.S. and European ers, including some with close relationships Several current U.S. officials also delivered Patzelt, a member of German Parliament. politicians said Friday at a major interna- to Mr. Trump, such as former New York remarks, including Sen.
    [Show full text]
  • Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
    MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion.
    [Show full text]