SOUTHERN AFRICA: an END to WAR? Angola • Mozambique • Namibia MELILLA Tunis CEUTA

SOUTHERN AFRICA: AN END TO WAR? Angola • Mozambique • Namibia MELILLA Tunis CEUTA

Antananarivo I MAURITIUS

MADAGASCAR ^ Q Port Louis REUNION

LESOTHO Maseru

A Publication of the RT African-American Institute

Letters to the Editor 4 The Update 5 African-American Institute Editor: Andre Astrow Chairman Mozambique Maurice Tempeisman The Battle lor Zambezia 13 Publisher By Karl Maier Frank E. Ferrari A Permanent Emergency 17 Editor-in-Chief By Margaret A. Novicki Margaret A. Novicki Interview Managing Editor Pedro de Castro Van-Dunem "Ix)y": Creating Conditions for Peace 23 Alana Lee By Margaret A. Novicki War's Victims Assistant Editor Page 17 Namibia Andre Astrow The Transition Timetable 26 By John A. Evenson Editorial Assistant W. LaBier Jones South Africa Contributing Editors Fortress South Africa 31 Michael Maren By Michael Maren Andrew Meldrum Daphne Topouzis Thabo Mbeki: Shining a Spotlight on South Africa 34 By Margaret A. Novicki Art Director Kenneth Jay Ross Finding a Meeting Point 38 By Andrew Meldrum Advertising Office 212 949-5666, ext. 728 Turning Right 41 By Margaret L Knox Interns UN Arrival Marya Sophia Gilborn Page 26 Tanzania Alison Volpe Damns Mbogoro: The Business of Development 43 Harry West By Colleen fjywe Morna Africa Report (ISSN 0001-9836). a non-profit magazine ot African affairs, Return to the Land 45 is published bimonthly and is sched- By Thomas Spear uled to appear al the beginning ot each date period at 833 United Uganda Nations Plaza. New York, N.Y. 10017. Editorial correspondence and adver- Back to School: The Revitalization of Makerere 48 tising inquiries should be addressed to Africa Report, at the above By Colleen Ij)we Morna address. Subscription rates: Individ- uals. USA $24. Canada $30, air rate Western Sahara overseas $48. Institutions: USA $31, Canada $37. air rate overseas $55. Saharan Statesmanship 52 Second-class postage paid at New By Gary Abramson York. N.Y. and at additional mailing offices. POSTMASTER: If this maga- Liberia zine is undeliverable. please send ANC Outreach notice to Africa Report at the above Page 38 Living Dangerously 56 address. Telephone. (212) 949-5666. Copyright " 1989 by The African- By Ernest Harsch American Institute. Inc. Interview To our readers: Cecilia Johnson: A Woman's Place 61 We apologize for the delayed publication of this issue of By Ernest Harsch Africa Report, which was due to the introduction of a new com- Somalia puter system. Now in place, this Barre's Unholy Alliances 65 system will enable us to By Richard Greenfield enhance our production capabilities in the future. Culture Coloring History: Senegalese Glass Painting 69 Photo Credit: By Howard Schissel The cover photo of Mozambi- can refugees was taken in Mas- The Back Page 70 saca, Mozambique, by Mar- Peace at Last? By Margaret A. Novicki garet A. Novicki. Page 52 Letters to the Editor

To the Editor: readers should they be able to contribute To the Editor: to our general fund, or are interested in The recently published interview sponsoring one or more students, with Trust in circumstances, one might with Dr. Mathilde Krim [November- the possibility of communicating directly tell the writers of your two articles on December 1988] contained several with them. Any inquiries regarding the Namibia in the January-February 1989 inaccuracies regarding the Department school fees structure, etc., would be issue. Your writers do not seem to accept of State's policies. welcome. the fact that the South African First, the Department's HIV testing May I also add that any funds government might feel carrying out its program is based on departmental received for this purpose are all agreement to withdraw from Namibia is policy, not federal law. Second, we are accounted for and not channeled into in its national interest. Building up a unable to "pledge" thai employees will other directions—no one should have military position is not contradictory to donate blood for all U.S. citizens who any fear on this score. In closing, may I intent to withdraw. It can be a way to need transfusions at posts overseas. say how delighted we would be to hear protect troops during the dangerous Although U.S. embassy personnel from your readers. withdrawal period. Isn't this what the traditionally have provided exceptional —Micheline Chidzero Cubans seem to have done in Angola? assistance to private citizens in Shamwari Dzevana Ve Zimbabwe Many conservative critics have emergency situations, the walking blood (Friends of the Children of Zimbabwe) charged that the Cubans intend to banks at these overseas locations, many P.O. Box 8598. Causeway violate their treaty and find ways to keep of which are very small, cannot be Harare, Zimbabwe troops in Angola. But why bother, one viewed as a reliable source of blood for could reply? Why sign a treaty you everyone who travels overseas. intend to violate? To get the South Lastly, embassies are unable to Africans out of Namibia? But if Cuban provide medical care for private citizens To the Editor: troops stay in Angola, the South Africans and are therefore unable to provide leave, or return, to Namibia. Why would saline solutions or any other The focus of your November- the South Africans bother signing a medications. I would suggest that those December 1988 issue on "AIDS and treaty they fully intend to violate? who have this concern look into Africa" was excellent and I thank you This is not to praise the Pretoria commercially available first aid kits that very much for giving such attention to government, just to look at have such equipment. If traveling with a the long overdue issue. Equally circumstances. The South Africans can tour, the tour agency would logically be disturbing is the story of Maj. Kojo easily intervene in Namibia, and know it. responsible. Boakye-Djan and his company's alleged A potential Swapo government in —Paul A. Goff, M.D., M.P.H. activity toward the oppressed people of Windhoek will also know it, and seek to U.S. Department of State South Africa ["Update"]. remain on as good terms as possible Washington, D.C. It is quite distressing and difficult to with the South Africans. Swapo understand when there are deserters President Sam Nujoma has already said To the Kditor: among us. What will it take for the that the ANC is not likely to be given children of Africa to say: My dignity and bases in Namibia. After seeing your very informative pride for my people precedes my The South Africans may feel that by November-December 1988, issue it stomach? withdrawing from Namibia, and getting occurred to me that perhaps some of There is a song in Ethiopia which at least a substantial number of the your readers might be keen to support goes something like this: "When a Cuban troops out of Angola, they can the Third World in its educational father dies, one mourns in his land / have their cake (military security and development. When a mother dies, one mourns in his economic advantage) and eat it too Despite the highest budget allocation land / When a sister or a brother dies, (avoid the casualties and economic drain given to education, secondary schooling one mourns in his land / Where could of war as well as the political onus of is not free in Zimbabwe and many bright one possibly mourn when his country staying in Namibia). students are unable to continue their dies?" Looking at these realities, and those education due to lack of financial means. I hope that my views are shared, that facing the Cuban government, puts the The Friends of the Children of without Africa's people free, we all are treaties in a different perspective than Zimbabwe, a registered welfare under apartheid, even those who get your articles. Nations often ignore logic, organization, is very much aware of the paid to do apartheid's dirty laundry. but the situation in Namibia and Angola plight of these youngsters and has looks very hopeful. established a sponsorship program to help at least 200 students every year. We —I.cmlem Tsegaw, R.N. —Bruce Brager would be glad to hear from any of your Chesapeake, Virgina Arlington, Virginia

AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 UP'TM- "Unita is to be congratulated for its American Institute. But Kaunda. the elections." At that time, the White courageous demonstration over more current chairman of the group of south- House reiterated its staunch support for than a decade that solutions to Ango- ern African frontline states, reported!) the rebels, and to judge from Bush's la's problems cannot be found through declined Bush's request that he play an letter to Savimbi. it would appear repressive military force." said Bush in intermediary role in the Angolan con- Unita's backers in Congress can rest the letter that was leaked to The Wash- flict, refusing to put pressure on the dos assured that the new administration has ington Post. "I also want to assure you Santos government lo negotiate with every intention of following in the that American diplomacy will continue Savimbi. footsteps o\' its predecessor. As to encourage African and other inter- Nonetheless. Bush's assurances to DeConcini put it recently. "I'm pleased ested governments to provide maxi- Savimbi that the new administration with the strong position Bush has taken mum support to a process of negotia- will not allow Unita to be left out in the and I urge him to continue." tion leading to national reconciliation cold only serves to undermine the In any event. Unita is not taking any in your country." Namibia accord and leaves the door chances. Right up to the December 22 The new administration's strong open for increased U.S. military inter- accord. Pretoria provided Unita with commitment to Unita comes at a cru- vention in Angola. In recent years. hundreds of tons of arms and ammunition by organizing an airlift to the rebels' headquarters in Jamba, southern Angola. Savimhi subsequently admitted as much when he warned that if the dos Santos government refuses to engage in national reconciliation talks with Unita. his forces have stockpiled enough military hardware from South Africa to wage a countrywide war for the two years it will take the 50,000 Cuban troops to complete their withdrawal from the country. Bui the rebel movement is seeking still more aid. A top Unita official, Tony da Costa Fernandes, has also made a direct appeal to the Bush administration, requesting assistance far beyond the annual covert aid program in order to compensate for ihe loss of South African support. In the past. Unita has been reluctant to discuss ihe importance of its South African connection, but with military Umla deserters m Lubango surrender to Angolan government forces aid having been officially cut off following the signing of the Namibia cial time for the rebel movement fight- South Africa has not only had to airlift accord. Fernandes now readily admits ing to overthrow the government of huge weapons shipments to Unita. but that Unita received S80 million annual- President Jose F.duardo dos Santos. also troops lo bail out the rebel move- ly from Pretoria. For years. South Africa has been ment fighjting against Angolan and More specifically, I:ernandes said he Unita's principal backer, but now that Cuban forces. The U.S. can now be had asked the Bush administration to Pretoria has pledged to end its military expected to replace South Africa as increase "very urgently" U.S. "material support for Savimbi and formally Savimbi's principal military backer, help" to enable Unita withstand an agreed to withdraw from neighboring making additional use of southern expected Angolan government offen- Namibia as part of the December 22 Zaire to ensure that Unita receives suf- sive in coming months. "We need more tripartite settlement, additional U.S. aid ficient firepower to wage its war sophisticated, up-to-date equipment," takes on far greater importance. against the Angolan government in he added, noting that Unita had recent- Later in January. Bush launched a coming months. ly built a new airfield near Jamba capa- further diplomatic initiative on Savim- Already last October. 51 senators ble of receiving "all types of long- bi"s behalf by asking Zambian Presi- led by Sen. Dennis DeConcini (D-AZ) range aircraft." dent Kenneth Kaunda to press Angola wrote to President Reagan, urging that Fernandes also revealed he had met to include Savimbi as part of a govern- the U.S. should not "cease, suspend, with a number of senior administration ment of national reconciliation. A copy diminish or otherwise restrict" assis- officials and that he was "satisfied" of Bush's January 6 letter outlining his tance to Unita until all Cuban forces with ihe response so far to Unila's intended Africa policies was delivered have left Angola, and the dos Santos appeal for additional aid. "I think there lo Kaunda by Sen. Paul Simon (D-ILt government agrees to form "a govern- is an understanding." he said, pointing who was attending a conference in ment of genuine national reconcilia- out matter-of-faclly, "If there is aid, aid Lusaka sponsored by the African- tion'" and sets a date for "free and fair will reach us." •

AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 I J3ATE

LESOTHO MALI SOUTH AFRICA

Johnny Maseko. editor of the pri- President Moussa Traorc's govern- Dr. Abu-Baker Asvat. health secre- vately owned weekly, The Mirror, was ment has finally closed down the noto- tary of the banned Azanian Peoples detained for a month and subsequently rious desert prison at Taoudenit in Organization and leading figure in the deponed to Kenya in December after northern Mali where a large number of black consciousness movement, was publishing a series of articles accusing political detainees have reportedly died gunned down by an alleged robber in Lesotho's ruling Military Council of since it was fiiM established h\ military his Soweto clinic in late January only a widespread corruption and massive decree in August 1969. Taoudenit month after winning The Indicator abuses of power. Maseko, who fled to prison, otherwise known as a special newspaper's Human Rights Award. Lesotho from his native South Africa re-education center, was for years used Renowned nationwide for his dedica- in 1980. was given deportation orders by Traore to detain political opponents tion to providing health care and other while still in jail after having been held and sympathizers of former President humanitarian assistance to homeless under the Internal Security Act. Modibo Kcita. whom he overthrew 20 squatters and victims of apartheid, the After several weeks in Nairobi. years ago. 46-year-old "people's doctor" had Maseko relurned to Johannesburg in According to human rights worked all his life to break down the early January, expressing hopes that he observers, many of the 50 to 100 pris- racial barriers that separate Lenasia and would be ahle to continue working as a oners held in Taoudenit at the time of neighboring Soweto. jounialist in South Africa despite fears its closure have been released, but the Together with his nursing assistant by colleagues that he might be detained number of detainees who died while Alberlina Sisulu. co-president of the for his prior anti-apartheid activities. living in debilitating conditions multracial United Democratic Front, Meanwhile, The Mirror's new editor, remains a mystery. One former prisoner Asvat also helped transcend some of Mike Pitso, vowed to carry on the anti- released in 1987 did tell Amnesty the ideological differences in the black corruption crusade—prompting the International, however, that seven out community through his work. Asvat's military authorities to bar him from all of 56 prisoners had actually died there funeral, the biggest ever held in Lena- government offices. But Pitso has during the three years that he was in sia. was testimony to his accomplish- refused to back down, concluding in a detention. ments, bringing together thousands of recent editorial, "it is up to those jour- people from diverse political persua- nalists who have remained within the sions to pay their last respects. battle-lines to continue the just war." NIGERIA BURKINA FASO COTEd'IVOIRE After being at odds for nearly a year, When Laurent Gbagbo. long-time Capt. Boukary Kabore'. leader of the the warring factions of the Nigerian opposition leader of the clandestine failed revolt at Koudougou air force Labour Congress (NLC) finally buried Ivorian Popular Front (FP1). returned to base following the coup which killed the hatchet during a government-spon- Abidjan from six years of self-imposed President Thomas Sankara in October sored three-day peace meeting in exile last September, he was welcomed 19S7. has accused the Popular Front December by overwhelmingly electing back and publicly forgiven by Presi- government of attempting to liquidate Paschal Bafyau as the federation's new dent Felix Houphouet-Boigny. Gbagbo all remaining Sankara loyalists in the president. Bafyau. secretary-general of was reportedly even offered a govern- country. Kabore's claim came after the Nigerian Union of Railwaymen, ment ministerial post. But the political seven Burkinabe soldiers, who had pre- was elected unopposed—together with honeymoon proved short-lived follow- viously been under his command, were II others—to run the NLC's affairs for ing the detention of Kobcna Anaky. a convicted by a military tribunal of the next four years. The breakthrough prominent Ivorian businessman and assassinating Capt. Guy Lamoussa in the peace talks occurred once Alhaji close Gbagbo aide, who was arrested Sayogo and executed in late December. Ali Cironia. head of the "progressive" on charges of "financial malpractices." President Blaise Compaorc's gov- camp, and Takai Shammang, leader of Gbagho alleged the arrest of his friend ernment speculated that Sayogo. a the "democratic" wing, agreed to step was politically motivated since the deputy commander of the Fourth Mili- down as presidential candidates in the government views Anaky as a major tary Region who had led one of the bat- interest of federation unity. source of funding for the FPI. la lions against the "Lion of The NLC. in virtual limbo for 10 The opposition leader, who has long Bulkiemde." was murdered by the months after the government appointed criticized Houphouet-Boigny for refus- seven soldiers to avenge the deaths of Michael Ogunkoya as sole administra- ing to tolerate a multi-party system, at least 20 of their colleagues. II of tor of the dissolved congress, reached a more recently accused the government whom were violently burned alive. But mutually acceptable agreement when of corruption und of failing to cope Kabore. now exiled in Ghana, blamed leaders of the two factions agreed to a with the country's growing financial Sayogo's death on power struggles peace formula allowing each side to crisis. As a result. Gbagbo and several within ihe Popular Front, suggesting share the top executive posts. Bafyau. a of his supporters have been repeatedly that the captain's assassination was compromise candidate, pledged to harassed by the authorities bui have so simply a convenient excuse to physi- work for workers' unity and vowed to far resisted pressure to disband the FPI. cally eliminate ihe opposition. uphold "democratic principles."

AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 N THE NEWS

Angola: An Offer Amin Dada in the 1970s, has in more guarantee. But Ciba-Geigy has dis- recent years left his mark as an interna- closed that it strongly opposes the pro- Luanda Just Can't tional arms dealer. And he is now ject and has already taken a series of Refuse? embarking on what could turn out to be legal measures to prevent the use of its the most profitable phase of his career: name. Just when il seemed governments the toxic waste trade. Together with his Kuenzler. who claims to have con- around the continent had finally agreed Swiss associate Roland Straub, who cluded a similar deal in Namibia, says not to mortgage their country's future. provided legal advice during the early that Swapo President Sam Nujoma has vowing to turn down lucrative toxic stages of the project, he stands to make also agreed to a toxic waste contract. waste disposal offers from the West, He declined to give details of the reports have filtered out of a new deal accord, however, noting that it is des- which could make Angola one of the lined to remain on the backbumer until biggest dumping grounds in the world. after Namibia gains independence. According to Francois Roelants du In any event, news of Angola's Vivier. President of the European alleged toxic waste agreement has Environment Alliance, the Angolan caused considerable concern within the government recently signed a prelimi- Organization of African Unity, accord- nary agreement with a Swiss business- ing to Roelants du Vivier. And for good man. Arnold Andreas Kuenzler. reason. After all, it was the very same which would allow for the annual treat- European Environment Alliance which ment of 5 million tons of toxic waste in last year uncovered the trafficking of the country. The S2 billion contract waste to Benin, Guinea-Bissau, and reportedly calls for waste from Western Nigeria. And those deals were only too countries to be stored in a 19.300- real. • square-mile semi-desert area, about 125 miles north of the coastal town of Namibe in southern Angola. The four- U.S. Aid to Savimbi: year deal is allegedly due to start in March. Bush Pledges to Keep The government of President Jose the Money Coming Kduardo dos Santos has "categorical- President Bush didn't exactly let the ly denied" reports of the waste disposal suspense build on Capitol Hill concern- accord, maintaining that Angola would ing the direction of his new administra- never be a ""dustbin" for the West, but tion's policy toward Angola. In fact. the environmental group—composed Bush didn't even wait to take the oath of members of the European Parlia- of office before making it known that ment—has since published what it he would continue to provide Jonas claims is a copy of a contract licensing Savimbl's Unita rebels with U.S. mili- Kuen/ler to import and treat waste in Dos Santos: No toxic waste deal tary and diplomatic support. the country. In return, the Angolan between $5 and $10 million, using the In what amounted to the first formal government is said to have been Zug-based company Landis and Gyr to foreign policy commitment of his offered massive financial rewards for dispatch the proposed waste to Angola. administration. Bush wrote a personal use in "national projects of an urgent Roelants du Vivier claims that letter to Savimbi dated January 6 nature." namely in the spheres of edu- Kuenzler plans to build three incinera- promising the rebel leader that the U.S. cation, public health, and general eco- tor installations to cope with the waste would continue to give "all appropriate nomic recovery. Roelants du Vivier in an operation financed in part by the and effective assistance to Unita" until also indicated that the contract could Texas Alley Bank, the Millen Bank, a political settlement could be reached provide jobs for up to 15.000 and the U.S. Casualty Agency insur- in Angola. Since 1986, the Reagan Angolans. ance company. Indeed. Kuenzler has administration has officially funnelled Kuenzler. a one-time mercenary promised to build the incinerator plants about $15 million a year of "covert" who fought in Katanga (now Shaba along "strict" Ciba-Geigy standards, military aid—including sophisticated Province. Zaire) during the 1960s and using the name of the Swiss pharma- weapons like Stinger missiles—to assisted former Ugandan President Idi ceutical company as something of a Unita through the CIA.

AFRICA REPORT'March-Apri! 1989 AFRICAN OUTLOOK Kerekou Scrambles to Defuse Social Unrest in Benin President Mathieu Kerekou's gov- widespread rumors that a sizeable dos to patrol the streets of Porto Novo. ernment is now sitting on a powder grant from the French government to As a result, concern about the army's keg. Faced with the most serious eco- pay arrears in salaries had been embez- loyalty prompted Kerekou to order nomic crisis since seizing power in zled by high-ranking officials, banking institutions to make the neces- 1972. Kerekou has been plagued in widespread rioting broke out in Porto sary salary payments to civil servants, recent months by growing social unrest Novo. Portraits of Kerekou and Bcni- giving priority to all military person- and rumors of widespread government nois flags were burned in the streets nel. corruption which have seriously threat- and a number of shops were looted. In an attempt to stifle popular dis- ened the future of his rule. Kerekou then ordered the security contenl. the government also detained Following weeks of massive strikes forces to "fire without warning, both at a number of high-level officials and and demonstrations protesting the night and during the day. on all gather- civil servants, including Tiamiou severe hardships caused by the govern- ings on public roads and in public | Adjibade. a former minister of foreign ment's rigid austerity program. Kere- places." affairs, Jean-Pierre Agondanou, a for- kou finally opled for a heavy-handed But what turned out to be particular- mer prefect of Porto Novo who was a approach. In an effort to quell the ly worrisome to the government was minister in the pre-Kerekou era. and revolt, he instructed the country's secu- the apparent lack of response by the Valere Houetti, a former secretary-gen- rity forces to fire without warning at local security forces. Interior Minister era! of the government. They were demonstrators in the streets after riot- Edouard Zodehougan accused the accused of inciting people of Porto ers ransacked public buildings and police of being "passively complicit" Novo to "loot and cause confusion" stoned two soldiers to death in Porto in the unrest, forcing the government during the unrest. Finance ministry Novo in late January. Several demon- to dispatch a team of 100 paracomman- Co/ilinucil on next page strators were subsequently injured during battles with riot police. Rioting broke out following weeks Results and Prospects of Africa's of rising tensions between the government and striking teachers, students, Economic Showing: Few Optimistic Signs and civil servants protesting non-payment of wages and grunts. The strikes After several years of persistently economy in 1988," says Adedeji, "is in began when high school teachers in dismal results. Africa's economic per- sharp contrast to the marked recovery Cotonou and Porto Novo walked off formance in 1988 may elicit a slight and economic resurgence in the indus- the job in early January demanding sigh of relief, but hardly a cheer. trialized economies and other develop- four months back pay. Despite the gov- Over the course of 1988, reports ing economies...These booming condi- ernment's public warnings against Adebayo Adedeji, executive secretary tions in the world economy have not "mind poisoning," strikes quickly of the UN's Economic Commission for had a stimulating effect on Africa." spread to the university where students Africa (ECA). the continent registered Although the purpose of the ECA's protested nol only the non-payment of an overall growth in its gross domestic report was not to quantify the social grants, but also an IMF-backed plan to product of 2.5 percent, a significant impact of Africa's economic perfor- cancel this year's scholarships in a bid improvement over 1987's 1.3 percent. mance, Adedeji nevertheless notes a to slash the country's chronic budget Yet, this still lagged behind the popula- "sustained deceleration in the standard deficit. When civil servants, who had tion growth rate oi 3 percent, so if and conditions of living of the average not been paid for up to six months, there is any good news, it is that the African," with average per capita joined the 15.000 students on an indef- rate of decline in per capita output was income just 80 percent of what it was inite strike, the protests virtually para- not as steep as in recent years. at the beginning of the decade. lyzed the running of all government Could this be the beginning of a One of the most significant factors offices. period of levelling off. prior to Africa's in Africa's 2.5 percent GDP growth Kerekou responded with a carrot- hoped-for recovery? The figures and rate last year appears to be largely con- and-stick policy—promising to make assessments assembled in Adedeji's juncturul: exceptionally good weather. payments of two months' salaries annual report, released in Addis Ababa This, Adedeji stresses, "is by itself an owed civil servants for 1988. while on January 2, provide few grounds for indication of the fundamental weak- threatening to summarily dismiss strik- such optimism. ness of the economic structure, where a ing employees if they did not return to Despite very modest improvements. technologically backward agricultural work. But once the government failed Africa still appears out of step with the sector is still predominant."' to meet its initial pledge to civil ser- rest of the world. "The lackluster eco- Thanks to the weather, the brightest vants and proved unable to discredit nomic performance of the African Continued on page 10

8 AFRICA REPORT'March-Aptil 1989 I JUSTE BENIN...continued "Apartheid" Belies Chinese Rhetoric paymaster Gregoire Lahorou was "China sees only poverty and hunger in Africa. They think we come here to eat called in for questioning and relieved their rice. Some think we all live in trees in Africa and only get dressed when we of his post in the wake of the distur- arrive in Peking," remarked one African student bitterly after simmering racial bances. tensions once again overflowed on several university campuses in the country. Authorities in Colo mm, claiming Since China first began offering scholarships to African students in I960, that the unrest was orchestrated by racial clashes have been a recurring problem, with at least seven such incidents "vile individuals in the pay of domestic occurring on Chinese campuses. However, the latest disturbances sweeping and international reactionaries," argued through six Chinese cities were far worse than any before, prompting African stu- that the "actual objective of these unre- dents to refer to their experience as "Chinese apartheid." penteni agitators is to bring about con- The clashes began on December 24 in Nanjing when two African students ditions conducive to preventing the refused to register the names and addresses of their Chinese dates upon entering a implementation of the structural student dance hall at Hehai University. A fight broke out and the violence escalat- adjustment program." But reports of ed through the night, resulting in injuries to 11 Chinese university employees and rampant corruption among high-rank- two African students. The next afternoon, a mob of Chinese students and univer- ing officials have not lent support to sity employees rampaged through the African students' dormitories. the government's allegations, fueling Some 140 African students later fled for the train station hoping to escape to speculation within the country's under- Beijing. But the police escorting the students refused to allow them to leave and forcibly look them to a guest house on the outskirts of Nanjing, supposedly for their own protection. They were held there for several days before police entered the house by force, reportedly attacking the students with truncheons and cattle prods, and taking four students into custody. Thousands of Chinese university students and workers marched in the streets of Nanjing shouting "Down with Blacks!" and "Kill the Black Devils!" Demon- strations quickly spread to Beijing and other cities where protesters shouted "Blood for blood" and carried anti-African placards in several languages, leading to speculation that Chinese officials endorsed the activity. In particular, the Chi- nese students, who have resented the better stipends and living conditions of Africans studying in the country, condemned what they describe as the molesta- tion of their women. China, which has long proclaimed itself the champion of the Third World and built close economic and cultural lies with many African countries, has usually downplayed such overt displays of racism, often referring to them as "isolated incidents." But this lime police and officials went on the offensive, blaming the African students for the troubles and refusing to punish Chinese students for destroying the dormitories. Kerekou: Sitting on a power keg This change in official attitude appears to reflect the Chinese authorities" wor- ries about growing discontent among the Chinese student population, given their ground opposition movement that poor economic situation and lack of funds for even bare necessities. As a result, Cotonou's liquidity crisis is largely encounters between Chinese and African students have sometimes served as a attributable to fraud and other financial useful outlet for violence which could otherwise be directed toward the govern- irregularities. ment. During the weeks of unrest, several Changes in attitude have also taken place on the African side. In the past, opposition groups became increasingly African diplomats would usually turn a blind eye to student disturbances. But active in the country, clandestinely dis- this time the racial clashes have threatened lo create a serious diplomatic rift. tributing tracts on campuses and in the More than 50 African nations protested against the overt racial discrimination and streets denouncing the "despotic the Organization of African Unity (OAU) called on the Chinese authorities to regime of General Kerekou," and call- redress the "appalling situation." Il was the first time the OAU had officially ing on people to take part in a nation- addressed the problem. wide revolt. Indeed, the Communist With many of the 1.500 African students declaring they wish to leave China Party of Dahomey (PCD) announced it and continue their studies elsewhere, the government will now have to act quickly had joined with various political and to dispel the discrepancy between its official line toward Africa and day-to-day trade union organizations to form a reality if the country is to reestablish ils once-valued image in the Third World. National Salvation Committee (CSN). led by one of its founding members. closed in eark I-'chiuan. thai lie would potions the\ claim am help ivxcise the Pascal Fantodji. in order to better adopt a more conciliatory policy economic conditions in the country." mobilize opposition to the Kerekou toward opposition groups in exile. He But without assurances of a general government. even called on his political opponents amnesty, it remains highly improbable Evidently shaken by the level of dis- to return to Benin so that they can "put that opposition groups will take up his content in the country. Kerekou dis- forward, in practical terms, the magic offer. •

AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 PROSPECTS...continued prices have fallen to their weakest lev- should lead to some serious rethinking els since 1986. of economic policy in Africa, suggests spot in 1988 was agriculture. Africa's The impact of the slump in oil Adedeji. "We need to engineer a funda- number one priority sector experienced prices has been especially pronounced, mental restructuring of the African a remarkable growth of 3.8 percent, with the oil-producing countries gener- economies instead of perpetuating the compared to an estimated decline of ally experiencing the worst overall per- neo-colonial monostructural produc- 1.2 percent in output in 1987. The formance. In Gabon, revenues from oil tion system at a time when the demand most favorable results in food produc- fell to barely a quarter of what they prospects for these commodities are tion were recorded in countries such as were in 1986, and Nigeria fared little dismal." Morocco, Zimbabwe, and Zambia, better. This year, while the growth in Yet even a further reorientation of where record cereal crop harvests were output in the non-oil exporting coun- African economic policy will face attained. However, a danger now exists tries is forecast at 3.7 percent—perhaps impossible constraints if the interna- that deficiencies in storage crop collec- their best performance since the begin- tional economic environment does not tion and marketing may result in the ning of the decade—the economies of improve. Noting that the ECA has been loss of a large proportion of these the oil producers are expected to grow pointing for some time to the linkages bumper crops, while other countries by only 1.8 percent. among different external factors affect- like Sudan. Ethiopia, Angola, and Not surprisingly, given the slump in ing Africa's economies. Adedeji most commodity prices and the inade- stressed that in 1988, as in previous quacy of current debt relief measures, years, "poor demand and prices for Africa's debt burden has worsened. export commodities, excruciating debt The continent's total outstanding exter- burdens, and net outflow of resources nal debt now stands at $230 billion, from Africa constituted the triple arms and the debt service ratio has risen to of the unbearable albatross around more than 40 percent on average. Africa's socio-economic and political These external factors, combined neck. Until this yoke is removed, with the failure of existing structural recovery and development will contin- adjustment programs to bring recovery. ue to elude Africa." •

Houphouet's Basilica Stirs Controversy

Cote d'lvoire may be facing an from France. Made in 400 different unprecedented financial crisis, but one tints, the stained glass will cover two would never know it in President Felix acres of windows—the equivalent of Houphouet-Boigny's home town of two years' output of all the stained Yamoussoukro where an army of 1.500 glass companies of Europe. The lavish laborers is working day and night to structure, surrounded by 88 acres of complete what will be the largest French-style formal gardens, also Adedeji: Not much to smile about Christian church in the world. The new boasts 272 Greco-Roman columns, and Mozambique continue to be affected Roman Catholic basilica. Our Lady of Italian marble tiles to fully cover the by famine or near-famine conditions. Peace, which is undoubtedly 7.4-acre esplanade. Agriculture's improved performance Houphouet-Boigny's most ambi- The basilica itself, complete with air also had a carry-over effect on manu- tious—and extravagant—project to conditioning and escalators, can seat facturing, where agro-allied industries date, will cost at least $130 million to 7,000 and hold another 11,000 stand- account for 60 percent of manufactur- build, at a time when the country is ing. Overall, Our Lady of Peace is ing value-added in Africa. It is estimat- facing severe economic difficulties. designed to accommodate some ed that manufacturing value-added Towering over the red earth and 300.000 worshipers inside and out. increased by about 3.2 percent in 1988, green vegetation of Cote d'lvoire's Critics, however, point out that Cote compared to a 0.2 percent fall in 1987 political capital, the controversial d'lvoire hardly has enough Catholics to when agriculture performed poorly. Yet Greco-Roman structure is scheduled to fill it. Only 15 percent of the country's in general, manufacturing continues to be dedicated in September, with its 10 million inhabitants are be hampered by serious structural defi- massive 280-ton metallic dome rising Catholic.with 30 percent of the popula- ciencies. 37 feet higher than St. Peter's in Rome. tion Muslim. 5 percent Protestant, and As in previous years, the depressed Largely constructed by French and the rest animist. Indeed, the primary world prices of mosi of the export Israeli contractors, the basilica will role of the basilica, suggest some commodities upon which Africa have taken three full years to build. observers, will be to serve as a back- depends has been a major obstacle to Among its most impressive features drop for a spectacular funeral when the economic recovery. The prices of are the ground floor walls and doors 83-year-old president passes away. cocoa, coffee, and tea have either which are made exclusively of 13th Nonetheless. Houphouet-Boigny, crashed or remained low. while oil century-style hand-blown stained glass who converted to Roman Catholicism

10 AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 in middle age, also sees the basilica as a symbol that the southward spread of More of the Same in Pretoria Islam from North Africa stops al Yamoussoukro. Located more than 150 When Frederick W. de Klerk took over as the new leader of South Africa's rul- miles north of Abidjan, the nation's ing National Party in early February, he delivered a so-called "verligte" (enlight- political capital lies on the dividing ened) speech to Parliament, declaring that while domination must come to an line between the predominantly Mus- end. The party, he said, '"will strive for a non-racialistic country, free of racial lim north and the Christian south. hatred and negative discrimination on the basis of race. I want to stale unequivo- "Le Vieux," hoping Pope John Paul cally that the National Party is against domination of any one group by others. II will consecrate the basilica in White domination, in so far as it still exists, must go." September, has said he plans to offer it But de Klerk was quick to reassure the white community that he in no way as a gift to the Vatican upon comple- intended to dismantle the fundamentals of apartheid, reaffirming Botha's repeated tion. But so far, the Vatican—experi- rejection of a universal franchise extending lo the country's 25 million blacks. encing serious financial difficulties of "Domination by a majority is as unacceptable as domination by a minority," he stressed. "The only route is a system which eliminates domination." Despite adopting Botha's rhetoric about the need to reform apartheid, de Klerk is known for his uncompromising commitment to the principle of racial segregation—based upon the "group pillar" philosophy whereby each ethnic group is a separate pillar of society and should govern its own affairs. Indeed, during his 17 years in Parliament, de Klerk has been a consistent advocate of racial segregation. As he said in Parliament only last year, "The National Party demands, as a basic pattern, that own residential areas be maintained, that own state schools are not threatened...and this is done by the maintenance of own facilities." With de Klerk's election as party leader, it appears to be only a matter of time before he takes over from Botha as executive State President. Botha, who resigned as party leader after suffering a stroke in mid-January, remains in poor health, leading to speculation that he may be forced to formally hand over his powers in Parliament sooner than he would have liked. Party insiders disclosed that Botha hud wanted to cut a deal naming de Klerk to a newly created post of prime minister to take over the daily burden of running the country, thus freeing the president to concentrate on the bogged down program of reforms. As part of the agreement, Botha would then stay on for another year before passing the presidency to de Klerk. But given Botha's slow recovery, de Klerk is likely to urge him to announce an early general election and to step down from office in order to end the political paralysis plaguing the country. Impatience is already growing within the National te Vieux'- Showing taith in his money Party to have an election by mid-year rather than in March 1990. so as to preempt its own—has been reluctant to accept a fallout by right-wingers opposed to the proposed decolonization of Namibia. A the basilica, given that it will cost $1.7 snap general election would help de Klerk consolidate his position and allow the million a year to maintain. ruling party to take advantage of the current disarray among opposition groups to As a result, even local Catholic lay- both its left and right. men and the Church hierarchy in Cote Andries Treurnicht's right-wing Conservative Party did well in last year's by- d'lvoire have expressed reservations elections and municipal elections, but more recently, saw its attempts to reintro- about undertaking such an extravagant duce petty apartheid in the industrial town of Boksburg seriously backfire when a project at a time of financial crisis, black boycott severely hit white shopkeepers' pockets. National Party members while others have publicly ridiculed say this political setback may have cost the conservatives considerable support the plan for wasting the country's lim- among the white electorate. ited resources. As one Ivorian mer- As for liberal groups to the left of the ruling party, they are just in the process chant put it. "They shouldn't be spend- of realigning their forces. The fledgling Democratic Party, which brings together ing money on things like this when Ztich de Beer's Progressive Federal Party, Dennis WormU's Independent Party, people can't afford to send their chil- and Wynand Malan's New Democratic Movement, is due to be launched on April dren to school and people are dying 8. The new parly will join with black organizations in protest against the because they can't buy medicine." apartheid system and attempt to woo dissident National Party members to its Although the actual cost of building cause. But in the immediate period, it appears to have little chance of challenging Our Lady of Peace remains a closely the government or the official opposition status of the Conservative Party in an guarded secret, Houphouet-Boigny has upcoming election, once again leaving the National Paris firmK in control. maintained that the basilica is entirely a private concern, built on his own [$130 millionl—if it is 40 billion may cost perhaps as much as twice that land and financed with his own money. francs—change ihe crisis which has hit amount, representing a sum even "Le Furthermore, he asked, "In what way my country?" But independent Vieux." with his immense personal for- could my meager 40 billion francs observers estimate that the basilica tune, will find difficult to cover. •

AFRICA REPORT*March-April 1989 11 LIBYA NIGERIA CAMEROON On his final day in office. President The IMF formal approval of a $650 President Paul Biya's government is Reagan announced he had agreed to million standby credit for Nigeria has building a major new international air- modify trade sanctions imposed against formally opened the door for extensive port as part of a far-reaching plan to Tripoli three years ago, thereby allow- loans and rescheduling arrangements modernize and expand the country's ing five U.S. oil companies with assets with Western creditors which should existing air traffic sector. The aim of worth as much as $4 billion to "resume help alleviate the country's massive the project is to strengthen and enhance their operations in Libya, transfer oper- $26 billion external debt. President Cameroon's 69 civil airports, aero- ations in foreign subsidiaries, or sell Ibrahim Babangida's government, dromes, and airfields and make them their assets." however, having long resisted such a safer and more reliable by 1991. The The decision followed an intensive deal because of popular opposition to government is working to achieve this lobbying campaign by the oil compa- the IMF, has stressed that its stance goal in consultation with the Interna- nies—including Conoco and toward the Fund has in no way changed tional Civil Aviation Organization Marathon—which have been foregoing and that it might not actually draw on which will provide the necessary up to $120 million in profits a year the available credit. expertise to enable Cameroon to make since sanctions were imposed in 1986 As Alhaji Abubakar Alhaji, minister full use of its trained aviation person- in response to terrorist attacks. At the of state for the budget, has put it, nel. time. Reagan pushed through the sanc- "Nigeria has neither applied for, signed The five-year project will involve tions while allowing the oil companies an agreement for. nor taken the IMF the construction of a new Yaounde-Nsi- to negotiate "standstill" agreements to loan." On the contrary, argue officials malen International Airport with the avoid default on their contracts. But in Lagos, the accord is rather a vindica- help of funding provided by the Italian more recent fears that Libya might tion of the government's own structural government, and the upgrading of nationalize U.S. assets when the agree- adjustment program—a home-grown Garoua Airport at the cost of $40 mil- ments expire in June, and evidence that austerity plan which the IMF has now lion to take international traffic. During Tripoli has enjoyed a $200 million fully endorsed. the plan's final phase, security facilities post-sanctions windfall, prompted Rea- at Douala International Airport, the gan to end the business freeze and BUSINESS country's main gateway, will be signifi- relieve the new Bush administration of cantly tightened. a delicate issue. BRIEFS ZIMBABWE SIERRA LEONE EGYPT President Joseph Saidu Momoh has President Hosni Mubarak's govern- Describing the present investment introduced new measures regulating ment is set to approve a new foreign code as "conducive neither to local nor the mining and marketing of diamonds investment law that will greatly simpli- foreign investment." Finance Minister and gold in a bid to reverse the fortunes fy procedures for overseas investors Bernard Chidzero has set the stage for of Sierra Leone's floundering economy. and prove especially helpful to compa- introducing a sweeping liberalization Nearly 85 percent of the country's for- nies establishing joint ventures in the program designed to attract a steady eign exchange comes from gold and country. The new law, which features flow of new foreign capital to the coun- diamond exports, but smuggling of several investment incentives, includ- try. Despite last year's impressive 6.5 both minerals has severely cut into ing a 5 to 15-year tax exemption for percent growth in GDP, the govern- earnings in recent years, despite the firms operating in the free trade zones, ment has been plagued by a recent government's November 19S7 econom- is expected to pass the People's Assem- trend of disinvestment and an inability ic state of emergency which imposes bly without difficulty and be enacted in to convince the international communi- stiff penalties for illegal dealings and March. ty that it offers a stable and profitable restricts the amount of foreign currency By cutting bureaucratic red tape and environment for foreign capital. that individuals may possess. improving the climate for new foreign The new guidelines are expected to The new policy, designed to improve investment, the government hopes to cut through the web of red tape by cre- government control over the key min- reduce its staggering $43 billion exter- ating what Chidzero calls a "one-stop ing sector, should increase the coun- nal debt and obtain a rescheduling investment office" to provide advice try's overall sales revenue, intensify agreement with foreign creditors. But and process investment applications. cooperative mining as opposed to indi- first Egyptian authorities will have to The reforms will also alter the current vidual operations, and guarantee the strike a deal with the IMF which has policy on the remittances of profits and flow of foreign exchange earnings long demanded a rigorously applied dividends abroad. At present, foreign through the official banking system. reform program involving the abolition companies are allowed to remit only 25 Gold and diamond export licenses have of state subsidies. So far. however, the percent of after-tax profits—or 50 per- thus been reintroduced but with much government has held out for more cent for firms that have invested since tighter restrictions, while exporters will gradual reforms, fearing that rising independence—but soon the pay-out now have to surrender 60 percent of prices will lead to widespread social ratio will be raised to 100 percent for their proceeds in foreign currency to unrest. "priority" projects. the Bank of Sierra Leone.

12 AFRICA REPORT'March-April 1989 MOZAMBIQUE THE BATTLE FOR ZAMBEZIA

Committing its best troops to the fight for control of Zambezia, the Frelimo army has gained some ground against Renamo in the economically vital province. However, the war has cost the region's people dearly, with a third now dependent on food aid for survival. fly KARL MAIER he booming the dust to a halt, cadence of 10,000 people clad T thousands of mostly in rags look women pounding on. The crowd roars grain with pestles with excitement as in huge wooden sweaty young men mortars echoes emerge from the like an ancient vessel's dark belly heartbeat through with sacks of maize a sea of reed and seeds on their shacks around the shoulders. In 30 northern Mozam- minutes, the aircraft bican town of Gile. soars above the Suddenly, every- misty mountain thing falls quiet, as ranges of northern all strain to hear Zambezia, as sol- the faint whine of a diers with long distant engine. wooden switches As a white air- chase away giggling craft swoops be- little boys clawing at fore the thrusting the gravel for fallen cliffs of Mount grain morsels. Gile, groups of With its crum- cheering men, bled buildings sur- women, and chil- rounded by a camp dren rush up to of 40,000 refugees. the dirt airstrip. Gile looks like a The plane from skeleton, eaten Zambezia's provin- * away by a grinding cial capital, Queli- Frelimo soklier: *•"•• bush war for control mano, 150 miles "Government forces of its destiny. Gile is now hold au*of •- on the frontline of south of Gile, is Zambezia's district1" the only contact the 14-year-old con- with the outside flict in the southeast African nation be- world. All roads - ,;• >. out of town have tween President been cut by bands of rebel gunmen in, and often they arrive too late. Joaquim Chissano's Frelimo govern- roaming the countryside. Food, Alongside the runway are the graves ment and the insurgent Mozam- clothes, and medicine must be flown of 1,500 children killed by a measles bique National Resistance (Ren- epidemic last October. amo)—a group formed by Ian Karl Maier is southern African correspondent Smith's Rhodesian government in forllw Independent of London and contributes By the time the Spanish-built to "11ii> Christian Science Monitor. CASA transport plane slides through the early 1970s, and handed over to

AFRICA REPOBT-March-April 1989 13 South Africa when Zimbabwe gained aid and consumer goods that can be unteers for Renamo in the area. independence in 1980. traded with farmers for local crops. "Renamo people said, 'our strug- The story in Gile is much the "Our only hope is to commercialize, gle is of the spirit,' or 'our struggle is same in the rest of the vast province to give peasants a reason—such as for the ancestors,' " says Bartolomeu of Zambezia. Once the source of clothes, soap, and cooking oil—to Quilima, a 42-year-old primary over 50 percent of Mozambique's produce," Gile's burly district admin- school headmaster who was held for hard currency exports and bountiful istrator, Berto Malabo, says in Por- a week in the Renamo base at Gile. crops of sugar, tea, copra, and tuguese. "Free food aid alone can kill "Before each battle, they would coconuts, the province is now a the people's initiative to produce." kneel around a special clearing sur- major drain on the national econo- An immunization program for rounded by flowers and clap their my. One-third of its 3 million people infants is under way, local carpenters hands three times," he says. 'Then a have lost their homes or livelihood are making chairs and doors, and corondeiro (traditional doctor) would to the war and now depend on inter- trees have already been chopped for wave a goat tail dipped in magic liq- national aid to survive. Starvation a new Catholic church. Since the uid at each one as they marched off. lurks. Demands for food, clothes, war has driven most priests out of Some believe the liquid stops bul- housing, and other basic necessities the rural areas, religious work lets." have swamped Mozambican and for- throughout Zambezia falls to cate- Since they drove Renamo out, the eign relief efforts. chists like Joao Pedro Mlapa, 46, crack Frelimo commandos guarding Frelimo recaptured Gile from the who lost three of his eight children Gile—nicknamed the Red Berets for rebels last year and has gained some to measles. Outside his hut sits a pile their headgear—have turned back ground in the region over the past of freshly cut logs that will be the several rebel attacks, including a big two years. But now the army is foundation of the new church. The assault by three units on September stretched thin. The 3,000 Tanzanian local military commander is helping 11. Among the 39 guerrillas Frelimo soldiers that defended government- Mlapa plan construction, something says its troops killed that day was a held areas in Zambezia are gone. that would have been unheard of a highly regarded commander, Callis- The army has committed its best decade ago during Frelimo's early tus Meque. The soldiers dragged his troops to the battle for Zambezia, but revolutionary campaign against reli- body through town to show the undermined by a chaotic logistics gion. "We must pray not only for our refugees that the feared Renamo system, it is barely holding on to a lives, or an end to the war," he says. general was dead. patchwork of isolated garrison "We are praying mostly for our Frelimo's Red Berets are the towns. The insurgents, flush with souls, our future. It will only be pride of a Soviet military program weapons and in league with tradi- through prayer that the war will better known for its failures in tional healers and religious leaders, end." Mozambique. While Britain and are pressing closer. Like most other When Renamo ruled Gile, the other Western countries run high- district capitals in Zambezia, Gile is powerful traditional doctors, priests, profile military training programs to surrounded. and spirit mediums held sway. help Frelimo, the Soviet-trained Red Government forces now hold all Throughout Zambezia, those who Berets have proved themselves in of Zambezia's district capitals, or lived with the rebels tell similar sto- Zambezia to be the army's most what is left of them. During their 18- ries. Most of the rebel commanders effective soldiers. Trained for eight month occupation of Gile, the rebels are Ndau—a sub-group of the Shona months as an assault force, they stripped the town of everything they people who inhabit neighboring Zim- turned back Renamo's biggest-ever could carry, even doors, toilets, and babwe and central Mozambique offensive in 1986—one that nearly roofing. —and they rely on traditional reli- cut Mozambique in two. Even the The refugees began streaming gious leaders for advice. province's biggest city, Quelimane, into Gile shortly after an army battal- The Ndau dominance of Renamo was in jeopardy. The rebel threat ion marched for three days across dates to its creation by the late was so grave then that Mozam- the mountains to recapture the town Rhodesian intelligence chief. Ken bique's northern neighbor, Tanza- on July 10 last year. Since then, the Flower. During the early 1970s, nia, sent 3,000 troops to help defend government and foreign aid agen- Flower's Central Intelligence Organi- Zambezia's towns. cies have scrambled to rebuild a sation recruited mainly Ndau-speak- Results were initially dramatic. semblance of a local economy. ers along the border to spy on Zim- Throughout 1987-88, the Red Berets Because outright military victory by babwean nationalist guerrillas who toppled one rebel-held town after either side appears impossible in were using Mozambique as a launch- another on the north bank of the Mozambique, Frelimo's only chance ing pad for attacks into Rhodesia. Zambezi river, leaving Tanzanian of holding on to the territory is to re- Frelimo's early policies of moving forces in their wake to defend the ignite trade and commerce. people into communal villages and towns. Zimbabwean paratroopers In Gile, that means striking a deli- its hostility to traditional religious launched a similar offensive across cate balance between arrivals of food and political leaders also created vol- the river in the central provinces of

14 AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 ra Machel, who had died a week earlier in a plane crash in South Africa. Renamo passed orders to the townspeople through its network of notorious informers, the mujibas. Their main task was to feed the guerrillas, but they were also called when manpower was needed. Men, Displaced women, and children were forced to persons camp, block Gile's airstrip with trees and Zambezia: "Refugees began rocks during the Renamo occupa- streaming into tion. When Frelimo returned, they (Jile shortly after had to remove the barriers. The an army battal- ion marched army's wrath, in turn, fell hardest for three days upon the Renamo mujibas. At least across the 50 who failed to turn themselves in mountains to recapture the were executed. town" As dusk settles over Gile, the dull Sofala and Manica. bezia before young Portuguese beat of women pounding grain dies As Renamo was pushed back into army officers overthrew the Salazar away and a cloud of smoke from the Zambezian bush, its fighters ran- dictatorship in Lisbon in June 1975. thousands of fires hovers over the sacked the towns, marching off with Portuguese rule left an especially camp. Families sit down to dine on everything—sacks of maize, zinc harsh legacy in the province, with manioc and shots of local brew. The roofing sheets, and air conditioners. feudal lords ruling over huge tracts electricity was knocked out years Over half a million people began a of land called prazos. Colonialism in ago, so the nights are pitch dark dur- mass exodus from Renamo-con- Gile meant that all able-bodied men ing most of the rainy season when trolled areas into Frelimo-held towns were liable to be bused about 70 clouds block out the moonlight. Lit- and across the border into neighbor- miles west to work on the tea planta- tle boys kick at each other showing ing Malawi. Relief agencies such as tions of Gurue for six months of the off karate moves they learned from Save the Children. Oxfam, and year. Back at home, their wives were the Red Berets. Soldiers back from a Unicef began pouring in millions of obliged to grow cotton for Portugal's day in the trenches fool around amid dollars worth of food, Irucks, seeds, textile industry. screams and shouts, or listen to Billy and clothes. During the early independence Ocean and Madonna tunes on But by the end of 1988, Frelimo's years, Gile and most of Zambezia portable radios. Those on night duty military position was again gloomy. were spared the spreading violence stroll in the town center cradling AK- Tanzania's troops withdrew from of Renamo's war, which swept across 47 assault rifles. The buzz continues Zambezia amid rumors that Dar es the central provinces of Sofala, Mani- until the early morning hours, when Salaam was irritated with President ca, and Tete. But the war came to all goes silent. In Zambezia, Renamo Chissano's closer ties with South Zambezia in 1982, when Renamo attacks only between 3:00 and 7:00 Africa. Hut the mounting costs of officials agreed in South Africa to a.m. Tanzania's 23-month operation, both merge with a regional dissident Right on cue, on November 27, a in casualties and money, appeared to group known as Africa Libre based trio of 300-strong Renamo battal- be more likely reasons. in neighboring Malawi. Constant ions—code-named "Tiger," "Wolf." Officials 1,000 miles away in the ambushes closed major roads in a and 'Thunder"—attacked the pros- Mozambican capital, Maputo, still campaign that has left millions of perous western mountain town of put a brave face on the Tanzanian pounds worth of charred vehicle Gurue at 3:45 a.m. and quickly rout- exit, saying the province's situation hulks strewn along key highways. ed the Frelimo garrison. A DC-3 is under control. But people in Zam- By 1984, Renamo was threatening Dakota carrying aid supplies was hit bezia often see it differently. "When important centers on the Zambezia by ground fire while preparing to the last Tanzanians went to the air- plateau, towns like Gile. land. Four clays after they came, the port to leave," says a Frelimo official Most of the Portuguese and Indi- rebels melted back into the bush. in the Zambezi border town of an businessmen abandoned their The relatively easy occupation Luabo, "the old women followed shops as the rebels closed in on Gile. stunned Mozambican officials and them and cried. People are not sure The economy quickly collapsed. foreign aid workers. A rich, tea-pro- how long we can hold out." Then Renamo began a year-long ducing area, Gurue could earn Frelimo's influence has never assault that took Gile on October 28, Mozambique precious foreign been great in Zambezia. Its own 1986, the day Maputo was burying exchange, though sabotage has ren- nationalist war barely reached Zam- Mozambique's first president, Samo- dered the railway to the Indian

AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 15 Ocean unusable. they have no faith in it." but the dogs were pulling him out of Gurue is healthy by the standards Frelimo approved the amnesty in the grave. You could see his head of Mozambique, Africa's poorest late 1987, but only about 3,000 of and chest clearly. His left arm was nation. Emocha, the state tea corpo- Renamo's estimated 22,000-strong detached." Intelligence officers ration, has vast plantations and facto- army surrendered, and last Decem- decided against digging up the grave ries in the rolling hills around the ber the government extended the to seek the man's identity. town. The economy has picked up offer. Chissano has made other The blame for the Gurue debacle sharply over the past two years, as moves as well. While repeating his fell squarely on the military authori- businessmen and farmers have rejection of direct talks with the ties back in Quelimane, the provin- taken advantage of Frelimo's new rebels, he authorized the 17-church cial capital. All around Zambezia, free market economic policies. Christian Council of Mozambique local officials and army officers com- Gurue is an area of such strategic last August to meet with Renamo plain that they could not be counted importance that Frelimo should leaders to convince them to lay down on to defend their territory when defend it at all costs. Even Renamo their arms. urgent requests for supplies went never expected to take the town, A month after that, Chissano held unheeded for weeks, sometimes according to civilians taken captive a summit with his South African months. "It could happen here," a during the assault. counterpart, P.W. Botha, and Erelimo official in the Zambezi river By the time a relief column of secured a pledge that Pretoria would town of Luabo responded when elite troops, trained by the private abide by the 1984 Nkomati peace hearing the news from Gurue. "Our British firm. Defence Systems Ltd., accord signed between the two troops started stealing some of the drove the rebels out on November countries. At a celebration marking a food aid when they did not receive 30, all of Gurue's shops and most of new effort by Mozambique, South any army rations for a month." its private homes had been emptied. Africa, and Portugal to repair the Nearly all of the 18,000 people Indian shopkeepers lost millions of giant Cahora Bassa hydroelectric now in Luabo have lived under Ren- dollars worth of food, clothes, and scheme, Botha promised to end his amo at one time or another. The consumer goods. Some gunmen government's support for the rebels, rebels occupied the town in July stripped in the middle of the [own, who had sabotaged Cahora Bassa in 1985 and stayed there until the Red put on their new stolen garments, the first place. Pretoria has since Berets ran them out in March 1987, and left behind piles of rancid rags sent non-lethal military aid to after a heavy aerial bombardment. in the street. Renamo killed no civil- Mozambiean soldiers guarding the "Life there is not like it is here. ians, although four children starved pylons which carry electricity 1,000 Anytime you have something good, to death hiding in the tea fields. At miles south from the Zambezi River like a nice shirt or some food, they least 60 people were kidnapped and to the Transvaal. take it. The people out there are cry- forced to haul the booty 15 miles At the other end of the country, ing," says Domingos Jamussa, 23, southeast to the guerrilla camp in leaders in Maputo receive public who lived near Nyatinde, a Renamo the mountains of Maquirinqua. assurances from both South Africa base 15 miles north of Luabo. "We From there, things of value are and Pretoria's close African ally, have very little here, but here at believed to have been dispatched for neighboring Malawi, that they will least there is a possibility that we sale in Malawi. not support the rebels. But in north- develop and improve things for the One who escaped was Artur ern Zambezia, Renamo appears too children. Out there in the bush, Varela, a 40-year-old tea worker at well-equipped, too flush with ammu- there is no future." Emocha, who says he witnessed a nition to be living purely off the land With President Chissano's gov- rebel gang rape his 13-year-old without outside help. ernment back in control, residents of niece. Standing amid the burnt rub- Witnesses in Gurue say that at Luabo are waiting for British techni- ble of one tea company warehouse least one white fighting alongside cians to return to the giant Sena destroyed in the attack, Varela says the insurgents died in the Gurue Sugar Estates factory that was built he recognized several of the guerril- assault. They say he was in his early with English capital and which soon las as co-workers. 20s with sandy brown hair and a new came to dominate the town. But Many of the local men in the camouflage uniform, and that he many years and millions of dollars insurgent ranks would like to accept rode around town in the back of a will be needed to get the company President Chissano's year-old red truck perched on an anti-aircraft running again. Renamo saboteurs amnesty offer, Varela says, but they gun. ripped out the entire electrical sys- believe that the army would execute Ilario Alexandre, a 23-year-old car- tem and reduced parts of the com- them. "Most say they were kid- penter, later found the dead man in plex to rusty piles of twisted metal. napped by Renamo and want to his backyard on returning home. "It Perhaps no other scene better sym- come back. But they are scared that was smelling so bad that you had to bolizes the war's insane economic they will be shot," he says. "They have courage to come close," he cost to Zambezia and to Mozam- have heard about the amnesty, but says. "The white soldier was buried, bique. O

16 AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 MOZAMBIQUE A PERMANENT EMERGENCY

By MARGARET A, NOVICKI Facing yet another food emergency this year, the Mozambican government is launching its third appeal to the international community for support. While the donor response has been generous, the crisis will be ongoing until its root cause— Renamo's war and continuing South African backing—is ended.

hen the donor community capital of Sofala province. Renamo's grip by night into the bush gathers in New York in Her glazed eyes staring past her and making her way on foot to the W April to respond to the visitors, Isabelinha talks about the refugee center. Eyeing her five small Mozambican government's third day Renamo overran her village, Gal- children whose distended bellies appeal for emergency assistance in inha, and "everything went wrong." and discolored hair are hallmarks of as many years, the scarred lives of Her husband was ailing when the prolonged malnutrition, she says, millions of the nation's citiz- "bandidos" entered their hut, and "We are receiving some food now, ens—brutally uprooted by Renamo's "they beat him with sticks until he but no clothes yet." war and haunted by the specter of died," she relates in a hushed mono- Set up in early 1987, this resettle- starvation—will hang in the balance tone. ment camp, like those now scattered yet again. "They killed the men and trok the throughout Mozambique's 10 And again donors will come to the women, forcing us to carry food and provinces and in the neighboring aid of this beleaguered country, pro- ammunition to their camp. We never countries, is meant to provide tem- viding humanitarian support son a ate the food we grew—they forced porary accommodation until Ren- massive scale, yet the war will grind us to give them everything. We don't amo-held areas are recaptured by on—still sustained by South the Frelimo army and the deslo- Africa despite pledges to the cados can go home to recon- contrary—leaving in its wake struct their broken lives. But death, hunger, and hundreds of even as some are able to do so. a thousands of walking wounded. new crop of displaced people is Isabelinha Lapissone is created elsewhere, and the ebb among them. Clad in a soiled and flow of human misery con- and tattered dress, her slight tinues unabated, exacerbating a form is clung to tenaciously by a chronic food emergency in this cluster of shivering children, potentially rich nation. themselves porting no more Jose Carlos Zuca, the district than frayed food aid sacks as secretary of defense at Dondo, protection from the late after- shows his visitors around the noon winds that sweep across Children at the Dondo refugee camp: "A camp, pointing out its meager facili- the bleak landscape. quarter of a million have lost their ties—a makeshift health center and parents; thousands more are traumatized In a barely audible whisper, she or have been physically mutilated" a primary school. In a dusty sandlot, recounts a tale of horror that is all small boys kick around a soccer ball, too common in Mozambique have clothes—we wore leaves laughing and chasing one another. today—one that could be echoed by —because they took it all." Under a broad acacia tree, women any of the 6,000 displaced people, or Isabelinha, whose trauma is are rehearsing dances and songs to deslocados as they are known, who etched on her face, ageing her well commemorate an upcoming national inhabit this sprawling refugee camp beyond her 20-odd years, arrived at holiday. in Dondo, 20 miles from Beira, the Dondo a week earlier, escaping from For a moment, the desolation of

AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 17 life in this camp is eclipsed by the the tide of people fleeing the rural over 600 people from Maputo cheerful vignettes of everyday life. areas for the relative security of province, a third of whom fled into But Zuca pierces the illusion: "The proximity to urban centers is mount- South Africa when Renamo swept flow of people from bandit-held ing daily, causing massive food south late last year and were prompt- areas is continuous and the condi- scarcities. In Massaca, just 18 miles ly repatriated back across the bor- tions here are very difficult. They west of the city, tents donated by der. carry diseases and to feed them is a UNHCR are home to recent arrivals Ana Rila, an elderly woman, problem. There is just not enough at this "Nucleus for Refugees," as expresses embarrassment at her food." the camp is called. Hastily built last shabby attire, her dignity intact in Even outside the capital, Maputo, August, the camp accommodates spite of her harsh surroundings. She explains that she and 224 others fled from Mapulanguene into South Africa when the town was attacked by Renamo last December. Four of the refugees were reportedly taken by South African soldiers to Skukuza, inside Kruger National Park, to a major Renamo camp for recruitment, from which they were subsequently released. "We call them thieves," Ana says of Renamo. "We don't think they want to rule us because then they would treat us like human beings." Ana Hi la, a When asked when she expects to refugee at Massaca: "We return home, she answers: "We can't have only maize go back until the war is over. It is and beans to cat, better to stay here till then and try to and when the maize is finished, rebuild our lives. We get some help we eat only from the government, but there are beans" too many people, so it is not enough.

Never enough food, a refrain heard often in this nation of fertile agricultural land, crossed by a myriad of rivers, and with miles of Indian Ocean coast. Margaret A. Novicki

We have only maize and beans to eat, and when the maize is finished, we eat only beans." Raimundo Xavier Tiago is head of the district's Department for Preven- tion and Combat of Natural Calami- ties (DPCCN), a division of the Min- istry of Cooperation created in 1980 to handle relief for drought and flood victims, but now charged primarily with assisting the deslocados and distributing food aid. From DPCCN provincial headquarters, he has just taken delivery of 240 bags of U.S.-donated maize and 480 bags of beans, the monthly allotment for the district's 34,580 people. "My priority is to give food to the people at Massaca, and then to those in town, but there is never enough food," Tiago says. appeal to donors will be nearly the Malangatamt mural, Maputo: "A jjritty Never enough food, a refrain same as last year's $332.6 million, will to survive the latest in a scries of scourges which have postponed the heard often in this nation of fertile including 460,000 tons of food and attainment of peace" agricultural land, crossed by a myri- logistical support in the form of ad of rivers, and with miles of Indian trucks, boats, and airlift facilities. delivery of the food even 35 miles Ocean coast. Unlike other nations Noting that the response to past away. which suffer seasonal or episodic appeals has been generous. Deputy "Airlifts should be a last resort," food deficits due to adverse weather Minister of Agriculture Alfredo says DPCCN director Salomao or natural disaster, Mozambique's Gamito adds that distribution is the Mambo, whose unit distributes emergency is a structural, long-term major bottleneck at the moment, some 140,000 tons of food aid per one—punctuated periodically by with DPCCN's modest capabilities year to 3.3 million people, mainly via drought and floods—with its roots stretched beyond their limits. its 250 trucks and a small fleet of stretching back to colonial history. With most of the nation's road ships. In last year's emergency But there is no question what is network dangerously impassable, appeal. DPCCN requested 700 behind today's crisis. It is unambigu- airlift, road convoy, or ship are the trucks as well as protection equip- ously the result of Renamo's mania- only options to get food to the needy. ment and radios for the vehicles and cal war, one that has taken the lives According to Richard Morgan, drivers. But it received only 21, of 600,000 people and caused nearly Unicef's senior program officer for while 35 DPCCN trucks were half of Mozambique's 16 million peo- the emergency, airlifts are currently destroyed in Renamo ambushes on ple to be dependent on food aid for supplying Niassa, Nampula, food convoys over the same period, survival. A recent Unicef study con- Zambezia, and Sofala provinces, but costing the lives of 20 drivers and firms: "War is much more responsi- the cost is astronomical—$16,000 for their assistants. ble than drought for the shortage of one planeload of maize from Maputo Ensuring that the food aid they foodstuffs, because of its destructive to Niassa. As the war has spread to donate arrives at its destination is impact on Mozambique's economic all 10 of Mozambique's provinces ironically a sensitive point for and social fabric." over the past year, it is logistically donors, as the armored trucks, for With its economic and social fab- impossible to mount a relief opera- example, which DPCCN has ric in shreds, domestic food production on such a scale by air. requested, are regarded as military tion is all but moribund. Over 75 per- And even when food arrives at aid. One Western aid official in cent has been disrupted, due to the provincial capitals, there is no guar- Maputo remarked that it is antitheti- fact that some 1.6 million people are antee it will reach its destination in cal to the concept of humanitarian displaced internally, another 2.8 mil- the hinterland. Between January and assistance to provide such protec- lion directly affected by war in the March this year, nearly 5,000 people tion. rural areas, and some 2.6 million died of starvation in Memba, near But DPCCN has only 10 armored now crowding the urban areas in Nacala in northern Mozambique, vehicles, enough for one convoy. need of food aid. although food supplies had reached Meanwhile, Mambo says, "Food is This April, although the needs Nacala port. But Renamo-sabotaged sitting here in Maputo and people have increased, Mozambique's bridges and mined roads blocked are dying." Among them, according

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 19 A Conversation with Melissa Wells

The American ambassador in Maputo talks with AfrUa Report about directions in U.S. policy toward Mozambique. Relating her experiences with the victims of Renamo's war. Ambassador Wells answers the Ameri- can right-wing which seeks to legilimize the rebel movement. •On Hie evolution of U.S.-Mozambican relations: under them and maintained the chief system in the camps. In 1983-84, there was a watershed in Mozambique's policies The ones who fled from the city are also organized—there internally and toward the outside world and the U.S. featured were about 21 different sections in this camp—but each sec- in that change of policies. There was an opening to strengthen- tion elects its leader! That was a very interesting commen- ing relationships with more countries than was customary and tary—organization at the gross roots and how the Tree choice to trying some new ideas like market forces, private invest- process works. It was so graphic to me! ment, and so forth—joining the World Bank and the IMF and The chiefs were very open and talked about the war and adopting an economic recovery program. the destruction that Renamo had carried out inside the city of Our bilateral aid program was started in 1984 and we Milange, which is maniacol destruction, as if people are have come a long way since then. We are the single largest destroying something day in, day out. Every door, every win- donor in terms or emergency assistance and Mozambique is dow pone, every tile! You wonder what purpose it serves. now a participant in a regional program under funding for There was one place I went to in Zambezia province where all SADCC in rail rehabilitation. So when you count all those the latrines had been hacked down systematically! The play- faucets, in 1989, Mozambique is the largest recipient of U.S. ground was destroyed bit by oit. This is not the kind of destruc- aid in sub-Saharan Africa. Emergency assistance totals $55 tion that occurs during combat. This is methodical, meticulous million, there is another $10 million in logistical support,$15 destruction. The walls are left, they cut up all the furniture and million in development assistance, and $20 or 21 million of burn it. I don't understand it. If you take over a place, you the regional, equalling about $102 million. might want to have the luxury of a latrine! There has been an increase in exchanging visitors that has I have heard so many reports that in Renamo-held areas, helped strengthen the relationship, and last August we had the they do administer and have some sort of structure. So I asked first-ever U.S. ship visit to Mozambique, which was enormous- the chiefs: Did you have schools? They said no, they had ly successful. I look forward to a continuation of the policy schools only when Frelimo was around. Did you have health under President Bush. At this point, 1 would be surprised if services? No, none at all. This type of information is very there were any radical departures from the existing policy that important for us to know, not simply to accept that somebody President Reagan set out, which I believe is a very good one. is fighting against communism. When you look at what is •On prospects for the U.S. supplying non-lethal going on in this country, you wonder what is behind this war. military aid: The administration put forward a modest pro- It is still very difficult to determine what is behind it. posal for a military educational training program back in •On President Chissano's dialogue with South 1985 and the Congress rejected that. Since then, there has Africa: In fact, we had an intensification of incidents here in been a prohibition on military assistance to Mozambique. I am the south [since the September Songo meeting between Presi- not in a position to gauge the mood of the Congress now, but I dents Chissano and Botha]. But we strongly support President think the whole issue should be looked at again. The adminis- Chissano's initiative, his courage to start up a dialogue with tration put forward those proposals for very sound reasons President Botha, which continues. There is the joint security and I for one believe those reasons are still valid today. commission which has met several times. •On U.S. right-wing support for Renamo: I am Our understanding is that the government recognizes that very familiar with the views held by the conservative elements there is no military solution in sight. It has taken a number of who espouse those policies. I wouldn't say we've overcome steps. The amnesty has been extended, although it has not them, but I have done my very best to understand where they been as successful as one would have liked. The initiative to are coming from. I hold the record of having had the longest start up the dialogue with South Africa is part of this pattern. wait for confirmation as ambassador—1 1 months and two Also, in his speech to the popular assembly at the end of the days—answered more questions than anybody else, 246, and year, the President said that "men of good will" were taking up had the largest number of votes against my confirmation. contacts with the other side. A number of the church groups When you go to post with all that on your back, you want to have been making exploratory contacts [with Renamo]. That is understand why there is this type of feeling. not to say that they are empowered in any way to recognize I read what those who espouse the view that Renamo is or negotiate or make any commitment. The official position is fighting a battle for free elections and so forth have said and I that these "contacts" are to explain the amnesty. But you can have great difficulty with that. Let me give you an example. I figure out from there what might happen. just spent a week in Malawi where I visited almost all the •On Mozambique's prospects for the coming Mozambican camps. I went to the Tete side, down to Nsanje, year: As far as its economy is concerned, I think you will see to Milange on the Zambezia side, and it was the first time I some real benefits. Within the last six to eight months, the num- had met Mozambicans outside their own country in that status. ber of ships and tonnages going in and out of Maputo port I came across two different camps. In one were people has doubled or tripled, so I think you will see o pick-up in the who had fled from the city of Milange in Zambezia when that economy. As far as the U.S. is concerned, we have a number city was taken over by Renamo and in another were people of investors interested, some have signed memoranda of who had fled from the surrounding area of Milange when the understanding, others are still looking around, but because the Frelimo forces had retaken the city. The chieftancy system had government is so open, there is room for investors. Simply to been reinstituted by Renamo when it took over. I talked to say that because of the security situation, one couldn't invest these chiefs and the people they brought with them. They here is not correct. There is certainly room for investment. We explained how under the Frelimo government, the chief system all hope that strides will be made toward peace, but I'm not in was abolished and when Renamo came in, they put the chieFs a position to give you any crystal ball picture on what might back. When they fled for safe haven, they fled with the people happen there. O

20 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 to Unicef, are 494,000 children who nities self-sufficient. We want to have died "from causes directly solve our problems for the long- attributed to malnutrition associated term," she says emphatically. with war." But the depressing fact of life is And those who manage to survive that until there is an end to Ren- often face an even bleaker future. amo's mindless and savage Posted outside district government war—comparable to that of the AFNCA offices are billboards bearing aban- Khmer Rouge according to a high- doned children's photographs, their ranking U.S. official—no long-term names, those of their parents, and solutions to any of Mozambique's their home villages, if they know social or economic problems appear them—a poignant reminder of the even remotely likely. war's most innocent victims. A quar- Against formidable odds, the ter of a million have lost their par- Mozambican government is doing ents; thousands more are trauma- all it can both to inject some tized or have been physically muti- dynamism into its economy and to lated. seek solutions to the war—tasks A UNDP document on the emer- which appear herculean in the con- gency states that "expansion of flict-ravaged nation. Launched in health care was an important priori- 1987 in a bid to reverse the policy ty and success after Mozambican failures of a decade, the economic independence. That dream has been recovery program has achieved shattered. Health centers are burnt. remarkable results by all accounts, Health workers are killed. Med- nowhere more evident than in icines and equipment are looted." Maputo, whose once-barren shops Between 1982 and 1987, accord- and markets now bustle with pur- NO LIFE OF MY OWN pose and life. An Autobiography FRANK CHIKANE ing to Unicef, Renamo had A riveting account of the life of Frank Chikane. anti- destroyed or caused the closure of Indeed, life goes on almost mirac- apartheid leader and torture and bomb victim, 822 health units, of which only 567 ulously, seemingly driven by no who continues the struggle for South African liberation. Photos, letters, documents included, were later rebuilt or reopened. The more than a gritty will to survive the paper $9.95 human consequence is that children latest in a series of scourges which MY FAITH AS AN AFRICAN die of preventable diseases such as have postponed the attainment of JEAN-MARC ELA diarrhea and malaria, and even rou- peace, a prerequisite for economic Jean-Marc Ela challenges us to re-read the tine vaccination programs are not Gospels with African eyes, "Exciting and mov- development. In the Green Zones ing. " —MAHIE GIBLIN paper $9.95 done. Mozambique's infant mortality surrounding Maputo, women knee- rate is currently one of the highest deep in mud plow the rain-soaked TRAPPED IN APARTHEID A Socio-Theological History of the English in the world—200 per 1,000 births. earth, hardily planting another sea- Speaking Churches in South Africa son of maize, rice, and garden veg- CHARLES VIL LA-VICE NCI 0 At the Ministry of Health, Joana Foreword by Bishop Trevor Huddleston Manguiera. national director for etables to supply the city's markets. "A devastating indictment of the so-called anti- social welfare, identifies orphans, The ports of Maputo and apartheid churches."—BISHOP DESMONO M TUTU paper $11.95 abandoned children, pregnant Beira—along with Nacala, the hubs women, and the elderly as the most of the Southern African Develop- AFRICA: A DIRECTORY OF RESOURCES vulnerable groups and those who ment Coordination Conference's THOMAS P FENTON & MARY J. HEFFRON, eds. should be targeted for emergency regional port and railway sys- Annotated guide to organizations, books, period- assistance. Seeking to avoid creating tem—hum with new activity, stub- icals, pamphlets, articles, audiovisual and other a "beggar mentality," Manguiera born outcroppings of economic vital- resources, paper $995 says, the government's approach to ity and reminders of the rich poten- THE MISSIONARY AND the nation's overwhelming social tial of a nation now starved and THE DIVINER Contending Theologies of Christian needs is a self-help one, trying to strangled by a senseless war. and African Religions rebuild facilities at the district level In Beira, a city that seems frozen MICHAEL C. KIRWEN "An exciting book, a disturbing yet persuasive and relying on traditional cultural in time and badly in need of a coat of contribution to missiology."—GREGORY BAUM values regarding care for children paint, new offices and residences for cloth $19.95. paper $9.95 and other war victims. the Beira Corridor Authority are At bookstores cr Irom "The international community springing up along a once-quaint ORBIS BOOKS Maryknoll, NY 1QS45 has given a lot of support to Mozam- seaside avenue. Trucks laden with 1-800-258-5838 bique," says Manguiera, "but it is goods and vehicles carrying expatri- In NYS call collect 914-941-7687 never enough. We need more help, ates of all nationalities careen in and Orbis Books is represented to the but of the kind to make our commu- out of the port. trade|by Abingdon Press.

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 21 But a visit to Beira Central Hospi- assistant secretary of state for tal is a sharp reality dose. Dr. Fran- African affairs, recently confirmed cisco Songane, the hospital director, The depressing fact that South Africa is continuing to explains that firearm wounds are the supply Renamo despite Pretoria's leading cause of death in the of life is that until there is protestations to the contrary. And surgery department and a walk an end to Renamo's mind- although contacts are underway through the wards reveals room less and savage war, no between the Bush administration, after room of amputees, victims of the British government, and south- land mine explosions or gunshots. long-term solutions to any ern African leaders with an eye When and how will the war ever of Mozambique's social or toward launching a diplomatic initia- end? No one seems to have an tive, potentially involving the Soviet answer. President Joaquim Chis- economic problems Union, to end the war, until South sano's strategy thus far has been to appear even remotely African support for Renamo is cut extend an amnesty to Renamo sol- once and for all—and a means of diers willing to give themselves up, likely. monitoring its compliance is as well as to permit discreet contacts found—the war is destined to grind between the rebel organization and on. representatives of the churches. Songo meeting. More than 600 And the international community On the diplomatic front, he power pylons stretching from the will continue to pour in emergency secured promises from South Cahora Bassa dam in northwestern support—Mozambique is now the African President P.W. Botha in Mozambique to the South African largest recipient of American aid in Songo last September that Pretoria's border were sabotaged in the two sub-Saharan Africa—but the lifeline assistance to Renamo would come to months following the presidential it will provide is a tenuous one for an end. A Mozambique/South Africa summit. As Marcolino dos Santos, the likes of Isabelinha Lapissone, joint security commission is meeting chairman of the Mozambican parlia- Ana Bila, and the millions of others regularly, and cooperation has ment, stated, it is unlikely that Ren- whose futures are exceedingly grim begun on the rehabilitation of the amo had the technical capacity to ones. ) Cahora Bassa hydroelectric scheme. carry out such systematic destruction in so short a time. Billboard bearing photos of abandoned But curiously, the war has intensi- children: "A poignant reminder of the fied rather than abated since the Alison Rosenberg, U.S. deputy war's most innocent victims"

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f CAftTAZ PARA CARTAZ PARA LOCAU2ACAO DA FAMLlA LOCALIZAQAO DA FAMft-IA J3A CMANQA OeSAMBftRAOA DA CRIANCA DESAMPARADA

22 AFRICA REPORT - March-April 1989 N T R V W [PEDRO DE CASTRO VAN-DUNEM "LOY": CREATING CONDITIONS FOR PEACE

By MARGARET A. NOVICKI In this Africa Report exclusive, Angola's new minister of external relations explains his government's concerns regarding the implementation of the New York accords on Namibian independence and Cuban troop withdrawal. Discussing Angola's efforts to resolve its internal problems/ he outlines options for Unita and its leadership, in order for peace to be attained.

Africa Report: What is your government's view of the tripar- But things seem to be changing a bit. The UNTAG contin- tite agreement signed in New York in December, and are you gent is being reduced, an alteration in resolution 435. If we optimistic that South Africa will fulfill its part of the agreement? continue to make these changes in the resolution, we may one Van-Dunem: The government of Angola made a giant effort day arrive at the point where there will be no implemenfation in order to achieve the results it did—the signing of the Braz- of 435. This is one of our fears. zaville protocol and the New York accords. The problems of We were forced to go from concession to concession peace in Angola and the accession to independence of throughout the entire process. We believe that 435 should not Namibia have been the priority concerns of the Angolan gov- be altered and that the obligations that were assumed by the ernment for some years. Angola put forward a number of ini- various parties should be complied with. We have faith that tiatives which made it possible for the negotiations to culmi- the process will develop in a normal manner. The first contin- nate in the accords. We have to be satisfied naturally because gent of Cuban troops began its withdrawal in mid-January, as a part of this process has achieved its ends. did the movement of some of the Cuban troops from southern We had to make quite a few concessions and even in some to northern Angola. cases sacrifice some of our principles. But our objective was to Getting back to the question of South Africa, we know that create conditions for Namibia to attain independence and for in Namibia, a number of maneuvers are taking place which peace in our country, which we need for the development of are contrary to both the spirit and the letter of the accords, our people. Now our next efforts will be to materialize the changing the correlation of forces in Namibia. This naturally accords. There will be some aspects which will require a great creates many difficulties during the implementation of resolu- effort on our part, but it is a central question for us and we wilt tion 435, and also provides for the destabilization of Namibia work toward it. just after independence. There also seem to be some moves We cannot speak on South Africa's behalf. But experience with respect to the electoral process, with South Africa intro- has shown that the South Africans do not honor their obliga- ducing some elements from outside of Namibia so that they tions. The Nkomati accord is an example. But with all the pres- can vote. The international community—above all the Security sure that has been put on South Africa to implement resolution Council as guarantor of the accords—has to be vigilant to see 435, we believe that in some fashion, they will honor the that there are no alterations in the implementation of 435. accords. We have been concerned with getting some kind of Africa Report: Does your government feel that your security guarantee, and that is why we insisted that the accords be concerns have been adequately addressed in the accords? signed under the auspices of the UN Security Council. That Van-Dunem: Any agreement of this type carries risks. As I way it will not just be a South African or an Angolan problem said before, we made a giant effort to create a situation which if South Africa does not honor the agreement, but a matter for would provide conditions for Namibia to attain independence. the UN. South African troops finally pulled out of Angola. According to

AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 23 resolution 435, they will also pull out of Namibia, meaning the State Department is talking about. They say we need to that the possibility of South African invasion of Angola negotiate, to reconcile, to hold free elections. They are telling becomes more remote. They would either hove to pass through us to negotiate with the murderers of our own people—what Namibia or come by sea. So we feel that Namibian indepen- can we negotiate with them? h fact, the Angolan people are dence will contribute to eliminating some of the external fac- too generous to say to people who have raped, killed, and tors which have led to these problems. stolen that they will regard them as prodigal sons and call to That will leave only the internal aspects, and our govern- them to return home to work together. ment has already widely disseminated the forms of solution We are creating all the conditions for this policy to be mate- that we think are appropriate for the internal problem—the rialized. And the American administration, which forced us to policy of clemency and national harmonization, the reintegra- go from concession to concession, starting with linkage, tion into Angolan society of all who have agreed to lay down comes back with another linkage, after a tremendous effort their arms. This has been substantiated in the amnesty law which was waged under its own mediation. Now they say first which was recently passed. you have to reconcile, then we can talk. So then we pose the At a certain stage in the negotiations, the American admin- question: What really are the interests and objectives of the istration said that when Angola presented a calendar for American administration? It would be better if they would Cuban withdrawal acceptable to all the parties, then the U.S. clearly put them on the table. We arrive at a certain stage and would begin a different type of relationship with Angola, rec- then the administration comes again with new conditions. ognizing Angola diplomatically, ending assistance to Unita. They should leave us to resolve our internal problems. We attained an acceptable cal- Africa Report: Do you believe endar and signed a global "WE ATTAINED AN ACCEPTABLE South Africa has stopped its accord, but to our surprise the support to Unita? Has the U.S. American administration pub- CALENDAR AND SIGNED A GLOBAL government made it a condition licly affirms that it will continue on your government to reconcile support to Unita and the desta- ACCORD, BUT TO OUR SURPRISE with Unita or no recognition? bilization of Angola- We are THE AMERICAN ADMINISTRATION Van-Dunem: South Africa continuing with measures to continues to provide logistical explain the noble objectives of PUBLICLY AFFIRMS THAT IT WILL support to Unita. They are the Angolan people, and we going to leave all their equip- continue to believe that Ango- CONTINUE SUPPORT TO UNITA AND ment and arms in Angola with la's problems should be solved THE DESTABILIZATION OF ANGOLA." Unita, and we are convinced internally. that they will continue to give In the Alvor accords in 1974, support in whatever fashion they the liberation movements came together with Portugal and can. Naturally they won't be able to have their own troops in formed a transitional government which was to have led to place because then they will have to violate Namibian territo- elections in Angola. The transitional government only func- ry. As they themselves have said, they are Unita's allies and tioned for a short while, because shortly after that, the FNLA, we don't see how they will be able to stop giving them sup- acting under the auspices of the CIA, began to attack the port. MPLA bases. Unita also withdrew from the transitional govern- With respect to the United Spates, we think it is incongruous ment and took up arms against the MPLA. On November 1 1, that it continues to support the destabilization of Angola. I per- in agreement with the Alvor accords, the MPLA assumed its sonally think it is a mistake, bit I believe that the good sense responsibilities and proclaimed Angola's independence. At of the new American administration will prevail and provide that time, Unita, together with South African forces, was fight- for an adequate solution. We already received a message that ing about 200 kilometers south of Luanda. To the north, the first we should reconcile before we can proceed to recogni- FNLA, with regular Zairian troops, was also fighting in a tion. range of 19-20 kilometers from Luanda. The U.S. is our main trading partner. With respect to Then there was the proclamation of a clemency policy by Angolan exports to the U.S. and Angolan imports from the the late president, Agostinho Neto. The forces which formerly U.S., Angola can be classified in the third and fourth positions were part of the FNLA are at this moment reintegrated into in Africa respectively, and there are tremendous possibilities society, political and military leaders. One of my directors was for cooperation between the two countries, not jus! in the field the FNLA's prime minister in the transitional government. Some of oil, but in diamonds, transportation, agriculture, fisheries, of the higher level FNLA officers are today members of the and so forth. We find it strange that the American administra- command in the Angolan armed forces. tion is betting on the destabilization of one of the most impor- Unita for its part intensified its aggression against our coun- tant African countries economically. Angola could be the next try, together with South Africa. Using the banner of anti-com- largest economic power after South Africa. munism, Unita managed to convince the American authorities Going a bit further, I believe that the understanding at that Angola was a sort of satellite state, so that the Americans which the U.S. and the Soviet Union are arriving pulls the gave them support, allowing them to kill our men, women, and ground out from under this philosophy that the U.S. is practic- children, and to destroy economic targets. This policy has con- ing. Angola should be given an opportunity to solve its inter- tinued up to today. There is nothing left for Unita to do but lay nal problems and any external help should not have the char- down its arms and return to Angolan society and help the acter of an imposition. same people that for many years they were killing reconstruct Africa Report: How will an nternal resolution come about, the country. because it doesn't seem that Savimbi will give up, despite your We don't understand what type of policy of reconciliation amnesty offer?

24 AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 Van-Dunem: Savimbi of his own volition will never give up. ants and workers who were kidnapped, then forced to take up His interests are not in reconciliation, but in the taking over of arms by Unita to kill their own people, what would be the power. And reconciliation would only be an intermediate step political or ideological interest in their continuing with Unita? to that. It is unfortunate that Savimbi's politics are not known to They want peace, they want to be able to go back to their vil- the American administration. The State Department's position lages, their land. So these type of people can come. Savimbi on Mozambique was the same as its position on Angola until doesn't come back because he has his own interests. the State Department's Gersony report about the otrocities that We are convinced that the peasants who form almost the Renamo is committing. The American administration needs to totality of Unita's military units will no longer find any reason know that the real policy of Unita is one of destruction and to continue to kill their own mothers, fathers, and children. ambition. And for those who do continue, they will meet with the proper At times, one has the impression that just as the State reply. The Angolan people know how to find a solution to their Department says, Savimbi is the uncontested leader of Unita. own problems. Those who are living in the interior will know But he retains his leadership of Unita through a policy of ter- how to receive their own brothers and sons. They have ror. How many close collaborators of Savimbi were killed? already begun to take them back. So the military movement How much of the population and other elements of Unita were will slowly, gradually, by degrees diminish. decimated? Obviously Savimbi can only survive in this type of We don't have enough people to carry out our own develr climate. opment, so there is no reason for us to reject sons of Angola, We waged a struggle for our independence and Savimbi although they erred for quite some time. Conditions will be did not take part in these efforts. On the contrary, he was on created for their dignified reintegration into Angolan society, the side of the Portuguese and then the South Africans against just as it was for the former members of the FNLA. the Angolan people. Will he be able today to defend the inter- Africa Report: Does the timetable for withdrawal of Cuban ests of the Angolan people after making them martyrs all this troops give your forces enough time to take over? time? Savimbi is an excellent public relations man, he speaks Van-Dunem: The Cuban forces were invited to our country well, but what is his true nature? When he says he is part of to help fight the South African and Zairian invasions, and the anti-communist struggle, that really means gallons and gal- remained in our country merely as a dissuading factor. They lons of blood of Angolans who were killed. What type of rec- did not clash with the South African forces until July 1 988. We onciliation can be done with this person? How can we bring were honoring our obligations with respect to the positions Savimbi in without his instruments of terror and put him togeth- being maintained by the Cuban forces in our country, which er with the population who has been the target of his aim to were not to have advanced beyond the 1 5th parallel. liquidate them? We could have gone together to kick out the South African Africa Report: What then is the solution to this problem? troops from the southern part of Angola. I spoke about some Reconciliation with Unita, but without Savimbi? of the concessions we were forced to accept—this is one that Van-Dunem: As Savimbi is the spiritual father of the hideous cost us quite dearly. The Cuban troops only entered inlo battle crimes against our people, at this moment he cannot be at Cuito Cuanavale when the South African troops insisted on encompassed within the policy of clemency. Maybe perhaps breaking the circle there. after some years, but we cannot find any justification before Savimbi knows that the Cubans didn't participate in fighting our people to explain why we would include Savimbi at this against his forces. For propaganda purposes, he would say point. We can bring in his other companions even from anything, especially in the U.S. But the U.S. also has proof Unita's leadership, because a large part of the atrocities that that the Cuban troops were not participating in the fighting. were committed by Unita were through the force of terror. This strengthens our opinion that our problems should be Many of his closest collaborators were purely and simply phys- resolved internally. Even with the presence of the Cuban forces ically eliminated. Those who opposed Savimbi's policy paid in our country all this time, they were never used for that with their heads. objective. If Unita puts down its arms, there will no longer be We are talking about human lives and we know that Ameri- war. cans are sensitive to the question of human rights. Why then The calendar which was approved was not our own initial do they remain indifferent in the face of the murder of tens of proposal, but the result of negotiations. We think that we will thousands of people? We are continuing to try and find solu- be able to restructure and reposition our own forces in the tions to the problem, but we insist that the solution has to be field. I would like to believe that the war will end. We are internal. In no way can external conditions be imposed. We waging a great effort for this to happen. appreciate all types of external support for the solution of our Africa Report: Do you expect a change in American policy internal problems, but this type of support cannot go against with the Bush administration? the interests of our own people. Otherwise, we will continue Van-Dunem: I would take up Jesse Jackson's slogan: "Keep the struggle. hope alive!" Perhaps that sums up everything we can say. We Africa Report: So the war with Unita will continue for some would like to believe that in the midst of this process of relax- time? ation of tensions between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, the Van-Dunem: We think that the continuing application of the United States will reformulate its policy with respect to Africa. policy of clemency and harmonization will contribute to some But until we see some practical aspects, our own experience Unita members reflecting and laying down their arms to join has shown us the contrary. Perhaps it will be [Secretary of us. In the first phase, the movement to come back was rather State] Baker's place to define what the future U.S. policy will weak, especially due to Unita counter-propaganda saying be. We would like to believe that it will be a policy which will there was a trick, that those who came back would be killed. defend the interests of the African peoples, not other interests As members of Unita begin to verify that this is not true, they which are to their detriment. Yes, we believe that it is possible will come. They are already coming. In the case of those peas- for the United States to change! O

AFRICA REPORT-Marcti-April 1989 25 NAMIBIA ' THE TRANSITION TIMETABLE

By JOHN A. EVENSON UN Security Council Resolution 435 contains many loopholes which could enable South Africa to undermine the free and fair election process in Namibia. The international community must ensure that the aims of the independence plan are not subverted and that the UN transition team fulfills its mandate unimpeded. "If you want to kill the bull, it is easier the United Nations flew into Namib- Africa since it was adopted by the if you bring the bull into the kraal." ia and the implementation of UN Security Council in 1978. The plan —Namibian proverb Security Council Resolution 435, the was accepted by the South West Western-composed/UN-adopted Africa People's Organization hat many thought was independence plan for the trust terri- (Swapo), and for years, the cry "435 impossible is now begin- tory known as South West Africa, Now!" was heard in the often-banned W ning to take place. On April began. meetings of Namibia's largest libera- 1, 1989, a peace-keeping force from "435" has been the numerical tion movement. Even churches in John A. Evenson is director of shorthand for Namibian indepen- the territory, proudly claiming to the Namibia Communications dence from the Republic of South represent more than 75 percent of Centre, a London-based news agency working with the churches in Namibia.

Back in the Republic, the $1 million a day cost of defending 'Suidwes' against Swapo's small army was no longer economically justifiable" its 1.5 million people, prayed and tions. With the dogged diplomatic positions and protected Unita lobbied for the implementation of initiatives of Chester Crocker once against the government forces. But 435. again underway, South Africa found now, the Angolans had superior In 1978, if only for diplomatic con- itself deep inside Angola with an radar and planes. No longer could sumption, the South Africans unexpected military reversal. In the the SAAF fly into Angola with announced that they also accepted midst of a campaign alongside Jonas impunity. 435. But when it came to implemen- Savimbi's Unita guerrillas, the South Meanwhile, back in the Republic, tation, Pretoria was intransigent. African Defence Force (SADF) sud- the $1 million a day cost of defend- While never officially repudiating denly found itself unable to accom- ing "Suidwes" against Swapo's small the plan, 435 became the object of plish its stated goal, the capture of army was no longer economically continued scorn. How could the UN the key Angolan town of Cuito Cua- justifiable. With shrinking gold be trusted with their "Suidwes-Afri- navale. SADF generals were forced reserves due to reduced foreign ka?" to admit some of their losses—more investment and the need to pay or Chief among the objections was than 50 white soldiers—not to men- roll over large overseas bank loans the problem of UN "impartiality." tion the hundreds of black troops in the next two years, the threat of The UN General Assembly had whose deaths were reported by further sanctions from Europe and accorded Swapo "sole and authentic" SADF deserters. Asia concentrated the minds of representative status in 1976, and White opinion in the Republic, Botha's cabinet. Given all these mili- therefore, in Pretoria's eyes, the UN including the Dutch Reformed tary, diplomatic, and financial fac- was already Church, was immediate. "Why," it tors, Pretoria decided to cut its loss- biased. was asked, "are we losing our boys es. Yet the in Angola?" In July, the final straw One might have expected a spirit Security came when a large number of South of jubilation among the leaders of Council African troops were suddenly sur- Namibia's liberation movement and had never afford- rounded deep inside Angola by a the churches. Instead, deep-seated ed Swapo "sole" status, combined force of Cubans and skepticism about South Africa's true and under 435, Swapo would be Angolans. To have fought would intentions were expressed by both treated no differently than the myri- have been a costly exercise, with leaders and people in the street. The ad of smaller parties. precious white lives lost. most frequently heard comment Nevertheless, 435 was still flawed The Cubans and Angolans did not inside Namibia was, "I'll believe it from the South African point of view. attack, but instead demanded that when I see the last SADK trooper Its leaders admitted that Swapo the hitherto unproductive negotia- roll out of our country on his way to would win any unrigged election, tions take a new turn. This act of Cape Town." meaning that the "Marxist" Swapo statesmanship led to the December And as the implementation of 435 would be in charge of the country, 22 signing of a tripartite agreement came closer, the reversal of expecta- and that the "communist onslaught" setting out the conditions for Cuban tions was striking. Part of the reason had been victorious. For P.W. Botha withdrawal from Angola and South for this change in perception was and his National Party, this might African withdrawal from Namibia. that more Namibians are now aware provoke an ultra-right backlash and The impossible seemed now to be of the loopholes contained in 435 encourage open rebellion among the probable. On January 16, the Securi- that will provide South Africa with Republic's black majority. ty Council announced that on April many opportunities to undermine While Pretoria prevaricated, in 1, 1989, the long-awaited implemen- the "free and fair" election process. 1982, the U.S. gave South Africa tation of 435 would begin. Already in 1978, Swapo President another reason for not leaving To many observers, South Sam Nujoma had described the Namibia—the presence of Cuban Africa's willingness to quit Namibia Western plan as containing "lan- troops supporting the Angolan gov- was quite unexpected. But beneath guage so vague and unavoidably ernment. "Linkage" became the Pretoria's bravado, the South African ambiguous that it is subject to differ- codeword. Pretoria did not have to economy was suffering a downturn ent and unavoidably conflicting inter- respond to the demands of the UN and credit squeeze, especially as a pretation." for implementation of 435 until the result of American sanctions. Swapo agreed to 435 in 1978 only Cuban troops had left Angola. By Despite loopholes, the arms embar- because it was assured by the West- increasing its military incursions go had severely crippled the hither- ern nations on the Security Council into the former Portuguese colony, to invincible SADF, so that now the that it would bring Namibia its inde- Pretoria ensured a protracted dead- Angolans and Cubans were both bet- pendence within months, not years. lock. ter equipped and more eager to In accepting 435, Swapo gave in Then came the events of 1988, engage in combat. In past winters, to the West's compromise over the and the cumulative effects of the the South African Air Force (SAAF) more definitive Security Council res- arms embargo and economic sanc- would have bombed the Angolan olution 385 of 1976. When South

AFRICA REPORT'March-April 1989 27 Africa refused to leave Namibia fol- UN secretary-general to appoint a agreed by a two-thirds majority. lowing the adoption of 385, there special representative whose "cen- Crucially, Ahtisaari must "certify was tremendous pressure in the tral task will be to make sure that the suitability" of the South African- General Assembly to pass mandato- conditions are established which will led police force in Namibia to keep ry comprehensive sanctions against allow free and fair elections and an law and order during the transition Pretoria. Although they eventually impartial electoral process." In 1978, period. He must also ensure that the conceded a mandatory arms embar- a Finnish diplomat, Martti Ahtisaari, returning refugees, probably num- go, the five Western nations moved then UN Commissioner for Namibia, bering more than 60,000, are treated quickly to protect their economic was appointed by Kurt Waldheim to equitably. He will monitor the cam- interests, proposing in effect that be this special representative, and paign period, the registration of vot- 435 would obtain Pretoria's approval his appointment has been continued ers, and finally, the actual elections, without the need for sanctions. by Perez de Cuellar. Ahtisaari has due to occur at 400 polling places Eleven years ago, Namibian inde- long experience in Namibian matters scattered throughout the 317,827 pendence was to be a touchstone of and should be able to carry out his square mile territory. the integrity of the UN, a shining duties with wisdom and integrity. Finally, Ahtisaari will certify the example of how the primacy of inter- The South African counterpart to proper conduct of the elections and national law and reason could tri- Ahtisaari is its colonial administrator will remain with at least a portion of umph over the selfishness of individ- in Namibia, Louis Pienaar. Confus- the UNTAG forces until a new gov- ual states. The last major remnant of ingly, the South African government ernment is in place, possibly by April European colonialism in Africa, save has also appointed a special envoy to 1,1990. for apartheid itself, was to be put to Namibia, Willem Retief, presently To accomplish this major and death. Pretoria's ambassador to West Ger- complex task in the presence of the Accordingly, resolution 435 main- many, to liaise between South South Africans, Ahtisaari will com- tained many of the basic goals of the Africa's appointed government in the mand a force of civilian and military previous document. For example, territory, the administrator-general, personnel known as the United the stated purpose of 435 is "to and Ahtisaari. Nations Transition Assistance Group ensure the early independence of On behalf of the secretary-gener- (UNTAG). Components of this force Namibia through free elections al, Ahtisaari is charged to "certify, will staff the 50-plus UN offices scat- under the supervision and control of satisfy himself, guarantee, direct, tered throughout the territory, moni- the United Nations." But unlike 385, supervise, and control" a complex tor the actions of South Africa's the entire transition procedure will number of items and procedures so police at major police stations, moni- now take place with Pretoria holding that the conduct of the electoral pro- tor the SADF withdrawal and the onto Namibia's only deepwater port, cess, the elections themselves, and demobilization of all other South Walvis Bay, and still in administra- the certification of the results are African-led military and paramilitary tive control of the territory. seen as fair and appropriate. forces, and monitor the election pro- After April 1, roughly 13,000 He must certify the restriction to cess. white South African and 24,000 black base, withdrawal, demobilization, In 1978, UN military experts said colonial civil servants will continue and disarming of thousands of South that they could accomplish their to govern the day-to-day activities of African armed and led soldiers, com- peace-keeping role during the transi- "Suidwes" from their offices in mandos, home guards, air force, and tion period with a military compo- Windhoek and outlying towns. A yet counter-insurgency units. nent of 7,500 troops. Another 3,000 undetermined number of South Ahtisaari must also approve the civilians were seen as necessary to African police, presently serving in release of political prisoners and assist Ahtisaari in the many non-mili- units of the security branch and the detainees from both South Africa tary tasks necessary to ensure "free South West Africa Police, will remain and Swapo, ensure the repeal of dis- elections under the supervision and in charge of the maintenance of law criminatory laws and restrictive leg- control of the United Nations." and order. islation in the territory, and approve In 1989, however, the permanent Apartheid-based ethnic adminis- new legislation that describes the members of the Security Council, trations set up by South Africa will registration of voters and proce- led by the United States but with the also remain in place. Under 385, all dures for the election of a con- compliance of the Soviet Union, these would have been dismantled stituent assembly that will write a began insisting that the cost of main- and the UN itself would have admin- constitution for the new nation. taining the original UNTAG military istered the country. Thus with 435, Already imposed by 435 upon that component was too high. They South Africa will retain much of its constituent assembly are a number demanded, in words that bordered illegal control during the transition of constitutional principles to guaran- on diplomatic blackmail, that the to independence. tee a multiparty parliamentary sys- secretary-general reduce the num- To fulfill the requirements of 435, tem and the protection of private ber of UNTAG troops, lest the costs the Security Council directed the property. The constitution must be "jeopardize the prospects for other

28 AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 peace-keeping operations in the future." Appropriate Timing of Transition to In 1978, the South African Independence for Namibia Defence Force in the territory was in Accordance with Security Council Resolutions about 60,000-strong, the South 435 (1978) and 629 (1989) (All dates and events are based upon the Annex to the African police force about 3,000, and Settlement Proposal - S/12636 -of 10 April 1978) the number of armed Angolan Unita guerrillas inside Namibia was less Mid-February Core UNTAG staff arrive than 1,000. Now in 1989, South in Namibia to prepare for Africa's troop contingent in the terri- the establishment of the tory is both much larger and better mission. equipped. In addition, there are now 1 April Formal cessation of The Special Representative 30,000 Namibians (conscripts and hostilities. of the SG and most UNTAG Restriction to base of civilian, police, and military volunteers) in the South African-led Swapo and South personnel arrive between 1 "South West Africa Territory Force" African forces and April and mid-May, are (SWATF). The number of South release of political deployed to 50+ locations in African police has increased to over prisoners and the territory and assume 8,500 and a new unit—the brutal detainees begins. duties in accordance counter-insurgency group, "Koe- Repeal of discriminatory with phasing and and restrictive laws deployment plans. voet"—has at least 3,000 members, begins. claiming to be ordinary policemen. By mid-May Refugees begin return UNHCR assists in return of The permanent members argued to Namibia. General refugees. that since there is already a monitor- rules for elections issued. UNTAG continues ing force watching the border Reduction of SA forces organizational and to 12.000. Repeal of monitoring activities. between Angola and Namibia as a discriminatory and re- result of the December 22 tripartite strictive laws completed. agreement, there was no need for By early June Reduction of SA All UNTAG activities the original seven infantry battal- forces to 8,000. Release continue. ions. They conveniently ignored the of political prisoners/ fact that the established monitoring detainees completed. force has been unable to function in By 1 July Further force AH UNTAG activities northeast Namibia, where South reductions to 1,500 continue. Africa and Unita control the Angolan SA troops. Military installations on northern border. border under UN super- In this region, known as Kavango vision or deactivated. and Caprivi, more than 2,500 armed Approx. 1 July Official start of electoral Second major contingent Unita troops move at will, intimidat- campaign. Voter of civilian UNTAG staff ing the Namibian populace. There registration begins. arrives to support monitoring are at least two major Unita bases in of electoral process. the Kavango-Caprivi area, and as yet Early October Major part of electoral (Poll watchers are approx. (approx.) poll watchers arrive, 800 professional election no declared provision authorizing deployed to UN centers personnel coming from the UNTAG forces to monitor the for assignment to desig- various member states). Angolan rebels' withdrawal or con- nated polling stations. finement to base. The South 1-8 November Elections to Constituent UNTAG supervises Africans have moved thousands of (approx.) Assembly which is to elections, tabulation, and Angolan refugees tied to Unita into draw up and adopt publication of voting northeast Namibia. There are realis- constitution. results, to the SRSG, who tic fears that Pretoria will grant then certifies the results. these Angolans, both armed combat- By mid-November Completion of withdrawal UNTAG activities continue. of remaining 1,500 Many staff expected ants and civilians, identification SA troops. Closure of to depart at this stage. papers to skew the election results. all bases. Convening Not surprisingly, the South of Constituent Assembly. Africans expressed their pleasure at Date unspecified Conclusion of UNTAG activities continue, the reduction in UNTAG forces, Constituent Assembly. with more staff departing. whereas Swapo and the Namibian Steps necessary prior to installation of new churches vehemently opposed it. In government. two urgent appeals to the secretary- Date unspecified INDEPENDENCE general, Namibia's bishops told of

AFRICA REPORT'March-April 1989 29 arms being cached at strategic he has assigned to enforce "law and stop to their antics? And when he places in the territory by "forces order" during the election period are makes such demands, will the Secu- unfriendly to Namibian indepen- members of Koevoet. Gouws said rity Council back him and bring dence" and reported that members that the 3,000 Koevoet members pressure on Pretoria? of Koevoet were being integrated were already integrated into the Looking at only one small part of surreptitiously into the regular civilian police force, and that to give 435—the actual balloting proce- police force. them a police role during the transi- dure—is instructive. There will be If meeting the original UNTAG tion would keep them employed and 400 polling places dotted around the troop size was merely a problem of prevent them from taking up arms immense territory. At each polling finance, the bishops said considera- against Swapo. site, South Africa will officiate, certi- tion should be given to "the terribly Pretoria's administrator-general, fying that the person is registered, high price already paid by Namib- Louis Pienaar, announced in Febru- handing him the ballot, taking the ians in their struggle for freedom ary that the 30,000 members of ballot, and placing it in a place ready and to the inestimable cost that SWATF would continue to be paid by for counting. Ahtisaari has planned would be paid should one life be lost the government, even if they were for two UN civilian monitors at each because there were not enough disbanded by UNTAG. Also, Pienaar site. If one of them is ill, then the bal- members of UNTAG to monitor and said that the laws he will announce loting will go on. But what if the sec- control the already known excesses governing the election process ond UN staffer is called away, either of those disposed toward the South would aim to "curb intimidation" by by nature or to eat or rest? Who African system." banning from the election any per- watches the ballot box? Backed by the Non-Aligned son or organization "found guilty of South Africa continues to control Movement and the OAU, most non- violence or intimidation." To the the borders of Namibia during the permanent members lobbied for the untrained eye, this seems perfectly transition. Will Pretoria permit bona full UNTAG force. But in the end, correct, but the wording is South fide observers from churches and Perez de Cuellar outlined a compro- Africa's long-standing euphemism human rights organizations abroad mise plan that provided three for Swapo. to enter the country to assist the beefed-up armed infantry battalions Knowing that SWATF would be small UN team? Will Pretoria permit instead of the seven originally disbanded, Pienaar went ahead in journalists to watch the events of required, keeping the number of January and conscripted 3,000 transition, even those whom it has troops initially sent to Namibia at young Namibians, sending them off barred from entry in the past? Will 4,650. With a nod to Swapo and to Pretoria's training camps. News Ahtisaari ensure that overseas moni- Namibia's bishops, he provided a from the churches indicates that the tors, invited by the churches or slightly larger civilian police compo- SWATF troopers are being indoctri- other non-governmental agencies, nent, from 350 to 500, and declared nated in the "evils" of 435, and then are permitted to come to help their that UNTAG would demobilize the sent out into the villages, giving Namibian partners? thugs of Koevoet. meal, meat, and sweets to the people Ahtisaari must "certify the suit- On February 16, the Security with the exhortation, "Don't vote for ability" of the South West Africa Council adopted the scaled-down Swapo!" All this is funded by Preto- Police to keep law and order. Most peace-keeping plan, at a cost of $416 ria, a full five months before the offi- of its duties in the past have involved million, some 57 percent of which cial four-month campaign period is intimidation and the arrest without will be borne by its permanent mem- to begin. trial of Namibia's citizenry. Many bers—the U.S., Soviet Union, China, When one looks at the infrastruc- have also been involved in numerous France, and Britain—the largest UN ture built by South Africa in Namib- documented cases of beatings, tor- peace-keeping mission since the ia, with laws, education, commerce, ture, and murder of Namibians Congo. However, despite the fact and a centralized colonial adminis- opposed to South African occupa- that the accords name the five per- tration all placed on an apartheid tion. How will Ahtisaari handle the manent Council members as their foundation, one can see the enormity almost certain intimidation that will guarantor, most seasoned observers of the task facing the special repre- come from the "certified" police? both inside and outside Namibia sentative if the foundation of democ- Is it any wonder that many expect the implementation process racy—"free and fair" elections— is Namibians are afraid that 435 will to be subverted by South Africa dur- to occur. Under 435, South Africa, lead to a possible Congo debacle ing the transition. not the UN, will determine the vot- rather than a Lancaster House suc- And Pretoria has already begun ing system, register the voters, print cess? South Africa has tried to kill to do so. Knowing that the UN wants the ballots and tally them. Ahtisaari 435 for ten years in the diplomatic to dismantle Koevoet, the South and his UNTAG will have to certify corridors of the world. It could be African head of police in Namibia, that the process is free and fair, but that Pretoria has decided that this Gen. Gouws, announced on Febru- how far will he allow the South time the bull can be more easily ary 1 that almost one-half the police Africans to go before he demands a killed inside the kraal. O

30 AFRICA REPORT-March-Apnl 1989 tracked oil deliveries to South Africa From January 1979 through August Africa is a perfect way to derive top and issued detailed reports docu- 1987, SRB documented at least 76 dollar for a tanker of crude. menting ships, registry, tonnage of crude oil deliveries totalling 18 mil- The SRB estimates that South oil carried, port(s) of embarkation, lion tons from Saudi Arabia to South Africa's premium is sixty cents to $8 and date of arrival in South Africa. Africa. There were also 53 deliveries for every barrel of oil it imports. The This information has been made from the United Arab Emirates, 52 total bill to South Africa comes to available to lobbying organizations from Oman, and 36 from Iran. The around $2.3 billion per year above and to the press. Jaap Woldendorp, other major supplier was Brunei, the market price of the oil, and head of SRB, estimates that their from which SRB documented 57 between 1979 and January 1988, investigations can account for 55-60 shipments over the same period. South Africa paid about $25 billion in percent of the oil that reaches South The actual number of shipments excess charges to thwart the oil Africa. from these countries is substantially embargo. "A lot of people have to eat This information has also been larger. from that." Woldendorp said, "the supplied to the United Nations Cen- SRB estimated conservatively that trading companies, the shipping tre Against Apartheid, which did lit- prior to 1987, 25 percent of South companies, and there are consistent tle with it until 1986 when the Inter- Africa's imports originated in Saudi rumors, very difficult to substanti- governmental Group to Monitor the Arabia. "I would say that the United ate, that people within the oil export- Supply and Shipping of Oil and Arab Emirates and Oman account ing countries, especially government Petroleum Products to South Africa for a bit less, and Iran is about 5 per- people, are also pocketing part of was formed, largely at the behest of cent. The olher main supplier is this." Kuwait, an oil producer whose oil Brunei at about 6 percent," Wolden- Another incentive to export to never shows up in South Africa. In dorp said. Together, deliveries from South Africa is that the oil is off the November 1987, the Group issued these countries account for 60 per- books. Saudi Arabia and the Gulf an official report echoing SRB's find- cent of South Africa's oil needs. states have come under fire for vio- ings. A follow-up was issued a year In the 1988 report, covering the lating OPEC quotas in the past. later. years 1985 through the beginning of Since exports to South Africa are What the reports showed was a 1987, however, the bulk of the oil unofficial, it is a convenient place to steady flow of oil from the Gulf seems to be flowing from the U.A.E, dump oil in excess of the quotas. states to South Africa. But while pri- with Brunei and Saudi Arabia only Bui the Saudi violations of the oil vately urging countries to try to pre- mentioned a few times. Woldendorp embargo may be even more calculat- vent their oil from reaching South doesn't believe that necessarily ed. The Saudis have long been sup- Africa, the UN has refrained from means that the Saudis have stopped portive of a number of governments public criticism or anything that supplying oil, rather that they have and right-wing causes championed might embarrass the nations that done a betier job covering their by the U.S. government. In the sum- have been identified as suppliers. tracks. "That other 40 percent that mer of 1987, an Arab-American busi- "The oil situation from 1979 to we don't find is likely to be Saudi nessman named Sam Bamieh 1982 was rather desperate for South oil," he said. appeared before the House Foreign Africa." Woldendorp said. "They The Saudis won't discuss the Affairs Africa subcommittee. Look- were buying oil all over the place. charges, preferring to issue a stan- ing to uncover some African angles You had a lot of different sources. dard statement: "Saudi Arabia boy- in the Iran-Contra affair, the commit- Oil came from trans-shipments from cotts South Africa economically, tee asked Bamieh what he knew Rotterdam, the Netherlands Antilles, including the supply of oil, and about Saudi Arabian funding of Unita and Singapore. And of course also breaches of these regulations are in Angola. from the Persian Gulf area and punishable...Any deviation or manip- Bamieh, who had extensive busi- Brunei. After that. South Africa man- ulation of any oil shipments after it ness connections with the Saudi gov- aged to restructure its oil procure- leaves Saudi Arabia by any other ernment, as well as a personal rela- ment apparatus and if you compare party is subject to a penalty and tionship with King Fahd, testified 1984 with 1979, the number of punitive action. We stand firm with that a deal had been struck between companies involved is much smaller our brothers in Africa on this issue." the U.S. and Saudi Arabia in 1982 and the number of countries from But people who know the inner when Saudi Arabia received AWACs which the oil originates is much workings of the Saudi oil business planes from the U.S. The Saudis, he smaller." think otherwise. Though it may not said, had agreed to supply arms to Those years marked an increas- be official government policy to sell Unita. the anti-Soviet forces in ing reliance on a single oil suppli- oil to South Africa, individual mem- Afghanistan, and the Contras in er—Saudi Arabia. One SRB report bers of the Saudi royal family have exchange for greater Saudi control concluded that there has been "a large quantities of oil under their of the AWACs. Then, almost in pass- steady flow of crude oil from Saudi personal control. The oil is a kind of ing, he said that the deal also includ- Arabia to South Africa since 1979." allowance, and selling to South ed one more element: Saudi oil to

32 AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 South Africa. its coal to Taiwan, and a ship return- which would indicate where the ves- Nothing much came from ing to South Africa will often try to sel has actually been. This must Bamieh's allegations. The Iran-Con- maximize its profits by picking up a include the disposal of all newspa- tra committee interviewed him but load of oil in Brunei on the way. pers or magazines or calendars from did not include his testimony, or any- These deliveries are also difficult to the port. If any stores are taken, thing to do with the Africa connec- document. then any packages or documents tion for that matter, in its final In 1987 for the first time, a coun- relating to them which would show report. The Saudis never answered try made it a crime for its nationals where they were purchased must the allegations, choosing instead to to bring oil to South Africa. During also be disposed of. attack Bamieh's personal credibility. the first half of 1987, Norwegian We understand that the above A group of congressional aides who tankers were thought lo account for requests may seem unusual, but rest has looked into the allegations say a quarter of the oil arriving in South assured that it is in the best interests that it hasn't found anyone who can Africa. That slopped when on July 20 of the vessel and her owners." corroborate Bamieh's story—but it of that year, it became criminal for The Licorne Oceane docked at can't find any evidence that contra- any Norwegian to be involved in an Durban under the name "M 49" to dicts him either. oil delivery to South Africa. unload her cargo. Oil to South Africa, like arms to But this legislation and the Clearly then, the largest part of the Contras, pleased some powerful increased attention to oil shipments the burden in ensuring that the friends in Washington. Bamieh testi- may only make the parties involved embargo succeeds falls on the oil fied that Saudi Arabia was interested more careful. SRB reports that in exporters. Though they cannot have in neutralizing the influence of the 1979, only about one-third of the absolute control over where their pro-Israel lobby in the U.S., as well ships docking* at South African ports exports end up, they can certainly as in gaining more control over the made an effort to keep their calls a take steps to insure that the oil they AWACs. In that way, the AWACs deal secret. Today more than 90 percent send out is contracted to legitimate was a double coup: They triumphed make some attempt to hide their purchasers. If the oil then ends up in over the Israel lobby, which opposed tracks, often with forged documents. South Africa, the companies respon- the sale, and began a close relation- In 1987, SRB documented one inci- sible will be easier lo track. Kuwait ship with the CIA and NSC people dent where ;* tanker from the Per- has succeeded in stopping its oil that have become known during the sian Gulf docked in the Netherlands, from reaching South Africa. The Iran-Contra affair. unloaded hall of its cargo, and then other Gulf states can do the same. All oil producers pay at least lip unloaded the other half in Germany. The UN will also have to take vio- service to the embargo. But a large But on its way back to the Gulf, it lations of the embargo more serious- portion of the oil shipping business picked up what it had left in the ly and take steps against states that is the kind of rogue operation that Netherlands and dropped it off in violate it. The explanation that they attracts adventurers, mercenaries, South Africa. do not want to criticize member- and the types of people who might On January 30, 1987, a French states is a blatant lie. The UN has enjoy the challenges of violating the supertanker, Licorne Oceane, took never hesitated to criticize the U.S., embargo. This makes it difficult to on Iranian oil at Hormuz and set off Great Britain, or Israel on any evi- monitor the deliveries and collect for South Africa. Though the Liberi- dence of collusion with Pretoria. hard proof that one nation or anoth- an-flag ship is owned by the French Some UN insiders feel that the er may be cooperating with South government-controlled Compagnie sanctions movement has not been Africa. Generale Maritime et Financiere, it inspired primarily by a desire to Many of the ships that dock in had been under the control of a attack apartheid. "Saudi Arabia has South Africa are rustbuckets on British company, Seatramp (U.K.) gotten away with it until now, their last runs before being Ltd, which is half-owned by another because the real purpose of bringing scrapped. Others might be Panama- French company. The ship received up embargos in the UN has been to nian or Liberian-registered tankers the following instructions from embarrass the West," said a high- owned by holding companies of one home: ranking UN official. But, he added nationality and leased to other com- "It is most important that the ves- hopefully, "That is starting to panies of different nationalities. In sel's name is not displayed at the change." addition, shipments of oil are often discharge] port...If it is possible the The last two reports from the swapped or sold en route. And vessel's name must be covered with Intergovernmental Group are a step papers and bills of lading can be eas- canvas securely fitted in place on the in the right direction. At least the ily forged or doctored. bow, the stern, and the bridge. The UN has acknowledged where South Much of the oil that reaches owners' identification on the funnel Africa's most crucial outside support South Africa arrives in combi ships should also be removed. On leaving is coming from. What happens next that are designed to carry oil and the discharge] port, there should will have much to do with how long coal. South Africa exports much of be nothing on board the vessel apartheid will survive. O

AFRICA RE PORT-March-April 1989 33 SOUTH AFRICA

FORTRESS SOUTH AFRICA

By MICHAEL MAREN

Despite a voluntary international oil embargo, South Africa has been able to find exporters, companies, and shippers willing to sell it petroleum, the one resource for which it must have a dependable external supply. Better monitoring of violations by the UN and the sanctions movement could have an impact on the South African economy's most vulnerable sector.

ne of the frustrating ironies of mainly for consumer use. Nearly all 'That's simply not true," said one the sanctions movement is the diesel fuel that the military and expert who has been examining O that there is probably no transport sectors run on is import- South Africa's oil situation over the country in the world better equipped ed. past 10 years. A recent unpublished to withstand prolonged economic The South Africans have used report says that South African isolation than South Africa. Mineral- coal wherever possible, generating reserves could at best last no more rich and agriculturally prosperous, electricity, cooking, or heating water, than 250 days. "The country," he the country is a virtual fortress. Its in order to conserve on petroleum. concluded, "is hanging by a thread." near-monopoly on some strategic But conservation has been pressed But that thread remains unbroken minerals, including diamonds, gold, to its absolute limits. There is virtu- as South Africa, despite the volun- and platinum, assures an uninter- ally no margin left for replacing oil tary international oil embargo that rupted flow of exports, even to some with coal. SASOL is now experiment- was approved by the UN in 1973, has of the nations that most vocally ing with technologies to convert nat- been able to find exporters, compa- oppose its government. At the same ural gas to motor fuel, but without nies, and shippers willing to bring oil time, there are few raw materials much success. to its ports, at a rate of about 220,000 that South Africa needs to import, In 1969, Pretoria launched an barrels a day. and only one resource for which it accelerated program to stockpile a The sanctions strategies being absolutely must have a dependable strategic oil reserve. Abandoned promoted by various anti-apartheid external supply—oil. gold and diamond mines were organizations have concentrated on The South Africans have gone to turned into vast underground oil stopping investment in South Africa extraordinary lengths to ensure that storage facilities and a complicated and banning South African exports, there is oil. In the late 1960s, the network of pipelines was set up to measures aimed at slowly suffocat- government created SASOL to de- move oil to and from these reserves. ing the regime. Curiously, they have velop coal liquefaction technology, South Africa has perpetuated a not spent much time drawing atten- allowing it to turn South Africa's strategic lie that it has an ample sup- tion to South Africa's oil imports. cheap and abundant coal reserves ply of fuel buried beneath the But oil is the regime's Achilles into petroleum. SASOL now con- ground. Though the actual size of heel—the one area in which sanc- tributes about one-fourth of the the stockpile is a closely guarded tions could be effective. If oil country's petroleum requirements, state secret, South African officials imports were stopped, it would deal but at a cost of about $75 a barrel. have leaked information putting a sudden and crushing blow to the And SASQL plants produce gasoline their reserves at three, six, or 12 nation's economy and force the Michael Maren is a contributing editor to years, depending on whom you talk regime to bargain for its life. Africa Report. His book. 'Flit1 Land and People to or which rationing program is of Kenya, will be published by Harper & Row Since 1979, the Shipping in May deemed feasible at the time. Research Bureau in Amsterdam has

AFRICA REPORT-March April 1989 31 T R V W THABO MBEKI: SHINING A SPOTLIGHT ON SOUTH AFRICA

fly MARGARET A. NOVICKI

The African National Congress' new director of international affairs examines the movement's diplomatic and military strategies for the coming year. With international attention focused on the Namibian independence process, the ANC will ensure that the spotlight on apartheid doesn't diminish and action against it, particularly sanctions, is strengthened.

Africa Report: What is the ANC's strategy for 1989 on the enter into the negotiations because of a transformation in its diplomatic Front? thinking. Circumstance forced it to enter into this process. Mbeki: One of the important things this year is that the imple- There is an illusion that with regard to Namibia, you are mentation of UN resolution 435 on Namibia starts from April dealing with a different regime from that with which the and elections to the constituent assembly on November 1 take Mozambicans signed their agreement in 1984. It is very place in conditions of peace and stability. It is very important important that the member-states of the UN should discharge that the South African regime not be allowed to destabilize their obligations toward Namibia to ensure that it becomes Namibia in order to demonstrate that democratic transforma- independent in conditions of peace, to let the Namibians tions of the kind visualized for Namibia are not possible and decide among themselves what to do without any destabiliza- to justify the continuation of the apartheid system. It is an tion or interference from South Africa. It is on important diplo- important issue for the ANC and for the people of South matic struggle to achieve that. Africa. The second important point is that during this year, the As one of the important projects of the year, the ANC will South African regime will continue its campaign of repression be participating in the education of international opinion, inside the country. There is a lot of speculation about possible mobilization of people, and persuasion of governments to elections for the tricameral parliament. No doubt as in the ensure that the purposes which the UN pursued when it past, the government will try to make sure that those apartheid agreed to the process of independence for Namibia are real- elections take place in conditions of "stability" in South Africa, ized. There might be some misconception that because Preto- with minimum interference by the democratic movement. ria signed this agreement, there is a change in its political per- Therefore, it would want to have the lid very firmly down—no spectives, that it has demonstrated good will, trustworthiness, demonstrations, no strikes, no protests. That means repression. willingness to cooperate, and therefore doesn't pose a threat If you look at the history of this region, the independence of to the process of independence. That is a misconception Mozambique and Zimbabwe inspired activity inside South because the nature of the regime hasn't changed. It didn't Africa, as did the defeat of the South African army in 1976 in

34 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 Angola. And no doubt the regime will know that the process I don't know whether Thatcher would meet with us—we toward Namibia's independence will inspire the South African haven't asked for any meeting with her and she hasn't offered people. any. But it is not an issue to meet her. What is at issue We want to make it very clearly understood by the rest of between ourselves and the British government is its stand on the world that whatever might be happening with regard fo sanctions. Nothing has been said that would indicate the pos- Angola and Namibia, apartheid remains, as does the need to sibility of movement there. But there are the Commonwealth intensify pressure against it, so it will be important that we get meetings this year and Thatcher will have to respond directly the world to continue to focus on the issue of sanctions. The to that. If the U.S. moves further on sanctions, she will have to regime would want to take advantage of the Namibian pro- respond and so we have to wait and see whether she contin- cess to direct focus away from South Africa, saying: Let's ues being a militant opponent or whether Britain falls in line resolve the Namibia question and when we're done, we'll with what seems to be general opinion in the European Com- come back to the South African question. That is one of the munity. reasons why it would want to create problems in Namibia, try- Africa Report: It is said that the British government is deci- ing to sort out what will be presented as internal Namibian sive in getting movement from the South African government, conflicts that have nothing to do with South Africa in the hope and until it adopts sanctions, not much change can be expect- that as the UN, the OAU, the non-aligned, and everybody is ed. entangled there, they won't have time to look at the South Mbeki: No. I think the people of South Africa hold the key to African question. the matter. The principal pressure point and agent of change So this year, the ANC must make sure that the spotlight on has to be the ANC, the democratic movement, the struggle. the South African issue doesn't diminish in intensity and that The res) of the world is important and Britain occupies a spe- action against apartheid, particularly in the form of sanctions, cial place partly by virtue of South Africa having been a takes place. Hopefully the U.S. Congress will impose new British colony, and also because of the extent of British eco- sanctions this year. That will be important in itseff, but also nomic involvement there and the obvious good relations that with regard to increasing pressure on the major Western pow- exist between Margaret Thatcher and P.W. Botha. So it is true ers to follow the U.S. example. that the British government under Thatcher would presumably One of the things that increases the possibility of movement have a bit more influence on that situation than the Italian gov- in that direction is the change of administration in the U.S. It is ernment. our expectation that Bush will not be a replica of Reagan and But in the end, what will move the British government to won't feel this compulsion to defend apartheid, that he will make whatever little contribution it can to the solution of the take a more active anti-apartheid stance, which would South African problem will be the intensity of the struggle at increase the possibility for further movement on the sanctions home. If it senses that Botha is in control, has managed to issue. The Commonwealth is addressing that same question impose stability and absence of struggle, if won't move either, again this year. On the diplomatic front, it is an important pro- whatever influence Thatcher might have. But the South African ject of the ANC to make sure that the sanctions campaign is question is not Zimbabwe. It is not a British colony. The OAU not only sustained, but stepped up. has been preoccupied by the South African issue ever since its The other important thing is that toward the end of last foundation and organizations like the OAU have to be at the year, we saw Botha beginning to wander around the African center of any international participation in terms of the solution continent, with visits to Zaire and Cote d'lvoire. That must stop to that problem. The UN determined a long time ago that it and it is our expectation that major meetings of the OAU will had a special responsibility toward the people of South Africa, address the issue to ensure the unity of the continent in its so the international community is engaged and involved, and opposition to apartheid and in repulsing any effort by the it would not be correct to suddenly elbow it aside simply Botha regime to break into Africa. There will be a special ses- because Britain might have special relations. sion of ihe UN General Assembly discussing the issue of There is no major power that has exclusive prerogative to apartheid later in the year, and it can further consolidate inter- intervene on behalf of everybody. Indeed the concept of a national unity around the illegitimacy of the Botha regime, the contact group would not be acceptable, because if there was need to support the democratic movement, the ANC and oth- a particular role to play by the international community, our ers, the need to impose sanctions and ensure the most effective position would be that organizations like the OAU and UN isolation of the apartheid system, and in the aftermath of the should be elected to act on our behalf. Namibia process, to look at the question of how to expedite Africa Report: So the determining factor is the intensity of the process of change wifh regard to South Africa itself. the struggle. What is your strategy inside the country in this Africa Report: How effective is the ANC as an actor in the regard? diplomatic arena? How is your influence felt or not felt among Mbeki: The ANC's basic strategy remains unchanged. The the major Western powers? struggle has to be intensified on all fronts—political, military, Mbeki: The ANC has contact with virtually every government sanctions, diplomatic. It cannot be exclusively a military strug- in the world. Even Margaret Thatcher has said publicly that gle. For example, important political struggles emerged the ANC is central to the solution of the South African issue toward the end of 1988 on the transformation of sport in and the British government will have to deal with the ANC in South Africa along non-racial lines. That work will continue order to find a solution. The situation has now become irre- and is an element in that policy. The military offensive must versible—the recognition and understanding of the ANC's continue, and necessarily an intensification of the military place in the South African struggle, whether people like our struggle must mean more losses both on our side and that of policies or don't. Therefore the need for anybody who wants the regime. But we are in struggle to defeat the apartheid to become a player in that situation to be in contact with the regime and to ensure the transfer of power to the people and ANC is generally accepted. the emergence of a democratic South Africa, and that is what

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 35 we must pursue. All the elements of that strategy are very white youth. Then they were banned. They are bound to important and relate to one another. remain opposed to conscription, although the campaign is The ANC is not going to be persuaded to abandon armed banned, and if they can't continue the struggle in this way, struggle simply because somebody has decided that it is they must find other ways. impermissible to use force to achieve political objectives. The regime continually exposes itself even to the white pop- There is no such principle. The ANC is not going to bow down ulation as supremely anti-democratic and incapable of being to that kind of pressure. We wouldn't want to buy improved an instrument of change, committed to this anti-democratic relations with the American administration at the cost of the position, to repression. In that situation, it is natural that you struggle. The struggle has to continue. We've got to liberate have the three white parties getting together to form a more ourselves and we've got to use what seem to us as the correct effective opposition. Even those in the ruling party who have means. So generally, the strategic positions of the ANC are been hoping thai the process of so-called reform is going to not going to change. We must continuously intensify our offen- produce a real result are beginning to say it can't, because sive on all fronts and if there is pressure against the ANC the daily activities of the Botha regime are pointed in an oppo- because more soldiers and police are dying, the ANC can site direction from fundamental change. So they begin to look withstand such pressure. for a different home, different solutions. Even members of par- Africa Report: What impact has the state of emergency, liament begin to insist on the centrality of the extra-parliamen- increased repression, banning of organizations, had on the tary struggle, saying change is going to come from outside. ANC's ability to mobilize activity inside South Africa? We need to link up with the extra-parliamentary forces and Mbeki: The state of emergency—involving arrests and killing build one common stream of struggle. The struggle continues of many people and banning of organizations—must have an because the masses are committed to that struggle and effect. If the UDF [United Democratic Front] is banned and because the extent, level, and depth of organization is such Cosofu [Congress of South African Trade Unions] is not that the regime can't smash and destroy the democratic move- allowed to engage in political struggles, it must have an effect ment. on the capacity to organize people. But the state of emergen- The ANC has been an illegal organization for nearly 29 cy has not had any effect on the mood or morale of the peo- years and continues to work whether there is a state of emer- ple, on their readiness to struggle. gency or not. Partly because of the state of emergency, a lot of The point was demonstrated very clearly in October when people recognize the need for these underground structures, there were local government elections. Even in those areas which are not dependent for their operation on whether they that had been specifically targeted during the state of emer- are legal or not. Therefore the ANC itself attracts more peo- gency for suppression of the democratic movement and ple, gets stronger, and is able to continue to play that role of restoration of governability—bribing people by building leadership in terms of mobilization. roads, painting houses, trying to attend to unemployment, Africa Report: But by the arrests of so much of the leader- while arresting anybody connected to the democratic move- ship inside the country, has a certain amount of anarchy and ment—they found that in the elections, there was not even one division resulted among the various elements of the democratic candidate ready to stand. It is a demonstration of the movement? unchanged mood of the people with regard to opposition to Mbeki: The oppressed are by no means in any state of anar- apartheid. chy or disorganization. We were talking earlier about the June The second important factor is that democratic organiza- stay at home. It was not possible even for the regime to claim tions in the country have sunk very deep roots among the that workers were forced not to go to work, they were intimi- oppressed, so people can be arrested, organizations banned, dated, because nothing of the sort happened. There is no but that doesn't necessarily mean they have been destroyed. example anywhere to demonstrate a situation of anarchy and Last June, the ANC called for a three-day stay at home and loss of control by the leading political forces in the struggle. there was a massive response to our call. Whatever might When we intervened and said that necklacing must stop, it have happened to the democratic movement in terms of the stopped. state of emergency, organization had struck such deep roots The ANC is very concerned to end the violence in Natal that it was possible to carry out the biggest-ever general strike and has openly called on everybody in the region to get in the country. together to resolve that problem. It is our expectation that to Another element is that if it is illegal to conduct peaceful the extent that the problem can be resolved, it will be resolved. political struggle, then people find non-peaceful forms. They So although it might be possible to persuade Inkatha, Cosatu, are not going to stop struggling simply because Botha says it the UDF, churches, and everybody else to get together to talk is illegal So then there is an increased flow of people into mil- and get an agreement, it is in the interests of the regime that itary struggle. That doesn't necessarily mean people leaving the conflict continue. But we are quite confident it is possible the country, because as the regime itself says, during 1988, to get all these forces to act together to end the violence. the largest number of ANC military cadres that it captured Last year, the ANC met with Nactu [National Council of were people who had been trained inside. And the reason Trade Unions] and we issued a joint statement in favor of one there is that response from the people is in part because of the democratic trade union federation in the country. Since then, ^legalization of peaceful political struggle. the level of cooperation between Nactu and Cosatu has So one of the results of the state of emergency is a radical- improved significantly and the process must lead toward such ization of the struggle, and notably among the whites them- a federation. At the beginning of December, we had a very selves. What do you expect young white people in the End important meeting with the leadership of the South African Conscription Campaign to do? They were engaged in political Council of Churches, and we agreed on a lot of positions struggle to end conscription and provide different forms of about the ending of violence in Natal, about how to handle national service, and got a very good response among the the release of political prisoners, Mandela and the other peo-

36 AFRICA REPORT'March-April 1989 pie, etc. We agreed that all of us need to support the process releases that have taken place have been in response to that leading toward peace in Angola and independence for pressure, as has been the case with some of the releases of Namibia. state of emergency detainees—a victory that has come about Africa Report: What is the effect on the continuation of the because of the intensity of the campaign. military struggle of the ANC being forced to leave its bases in Naturally, the regime would then want to use those releases Angola? to try and buy a bit of space for itself, to suggest that it is inter- Mbeki: Having to move a large number of people from one ested in change, that it has now moved Mandela out of a country to another musl have a disruptive effect, because we prison cell into a house, and that is change for the better, and have to devote resources, time, and people to that process. that it is on course toward an ultimate release. But Mandela is But it is in our interests that it shouldn't slow down the struggle, still in prison, it doesn't matter the nature and the shape of the so we wiil try to make sure that it doesn't. The relocation of cell, so that struggle continues. The regime has no intention to ANC military personnel won't make any difference. Angola negotiate anything. It feels itself strong enough to withstand doesn't share borders with South Africa, and if our militory pressure and perpetuate the apartheid system. P.W. Botha cer- cadres are moved to another country that doesn't share bor- tainly thinks that, and therefore feels no cause to do anything ders with South Africa, it is not of any consequence. about releasing the political prisoners so that there can be Africa Report: What is your assessment of the releases from negotiations. jail of political prisoners, including your father, Govan Mbeki, Even bankers say that from an ordinary, commercial point and the constant talk of the imminent release of Nelson Man- of view, the risk factor in South Africa is very high and contin- dela? ues to grow and why should they put their money in a such an Mbeki: The campaign for the unconditional release of politi- unstable situation? But if certain things like the release of political prisoners is very important and has become a very power- cal prisoners were done, there would be increased confidence ful campaign. There is nobody in the world who doesn't make among the banking community that the risk factor is getting this demand. However much the British or American govern- lower. ments might disagree with us on other issues like sanctions So when it gets pressures of that kind, the regime has to and armed struggle, at least they agree with us on this issue. respond. It is not as though in conditions of stability they ask: Even the Afrikaans press, on the occasion of Mandela's 70th What do we do about political prisoners and therefore negoti- birthday, printed editorials calling for his release. So the ations? The struggle is continuing and they respond to the struggle in one way or another. The releases that have taken place have been because of that pressure. The pressure has to be sustained and in the end we will get all of them out, "During this year, the South African regime will continue its whether or not the government has a plan of what to do when campaign of repression inside the country" they are released. O SOUTH AFRICA FINDING A MEETING POINT

By ANDREW MELDRUM Harare was the venue for two recent meetings designed to exert pressure on the South African government to begin negotiations. The first, between Afrikaner lawyers and the ANC to discuss constitutional proposals for the post- apartheid period, showed more common ground than that of Commonwealth foreign ministers, marked by acrimonious exchanges on sanctions.

Albie Sachs (right) with Gerardus Lubbe of Stellenbosch University: "A most unlikely group of lawyers came to Harare to meet in conference with the ANC" nternal and external pressure said would illustrate that it is on the Pretoria government to extremely unreasonable for the gov- I begin negotiations to end ernment to refuse to do so. The well- apartheid was the focus of two con- known maverick politician said that ferences recently held in Harare. his Institute for a Democratic Alter- The first brought together 30 South native for South Africa (IDASA), African lawyers and top members of which sponsored the meeting, the African National Congress The group was dominated by aca- intended to bring the ANC together (ANC) to discuss the shape of a new demics from South Africa's with other influential groups of constitution for a post-apartheid Afrikaans universities, generally a South Africans. South Africa. The second gathered conservative lot. Some were mem- Titled "The Role of Law in a Soci- eight foreign ministers from Com- bers of the ruling National Party and ety in Transition," the conference monwealth countries to examine as a group, they came from the high- considered various legal problems in how to increase pressure on South est ranks of the Afrikaner intellectu- South Africa, but concentrated on Africa through economic sanctions al elite. proposals for a new post-apartheid and a tightened arms embargo. The lawyers arrived from South constitution. As such, the discus- Somewhat surprisingly, the Africa buttoned up and business-like, sions centered on the issues that lawyers' meeting was marked by but in the relaxed, friendly atmo- would feature in any negotiations to more general agreement than the sphere of the meeting, they were end apartheid—minority rights, Commonwealth conference. The two soon engrossed in discussions with property ownership and distribution, sessions also pointed out that as it their sleeves rolled up. As confer- and civil rights. becomes more difficult to get news ence organizer Frederick van Zyl It was significant that the discus- from South Africa, Harare has Slabbert pointed out, such is the fast sions took place in Zimbabwe, where become an important listening post pace of changing attitudes in South those issues were determined by the for developments from activists Africa that the conferring of Lancaster House constitution. inside South Africa and from offi- Afrikaans law professors with the Emmerson Mnangagwa, Zimbab- cials of the ANC. ANC over a new constitution was we's justice minister, officially It seemed a most unlikely group simply treated as a matter of course opened the meeting, noting that he of lawyers who came to Harare to in the South African press. was pleased to see South Africans meet in conference with the ANC. Van Zyl Slabbert said he hoped together discussing their future. He such meetings would continue in said when it came time to write their Andrew Meldrum, contributing editor to Africa new constitution, they would find Report, is an American journalist who has order to create the climate where been based in Zimbabwe for eight years. He more responsible South Africans plenty of outsiders eager to offer reports for the Guardian of London and the "expert advice," a wry reference to Voice of America. would talk with the ANC, which he

38 AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 Zimbabwe's largely British-drafted Although complete consensus in this conference and what follows it Lancaster House constitution. the constitutional debate was neither will contribute to the building of that Both the ANC and the Afrikaner expected nor achieved at the confer- sort of consciousness." legal experts agreed that there was ence, merely by opening the legal The meeting also had its person- significant common ground in dis- discussion of the transfer of power, it al side, as it was a great triumph for cussing a new constitution and in achieved its purpose. veteran ANC member Albie Sachs, beginning to map out the terms of Van der Vyver explained, "I intend who is still recuperating from the car any compromise which could form a to take the documents back home bomb blast in Maputo last year negotiated settlement for South and let my students read them and which blew his right arm off and left Africa. include them in some tutorial teach- him with serious injuries. South "Everyone here agrees that the ing. I think it's important that every- African agents were blamed for the situation in South Africa has to body within South Africa should take sabotage. change, that apartheid cannot sur- note of the line of thinking of the Sachs, a lawyer, had been work- vive," said Johaan van der Vyver, ANC, who in my opinion, will be an ing before the blast on drawing up professor of law at Johannesburg's important participant in any final set- suggested constitutional principles Witwatersrand University. "We tlement." for South Africa. Conferring with accept that change is inevitable and Gerhard Erasmus, professor of ANC legal experts and others, Sachs that we will have a post-apartheid constitutional and international law worked to take the basic principles society in which a new constitution at Cape Town's Stellenbosch Univer- of the ANC's Freedom Charter and is needed. We are talking about how sity, said the lawyers had come to develop them into a legal constitu- we can get there and what it would meet with the ANC members tion. His booklet, "Towards a Bill of look like." because "the ideal of a non-racial Rights in a Democratic South Van der Vyver said there was a democracy is the one that is appeal- Africa," was distributed to partici- broad range of difference between ing to us. That is a very important pants and served as a basis for dis- the conference participants over principle which has the potential to cussion. what a new constitution would look be the rallying point from which we Badly scarred and visibly tired, like. He said the ANC supported can address our divided society and Sachs was clearly still on the mend straight majority rule, one-man, one- our problems at home." from his injuries, but he was an vote, whereas "within the white com- For the ANC, the Harare meeting enthusiastic and articulate partici- munity in South Africa a kind of was yet another friendly encounter pant in the conference. Many of his consociational power-sharing is a with a significant sector of white colleagues counted Sachs1 sponta- popular option." He said that South South Africa, dating back to its meet- neous address as the emotional Africa's far right, which would like to ing with top South African business- highlight of the meeting. see the restoration of "old-fashioned men in 1985 and including others There had been many sessions apartheid," was not represented at with leading church officials, aca- where differences between the par- the conference. demics, journalists, students, and ticipants were debated, argued, and For the ANC's side, Steve sports officials. rationalized. When consensus could Tshwete, a member of the organiza- The director of the ANC's depart- not be reached, participants said tion's top executive body, the Nation- ment of information and publicity, there would have to be some "horse- al Executive Committee, said the Thabo Mbeki, has been present at trading" to work out a compromise South African lawyers were "drawn most of those meetings and as Presi- position. from the power base of the ruling dent Oliver Tambo's right-hand man, On the last day of the meeting, National Party and now have been he is understood to be the architect Sachs spoke to the group, saying he added to the broad-based anti- of the diplomatic initiative to bring was not happy with all the talk of apartheid forces. We are now chip- as many South African groups as "horse-trading." He said the delega- ping away at the National Party's possible into contact with the ANC. tion from South Africa must give the power base." At the close of the conference, ANC credit for being a group of ide- Tshwete said that while much of Mbeki summed up its importance to alists. Noting that they had dedicat- the discussions were on legal techni- the ANC: "Increasing numbers of ed their lives to their ideals, he was calities and somewhat academic, South Africans recognize the impor- not happy to think of them cynically many of the ANC members "nudged tance of talking to us and every bargaining away those ideals in a these lawyers into more confronta- meeting of this kind helps in the pro- smoke-filled room. The ANC would tion against apartheid, to confront cess of propagating the idea that it is be reasonable and rational in the the government more clearly. This is necessary for South Africans to get negotiations, he said, but "there will a powerful group and we would like together to resolve the problems we be no horse-trading." to see it carry back the democratic are all facing...It is normal for South Afterwards, many in the Afrikaner ideas we are discussing to radiate Africans to talk and to think this delegation said ihey were deeply throughout Afrikaner society." problem through together. No doubt impressed by Sachs—by his legal

AFRICA REPORT*March-Apnl 1989 39 work on the proposed constitution, going to South African-controlled Minty explained that both Aus- by his unwavering dedication, and companies, no matter where they tralia and Canada are on the UN by his moving speeches. are based. He said he intended to Security Council this year and have While the lawyers' conference get the measure approved before the pledged to put these measures on was marked by such goodwill and next Commonwealth foreign minis- the agenda. "This is going to be of common ground between the two ters meeting set for July in Australia. vital importance. Even if you deny sides, the Commonwealth foreign The controversial $600 million the South Africans a rather limited ministers meeting was in dramatic loan was to enable the South African- amount of equipment, when they are contrast, with sharp disagreements controlled Minorco company to pur- already so short of it, it will make a characterizing the discussions. Held chase Consolidated Goldfields, a critical difference to their military to explore ways to tighten economic British mining multinational. Minor- capacity," he said. sanctions and the arms embargo co is the main foreign investment The current limited arms sanc- against Pretoria, those aims were company of the Anglo American and tions against Pretoria helped give thrown in disarray when it was De Beers mining groups, which are Angola air superiority over South revealed that the chairman of the controlled by South African magnate Africa last year and therefore helped meeting, Canadian Secretary of Harry Oppenheimer. bring South Africa to negotiate for State for External Affairs Joe Clark, The foreign ministers—from Aus- peace with Angola and Namibia, had recently approved a $600 million tralia, Canada, Guyana, India, Nige- according to Minty. bank loan to a South African-con- ria, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbab- In the study he presented to the trolled company. we—also agreed to urge the United ministers, Minty documented viola- The scandal of the Canadian loan Nations to send the full military con- tions of the arms embargo. Israel and further reports of a Canadian tingent of 7,500 troops to monitor was named as the biggest violator, company evading around the arms the elections in Namibia later this and he said that a team of 50 Israelis embargo caused a furor and over- year. Following a proposal by Zim- helped South Africa update its age- shadowed much of the press cover- babwean President Robert Mugabe, ing Mirage jets. He said the first con- age of the conference. The meeting's the foreign ministers suggested that tingent of those jets has been placed close was marked by a pointed dis- the UN call on the Commonwealth in the town of Louis Trichardt, agreement between Clark and Com- to send an observer group to moni- threateningly near the Zimbabwean monwealth Secretary-General Sir tor Namibia's election process to border. Shridath Ramphal. guard against possible South African Insiders at the conference said Clark said that the loan by the interference. that Canada came in for a great deal Bank of Nova Scotia to Minorco, a Despite the gaping holes in the of criticism for allegedly selling arms subsidiary of South Africa's mining Commonwealth's sanctions against packages, especially G-5 and G-6 giant, the Anglo American Corpora- South Africa that became apparent at artillery, to South Africa through tion, was in accordance with existing the conference, anti-apartheid third parties. These accurate long- sanctions against South Africa campaigners and Commonwealth range guns were key in South because the company is not based in officials alike said they were pleased Africa's attacks in Angola. South Africa but in Luxemburg. at new moves to strengthen the British companies were named But the outspoken Ramphal arms embargo. for violating the arms embargo by unequivocally stated that he believed "There was movement in terms of selling spare parts for the Buccaneer the spirit of the financial ban had tightening the arms embargo. It is fighter-bomber jet which was used in been ignored by the Canadian going to tighten the noose around South African raids on Mozambique approval of the loan. "If I had been the South African Defence Force," and Angola. Britain's Plessey was asked, I would have said no! That said Abdul Minty, director of the also blamed for selling a sophisticat- loan was to a company controlled by World Campaign Against Military ed radar avionics system to South a South African company," he said. and Nuclear Collaboration with Africa, which Minty charged had "Clearly it is against the spirit and South Africa. been used to lure the late Mozambi- intent of the Commonwealth sanc- He explained that the foreign min- can President Samora Machel's tions to approve a loan to a South isters resolved to urge the UN to set plane off course and into a mountain- African subsidiary. It should not up a special unit to monitor the side. make any difference whether the embargo and to investigate viola- 'The arms embargo, even with its company is based in Luxemburg or tions. Another measure is to publish loopholes, is already having effect Pretoria." a list of items to be banned for sale and aided the peace process in He said that the Commonwealth to South Africa because many coun- Angola," said Minty. "We are encour- secretariat would get to work imme- tries sell components for weapons or aged that if it is strengthened, it can diately to draft a new measure to heavy vehicles on the pretext that further weaken the South African prevent any new loans by consenting they do not know the components military and in that way help bring Commonwealth countries from will be used for military purposes. about the end of apartheid." O

40 AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 SOUTH AFRICA TURNING RIGHT

By MARGARET L KNOX The Pretoria government made use of the flap over the Conservative Party's reinstitution of "petty apartheid" in Boksburg to enhance its reformist image and discredit the right-wing. However, the Boksburg town council was only upholding what is still the law throughout apartheid South Africa. outh Africa's Conservative National Party. The Boks- S Party govern- burg town council ment executed then did for Boks- some clever public burg what the relations in 1988, Conservative presenting the Party wants to do world with the for South Africa as New York accord a whole: It banned on Namibia, the blacks from the Sharpeville Six formerly desegre- reprieve, and Nel- gated public facili- son Mandela's ties. swimming pool. The move then They may all be caused financial overshadowed, catastrophe for though, by the wili- local merchants est PR move of the ^ and an internation- year—the so-called al uproar. "It is of Battle of Boks- vital importance to burg. the present and Boksburg gave future image and the ruling National prosperity of Boks- Party—the archi- burg that the tects of apart- repugnant actions heid—a chance to initiated by the look like cool- Conservative headed crusaders Party be re- against racist zeal. versed," the Boks- The flap con- burg publicity cerned what the association told government calls the City Press, a "petty apartheid," a Johannesburg term that tends to newspaper. dignify other as- In truth, Boks- pects of South burg's town coun- Africa's system of racial segregation. "petty" rules reserving its public cil is only upholding the law. The Over the past several years, Boks- swimming pool, tennis courts, recre- Separate Amenities Act, passed in burg, a blue collar town just 15 miles ational lake, and town hall for whites. 1953, allows municipalities to main- from Johannesburg, had relaxed But in October's elections, Boksburg tain segregated beaches, parks, toi- was one of 60 towns in Transvaal lets, and other public accommoda- Margaret L. Knox is a freelance journalist based in Harare, Zimbabwe. province captured by the right-wing tions. While Boksburg was noisily

AFRICA REPORT«March-April 1989 41 restoring its "whites only" signs, Towns," the Star splashed across its between Boksburg's Conservative segregated buses were still rolling front page. "More Cities Go Whites Party councillors and the National quietly through Johannesburg, Pre- Only," the Argus screamed as other Party government, is roaring along. toria whites were enjoying separate right-wing town councils followed By mid-January, after a disastrous buses, pools, parks, libraries, and Boksburg's example. Christmas season, five Boksburg town halls, and others were passing The South African Amateur Swim- shops closed and 14 more were their Christmas holidays on the seg- ming Union moved a meet sched- expected to follow. In a Boksburg by- regated beaches of Durban and uled for Boksburg to a nearby town. election, a Conservative Party candi- Cape Town. Colgate-Palmolive, which accounts date lost to an independent. And the "We're not alone," Conservative for 57 percent of Boksburg's busi- Town Council has been forced to Party leader Andres Treurnicht ness earnings, threatened to rezone hold at least one secret meeting with rightly told supporters at a meeting its plant out of town. Budget Rent-a- the black Vosloorus council, accord- in Boksburg, citing segregated facili- Car and the Natal Building Society ing to the "Southern Africa Report," ties in Pretoria, Durban, Bloem- withdrew their franchises from two a newsletter published in Johannes- fontein, George, Vereeniging, and Boksburg Conservative Party coun- burg. They reportedly talked about other National Party-controlled cillors. But most important, the improving black parks and sports cities. blacks of Vosloorus, the township facilities, maybe even building a sep- But for the moment, it behooved adjoining Boksburg, launched an arate lake in return for lifting the the government to chastise Boks- illegal boycott of businesses. boycott and leaving Boksburg burg. Minister of Constitutional "white." Planning and Development Chris By letting the blacks protest Con- Heunis warned he might find a way servative Party policies and bring to overturn the Conservative Party business to its knees in Boksburg, policy of resegregating accommoda- the government hopes to let its tions—especially in areas where it right-wing opposition discredit itself caused potentially violent (and atten- before national elections expected as tion-grabbing) racial confrontations. B'y letting the early as May. More important, with Heunis even hinted he might sup- blacks protest Conserva- the help of a foreign press shackled port a reappraisal of the Separate by two-year-old state of emergency Amenities Act in the coming year. tive Party policies and restrictions, the artificial "crisis" Foreign Minister Pik Botha said bring business to its may help defuse pressure for sanc- Boksburg's moves were "endanger- knees in Boksburg, the tions abroad. ing white security," "contributing to The New York Times, in a Decem- the polarization of society," and "like- government hopes to let ber 2 article by Christopher Wren, ly to harm white businesses and the its right-wing opposition called Boksburg's move a "decision economy of the country." Just a few to restore petty apartheid, a system miles from his office, however, the discredit itself before that had fallen away across South sign on the Pretoria trailer park national elections Africa." Spencer Reiss of Newsweek reads: "No Natives Allowed on wrote that blacks who "once meek- These Grounds Except in Atten- expected as early ly" accepted the iniquity of segrega- dance on Europeans or in Charge of as May. tion are no longer willing to tolerate European Children." it, now that they have the economic Businesses, sports clubs, and the muscle to stand up for themselves." press joined in the government's dis- Conservatives in Washington are play of outrage. Boksburg was the likely to read in Boksburg the lesson biggest story of the Christmas sea- Normally, the government is swift that segregation is on its last legs son, with papers carrying as many and harsh in its response to black and that blacks will only gain politi- as two or three stories a day on it. boycotts. The leaders of Port Eliza- cal power through buying power, The Argus of Cape Town called Boks- beth's 1985 boycott remain in deten- which opponents to sanctions say is burg's moves "Verwoerdian-style tion, according to their lawyers. A hurt by sanctions and helped by con- apartheid" after the 1960s-era prime boycott of the northern Transvaal tinued investment. minister who devised not only the city of Pietersburg ended the follow- With a record 32 organizations Separate Amenities Act, but the ing year when police raided black banned last year, it may be some Group Areas Act which still man- homes, arresting everyone suspect- time before the government has to dates separate living areas and the ed of organizing the protest. But in unleash its usual response to a con- homelands policy intended eventual- Boksburg, police have taken no sumer boycott. And with the press ly to revoke citizenship from all action. So the boycott, which only on an ever-shorter leash, the world blacks. "State Wrath May Sting CP helps heighten the "difference" might not be watching anyway. O

42 AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 T R V I W DAMAS MBOGORO: THE BUSINESS OF DEVELOPMENT By COLLEEN LOWE MORNA Two major changes took place in Tanzania in 1985. After leading the country for close to 25 years, Julius Nyerere stepped down as president, making way for a younger and more managerial, if less charismatic successor, Ali Hassan Mwinyi. He, in turn, lost little time in implementing an IMF-sponsored structural adjustment program, breaking the many years of icy relations between Tanzania and the Fund. Gross domestic product grew by 3.8 percent last year, and 4 percent in 1987, but Mwinyi says that the program has exacerbated the poverty of more vulnerable groups. Still chairman of Tanzania's all-powerful one party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi, Nyerere has been quite open in his opposition to the reform program. Last year, relations with the Fund seemed to take a nosedive again, as for nearly eight months, officials haggled over conditions for a new standby facility with the Fund and multi-sectoral support from the World Bank which ended in Jan- uary. Donors, meanwhile, held back $800 million, pending an agreement. That was finally reached in November 1988, heralded by a devaluation of the Tanzanian shilling from 98 to 120 shillings to the dollar. A former economics professor and Tanzania's current minister of state for finance, economic planning, and development, Damas Mbogoro was at the center of the negotiations, as the country's finance minister, Cleopus Msuya, recov- ered from an accident. In a frank interview he discussed with Africa Report how he views the IMF, what the economic reform program has achieved, and what challenges lie ahead.

Africa Report: What were the main sticking points in your exchange rate is that our principal bottleneck is now transport last round of negotiations with the IMF? and communications, both of which are import-dependent. Mbogoro: The exchange rate. As managers of the Tanzani- There is no point in encouraging peasants to grow more cot- an economy, we had to try and negotiate a rate which takes ton, for example, if all they are going to do is watch it rot. into account our economic realities. As local economists, we Another problem we are running into is that a lot of indus- feel we know our economy much better than Fund experts who tries are finding it difficult to pay their taxes, and stay prof- come in for a few days and jet out again. Unless you are irre- itable. As a ministry of economic planning, as well as finance, sponsible, you can't just accept what the Fund people say- we have to be conscious of such side-effects. Africa Report: The figure you agreed on was presumably a This is why we are worried about pushing the exchange compromise of sorts. What would you have preferred? rate front too much, too fast, because that can have negative Mbogoro: A realistic figure would have been an average of effects on our productive sectors, which are supposed to be 1 1 5 shillings to the dollar, and a maximum of 1 25 shillings by stimulating growth. There is a danger of finally stifling econom- the end of June 1989. That would have been ideal for us. ic growth if we keep forcing an exchange rate which bears no Africa Report: How will this compromise affect you? relationship to our economy. Mbogoro: The basic repercussion will be a price increase for An exchange rate is a policy instrument that is supposed to all our imported goods. Our economy is substantially import- generate a response. In our case, we are saying that the main dependent, particularly in the industrial sector and for inputs reason we are failing to achieve our targets has nothing to do for the agricultural sector. The other side of the coin is that we with exchange rates, but rather with structural rigidities. will be in a position to pay our exporters more. But in a situa- Africa Report: What alternatives would you propose? tion where there are transport bottlenecks, that doesn't help Mbogoro: There are no alternatives to tackling exchange much. rate policy as such, but what we are saying is that the speed One of the reasons why we resisted a big hike in_the should be revised. If you don't address the structural rigidities first, the whole exercise becomes counter-productive. Colleen Lowe Morna is a Zimbabwean freelance journalist based in Harare. Africa Report: What led you to finally agree to a devalua-

AFRICA REPORT'March-April 1989 43 stances. Africa Report: What is your overall assessment of the reform program so far? Mbogoro: So far, the pros outweigh the cons. The cons are high prices. But people have moved from a situation of shortages and scarcities at high prices to plenty at high prices. Most people prefer the latter. But of course, we are saying there is a limit, and you can't push this too far. We've moved substantially on the exchange rate, but we have not been able to raise output proportionate- ly. Through import support and our own efforts, the shops are now full of goods, but we haven'•> been able to do much about wages and salaries. Our revenue position has not improved. So we are moving to a stage where the cons could outweigh the pros. It will require other policies, internally, to reach a stage where our standard of living does not go on falling. The top salary of a top executive in this country—and you can include me in that bracket—lasts at most two weeks. I take home about 5,000 shillings, and even on a totally local diet of beans and ugali [thick maize porridge], with meat only once in a while, it does not stretch beyond a fortnight. Comparatively, in 1983/84, my salary could last a month, but we have to be careful here because that was at official prices. Given that one had to get a lot of basics on the paral- Subsistence farmer, Morogoro: 1'resident Mwinyi contends that lel market, it ended up being more or less the same situation the IMF program has exacerbated the poverty of more vulnera- as now. The quality of life may be slightly better, if you budget ble groups carefully. But most of us, including top executives, have not tion? Did you feel under blackmail in any way? changed our lifestyles substantially. Mbogoro: I wouldn't say that our predicament was necessar- Africa Report: Recently, the prime minister announced that ily externally induced. The worst thing that can happen to an Tanzania intended to tighten up on individuals using their own economy is to allow it to get into a stage when you can't man- money to bring goods into the country. Isn't that a step back- age things on your own, and therefore have to go to the Fund. ward, as far as your trade liberalization program is con- Had we been putting certain macroeconomic policies in place cerned? all along, we would not be in this situation. That is the essence Mbogoro: Basically what we have said is that by July 1 989, of the problem. If you get to a stage where you have no way everyone will have to disclose the source of their foreign out, then you've boxed yourself in, and the only solution is to exchange. The idea is to clamp down on black marketeers sweat your way out. So you can't really talk about blackmail who give the wrong signals to our friends at the Fund, as such. because they look at the black market rate [currently about The good thing about these negotiations is that we are two times the official rate in Tanzania] and say this ought to quite aware where the Fund stands. We speak the same lan- be the exchange rate. I know it is difficult to do this in prac- guage and even agree in terms of theoretical models. But as tice, but we want to at least put in place measures which will equally competent economists, where we disagree is that the force money to go through official channels. real world is not a model. As an economist, I can't be blind to Africa Report: What is Tanzania's debt profile, and are you what is going on on the ground. We simply want our friends considering some of the market-based solutions to your debt to understand this, and to avoid a situation where the econo- problem currently in fashion internationally? my is not moving at all. Mbogoro: To give you some idea of the magnitude: If we Africa Report: Since Michel Camdessus took over as man- were to pay all our outstanding debt for this financial year, it aging director of the Fund, there have been whispers about would chew up about 85 percent of our export earnings. We the IMF putting on a more humane face. Have you found that are thinking about debt-equity swaps, and we are actively to be true? considering buyback schemes, which is one of the reasons why we are working to put a new investment code in place in Mbogoro: It's difficult for me to make a comparison, since 1 1989. am fairly new in this. But I will say one thing: When you talk to people at the top, at the political level, there is some under- But the problem is that you have to find partners. Most of standing. But when you talk to some—not all—experts, they these debt schemes are applicable to newly industrialized, don't seem to understand the down-to-earth problems. They, middle-income countries. We are in the category of a sub- for example, see the exchange rate as a harmless instrument, Saharan, least developed country, and the amounts concerned whereas we see it as a very dangerous instrument. Their focus are relatively small. So in our case, the first line of argument is macro, rather than microeconorrtic and they seem to apply is, why not write off the debts all together, so we can get on the same model to every country, regardless of its circum- with the business of development? O

44 AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 ing urban standards of living. No tant malaria is taking an extremely to the lure of the countryside is a one, quite literally, can afford to live high toll among already weakenetl former teacher, pastor, and head of on what he earns officially. children. Adult diets are also deterio- the diocese, who now farms eight The latest government salary rating. One comparatively highly acres on the mountain. In an area increases in Tanzania produced a paid, two-income family—a universi- where population densities exceed scale of $10 to $64 a month, while a ty lecturer and her civil servant hus- 1,000 per square mile, that is a lot of sack of maize, the staple food, costs band—complain that they can afford land. He inherited the bulk from his over $7.50; secondary school fees to eat nothing but maize meal three father, but he has also been able to are $11 to $22 in government times a day. buy a few small additional parcels schools and up to $75 in private Some art1 beginning to have adjacent to his own. He is only now ones; and income taxes, exclusive of doubts about the benefits of urban starting to farm, for the first time in other levies, take S3.50 out of month- life and have forsaken good jobs to his life. ly salary of $30. When the govern- return to the farm. One man, who "It is a hard life," he notes, "but ment recently announced rent earned his Ph.D. from Oxford and now I can at least take care of my increases, there was widespread returned to Tanzania to lecture at family. I am only learning slowly how protest from tenants and the new the university and serve as the head to farm, but I am convinced that it is rates were lowered, but were still of a prestigious research institute, just a matter of planning which crops nearly a 500 percent increase. recently gave it all up to settle on a to grow and when to plant them to Everyone has to do something to small family plot on the side of Mt. avoid the hungry season and get supplement his wages. Virtually Meru. It is only three acres, but the cash all year round." He is already every urban home has a small farm. fertile mountain soil is extremely making more than twice his former The once-broad lawns and formal rich, producing an abundance of salary, in addition to growing all his gardens of the middle class sections bananas, coffee, maize, and beans own food. "The church thinks all of of colonial Arusha are now plowed for consumption and sale. us who have left will tire of farming under and planted with maize and Today, people all over the moun- and return to work after a few beans. Bananas and fruit trees tain are increasingly adopting dairy- years," he relates, "but no one can replace ornamental ones, while ing and market gardening to supply live on a pastor's salary, and there is chicken coops and stables fill back- Arusha town market a few miles no pension or security. How could I yards. And in the more densely set- away. Coffee was once the cash crop take care of myself and my sons?" tled poorer developments and shan- of preference, but the government The last query is heard frequent- ty towns, every vacant piece of land price does not even cover the costs ly. The return to the land is thus not is cultivated, while herds of cattle of inputs. Access to inputs, loans, simply a matter of economics. After and goats graze along the roadsides. and transport is irregular and uncer- a lifetime spent away, both the pastor The aim is not always to produce tain, and full payment is often and the scientist are responding to for one's own consumption. Chick- delayed for iwo years. the psychic as well as economic call ens and eggs are produced for sale, By contrast, maize, beans, milk, of their own land and home. "Life in as is milk. Both fetch good prices in fruits, and vegetables can be market- the city is so hard. I spent most of urban markets and one can easily ed directly, getting a good and my time trying to find food, and I double or treble one's salary with a instant return. And food crops have never really felt that I belonged," modest investment of time and the added advantage of being used complains the scientist. "Here I feel money. for either cash or subsistence. comfortable. I am at home again Petty trade and cottage industries depending on yields and need. among family and friends." The pas- also abound. Front rooms house Grade milk cows, of which there tor adds: "I like working the soil. It is small stores; back yards, carpentry is a growing number on the moun- a good feeling and I can see what I and auto repair shops. The family tain, produce 8-12 liters of milk per have accomplished." car, if there is one, becomes a taxi. day. At $.32 a liter, that adds up to The transition to farming is not Many supplemental activities border $2.50 to $3.80 per cow per day. and likely to be an easy one. Both men on the illegal or immoral, ranging many have two or three cows. Goats are highly educated. Both spent from black market trading to and bulls bring similar high prices most of their lives away from the bribery, but the cause is often the for meat. A local teacher related that farm, committed to wider intellectual same—need, not avarice. he easily earns more from the milk goals. Redirecting such energies, Urban living standards continue of one cow than from his salary, and interests, and hopes will probably be to decline in spite of such activities, he moonlights, teaching two ses- a long process. The scientist still however, down an average of 10 per- sions as well as night school. The writes articles, while the pastor is cent over the past two to three years. average secondary school teacher socially active in the community and Malnutrition and associated child- might earn .$30 a month, whereas a now devotes his intellectual energies hood diseases are increasing: A par- cow can easily earn its owner $60. to learning the local knowledge he ticularly virulent, ehloroquine-resis- Another man who has responded missed when he went to school. "I

46 AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 am convinced farming is the future," to modern Arusha town, a rapidly ly cannot be true. What these con- he said. "We all must rediscover our expanding urban market for rural trary positions both miss is how the roots." produce. The Arusha themselves situation appears to the farmers There is no doubt that these ex- have always disdained the lure of the themselves. Many living in drier, urbanites are serious about making town; few work there today even as less fertile areas cannot afford to fail the transition. I met others as well, land shortage grips the mountain. and so continue lo follow the risk- one a former agricultural officer now They remain as deeply attached to adverse rationality of their domestic struggling with the practicalities of the mountain as they were during economy that matches available land farming, and another an ex-politi- the colonial period when they sold with low capital needs and family cian. While they may still be a small crops and cattle to pay taxes in pref- labor to produce an acceptable mini- minority, they are joining ihe mass erence to working on settlers' farms. mum in bad years as well as good. of peasants and increasing numbers Few rural areas in Tanzania are The average peasant in more fer- of school leavers who remain on the both as fertile and as conveniently tile areas—and a map of population land, but who are equally anxious to located, but the experience of the densities shows the majority live in develop a new way of life. Arusha may point in a new direction such areas around Lake Victoria and A switch from export to market from that of the past. A productive in the northeastern and southern crops by peasant farmers was rural sector producing primarily for highlands—are certainly not display- reported by the Daily News for the local urban market and earning ing such risk-adverse behavior, how- Iringa, where tobacco production enough money to buy its products ever. Low producer prices, govern- has been declining steadily over the may just promote the kind of domes- ment attempts to mandate and con- past 10 years; the number of grow- tic economic linkages that will lead trol peasant production, and the lack ers has dropped from 51,000 to lo a more sustainable and self-reliant of availability of such highly desired 17,000; acreage is down from 31,000 form of development lhan the goods as cloth, roofing iron, cement, to 21,000 hectares; and overall pro- export-driven models of the past. and plows simply had not made production has slipped from 18.2 million Poorly paid export crops do not ducing for sale worthwhile. But now to 16 million kilograms. A report put food on the table, children it is, and Tanzania's urbanites might from the government Tobacco Pro- through school, or a tin roof on the be beginning to discover thai their cessing and Marketing Board house. Nor, it seems, do they pay for rural cousins are not irrational or attributes the decline to poor farm- necessary imports of capital goods, backward at all. ing practices by peasants—applying spare parts, intermediate goods, or There has always been tension in insufficient fertilizer, poor weeding agricultural inputs and equipment. Tanzania between an overt ideology and harvesting, and local consump- Tanzania's exports last year earned of popular participation and a more tion. only a third the foreign exchange covert reality of strong, highly cen- But the farmers affected attribute required for imports and debt ser- tralized bureaucratic control. While the decline to the fact that producer vicing. Arusha have not been peasants have usually defined devel- prices paid for tobacco fail to cover adverse to raising export crops that opment in terms of social needs, for the costs of inputs, resulting in loss- pay. however, as evidenced by the example, the government has es of from $22 to $220 per acre coffee boom of the 1940s and 1950s. stressed production in order to depending on the level of mecha- Today, under a scheme to develop extract the maximum surplus from nization. Given the poor extension non-traditional exports, farmers are the countryside for its own needs. services, bureaucratic inefficiencies allowed to market new crops directly Given the imbalance of power in providing loans, inputs, and trans- and lo retain higher percentages of between the people and the govern- port, ageing machinery, and delayed foreign exchange earnings to rein- ment, the state has usually been payments to growers admitted by vest in necessary inputs. As a result, seen, at least nominally, as in con- the Board, it is not surprising that people are now producing green trol, with peasants only able to react peasants are paying less attention to beans, fruits, and flowers that are negatively to slate directives. But tobacco while seeking to diversify air-freighted to Europe, while all government control is now breaking with more lucrative and dependable such exports have gone from 5 to 40 down, weakened by a combination of market crops. percent of total exports in the past domestic policy failures and Tanza- Arusha is not typical of Tanzania year alone. nia's faltering position in the world as a whole. Farming on Mt. Meru, Much has been written over the economy, and peasants are moving like that on Kilimanjaro to the east, years about the low productivity, to reassert their autonomy. The has always been intensive and high- conservative attitudes, and alleged choices they are making are already ly productive. The soil is rich, water economic irrationality of Tanzania's beginning to have an impact on state is available throughout the year, and peasants, on the one hand, and practice, and may well force policy people have farmed the same perma- about rapacious capitalist kulaks changes in the future toward greater nent plots for over a century. This destroying rural society on the popular participation in economic highly productive area lies adjacent other—both of which quite obvious- decision-making. J

AFRICA REPORT'March-April 1989 47 TANZANIA "I. RETURN TO THE LAND By THOMAS SPEAR

new migration Part-time farmer is occurring in examining his A Tanzania, as corn field, educated people who Morogoro: once headed for the Many Tanzanians cities are now begir supplement ning to return in miu Lheir incomes career to the farm. by farming The reasons are ncf hard to find: Th terms of trade th; once favored urba consumers are now shifting to favor the countryside, as eco- Broader factors nomic readjustment were at work as well. policies reduce urban World commodity subsidies and in- prices for Tanzania's crease the prices paid agricultural exports fell to rural producers. increasingly behind In the 1960s, the the prices paid for aim of every student manufactured and capi- was to eventually get tal imports, further an attractive government job in town The Tanzanian exacerbating the urban-rural terms or city. Farming was not an option. It of trade. The situation became des- was seen as poor and backward—a government's well- perate with the oil crisis and world- dead end. Government policies rein- known battles with the wide recession of the 1970s. Rural forced these goals. Development IMF concluded with its prices declined further, and goods projects were concentrated in urban disappeared from the shops or were areas. Price controls kept the cost of adoption of an economic only available at exorbitant prices. food for urban consumers low, while adjustment program, the Rural producers went on strike, impoverishing rural producers. effects of which have reducing production to subsistence Taxes, both open and hidden, kept levels or trading on the black mar- the prices paid by the government to meant declining living ket. Figures for officially marketed producers of food and cash crops to standards for urban produce plummeted. a fraction of market value, further workers and consumers. The crisis forced Tanzania to transferring resources from village accept the economic adjustment poli- to town. Rural people sold cheap and Many are now returning cies of the International Monetary bought expensive manufactured to the farm as an option, Fund. The costs of these policies for goods from protected urban indus- taking advantage of urban workers and consumers have tries. been high. Inflation, now running Thomas Spear is associate professor of African higher prices now paid around 30 percent generally but history at Williams College. He has been con- ducting research in the rural areas around to rural producers. often higher for necessities, is rapid- Arusha. Tanzania for the past nine months. ly outpacing salaries, visibly reduc-

AFRICA REPORT-March-April 1989 45 UGANDA

Back to School' THE REVITALIZATION OF MAKERERE

By COLLEEN LOWE MORNA Once among the leading universities in Africa, Makerere's fortunes declined under the tyrannical regimes of Idi Amin and Milton Obote. Supported by the donor community, President Museveni's government is launching an effort to rehabilitate the institution, hoping to restore some of Makerere's former glory. ike Rome, the Ugandan capital, top. As Nairobi-based Ford Founda- Between 1970 and 1985, some Kampala, straddles seven hills. tion representative William Saint 800,000 Ugandans were massacred, L One of these is occupied by an puts it: 'The magnitude of resources GDP fell by 11 percent, corruption institution which evokes a mixture of needed are beyond the capacity of chewed up an estimated two-thirds nostalgia and unity among the conti- any donor to make a real dent." of the budget and Uganda became nent's intellectuals. And—especially after President an importer of every essential item Makerere—home at one time or Museveni's shock announcement except for staple foods, thanks only another to such well-known names last year that he wanted to build a to the abundantly rich soil. as Julius Nyerere, Ali Hassan second university which would be The effects on the university were Mwinyi, Ngugi wa Thiong'o, and Ali more development-oriented—some two-fold. "The insecurity," says Mazrui—is one of the few African are asking just how much like its for- Deputy Vice Chancellor Frederick universities whose name is readily mer self Makerere should want to Kayanja, "was felt much more by the recognized in just about any country be. intellectuals than by ordinary peo- on the continent. Each year, says Student Guild ple. As a professor, you were always For the past decade, academics President Andrew Kasura, the uni- vulnerable—faceless people could and well-wishers world-wide have versity has faithfully turned out come at any time and take you watched Makerere shrivel into a 1,000 graduates—"half to leave the away." One vice chancellor and sev- skeleton of its former self, under two country and the other half to eral lecturers lost their lives that of Africa's most brutal regimes. become black marketeers." It is way. Now, thanks to the relatively peace- time, he suggests, that Makerere Meanwhile, as inflation galloped ful era ushered in by Yoweri Musev- look more closely at how it relates to in the three digits, staff salaries soon eni's National Resistance Movement the Uganda of today. eroded to below subsistence level. in 1986, they have a chance to take That is a reality far removed from Over 300 expatriate and local part in a unique reconstruction 1922, when colonial administrators staff—including Mazrui—left. effort. founded Makerere as the first col- Today, 48 percent of staff posts, par- In 1987, under the leadership of lege in British East Africa. Although ticularly in the science field, lie Vice Chancellor B. George Kirya, other colleges sprang up in neigh- vacant, and only 26 percent of the Makerere drew up a comprehensive boring Kenya and Tanzania, Mak- staff hold Ph.D's. reconstruction program and held a erere remained the administrative Maintenance and capital expan- donor conference on the campus seat of the University of East Africa sion came to a halt, yet enrollment which drew participants from 30 during the federation between the continued to increase, leading to donor agencies in 12 countries. three countries. serious overcrowding. Today, hostel "It will be recorded in history," Students from across the conti- facilities designed for 2,800 students said Minister of Education Mayanja nent jostled for places at the univer- house up to 4,000, while the remain- Nkangi on the occasion, "that you sity, which was also frequented by ing 1037 students live in "awful con- contributed to the development of African scholars from across the ditions" in digs they find in town, mankind in Uganda at the time globe. according to Kayanja. peace was restored here, and laid "Makerere University College in Gone are the days when students fresh foundations for a revitalized Uganda in the 1960s was at once a dressed up in their black caps and Makerere." great African institution and a great gowns to partake of three-course Amid the persistent scars of internal crossroad," writes the well- meals, served with wine, by waiters neglect and decay, the smell of fresh known Kenyan intellectual, Ali in white-starched uniforms. Today, paint permeates the campus. Light Mazrui, who served as the first students queue up for helpings of bulbs and sockets have been refit- black head of Makerere's political thick porridge and beans, supple- ted; hinges restored and electric science department. "There was a mented by tinned food from the stoves repaired. In a cordoned-off constant flow of traffic from all parts World Food Programme—a UN section of Makerere's once-famous of the world." agency normally associated with library, new books are being loaned But about the same time as the emergency relief in disaster areas. out and musty subscriptions revived. East African Community fell apart in But some elements of etiquette To the extent that repairs and ren- the early 1970s, Uganda began its have survived. A reporter who wan- ovations signify a new mood, there is own slippery descent, first under Idi ders off the pavement and onto the little doubt, comments one donor, Amin—Africa's most notorious dicta- lawn is politely reminded by a Mak- that Makerere is on its way up again. tor—and then under the country's erere "gentleman" that this is But it will be a long climb to the reinstated first president, Milton against accepted practice. Potted Colleen Lowe Morna is a Zimbabwean free- Obote, who seemed either unable or plants line the windows of many hos- lance journalist based in Harare. unwilling to stop the mayhem. tels, providing aesthetic relief to the

AFRICA REPORT'March-April 1989 49 "Makerere University College in Uganda in cash and kind. financial year has had to be limited in the 1960s was at once a great African The World Bank has undertaken to half the original estimates, due to institution and a great internal crossroad" basic maintenance repairs in the government austerity measures. The hostels and kitchens; the EEC has result, says University Secretary been repairing roofs and painting a David Sentongo, has been major cut- number of academic blocs; the Ital- backs in such items as chemicals, obvious overcrowding and obnox- ians are tackling the faculty of tech- paper, fieldwork, student diet, and ious stench emanating from the nology; Germans, veterinary med- research. wash rooms. The physical beauty of icine; U.S.AID, agriculture and the "The university still needs basic- the campus has remained the one university farm. things, like photocopiers, xerox constant. Meanwhile, the British council paper, vehicles, and gas to run them And while offices in town get has completely renovated the univer- on," says Ford Foundation represen- going an hour or two after their sity guest house for visiting faculty tative Saint. nominal starting time, "lecturers and donated books. The Rockefeller "Virtually every university in here turn up at 8 a.m. because it is and Ford Foundations—old friends Africa has the same problem," he tradition: You turn up and that is of Makerere—have been contribut- continues. "Governments whose that," observes Kayanja. Despite dis- ing to a staff development program economies are in difficult straits and mal salaries—an elderly administra- through fellowships. are often involved in structural tor notes that his monthly salary Local lawyers, bankers, profes- adjustment agreements with the would buy all of eight bunches of sors, and businessmen—who still IMF put caps on budget deficits and bananas, the staple food in Ugan- revere the university—have banded require cuts in the provision of social da—a core of dedicated staff has together to set up a fund. They are services. Because of other needs, stayed on. assisting in renovating staff hous- there is perhaps a greater tendency The endurance so evident at Mak- ing—one of the few perks which the to cut back on support for universi- erere—which despite the traumas university is still able to offer. ties." has never once closed down—is Still, all monies pledged so far In such situations, he says, there highly commended by donors who only amount to about one-third of is not much that donor agencies can pledged $25 million toward the what the university wants for its capi- do to make a lasting difference. reconstruction effort in mid-1987, tal development projects. Worse still, Throwing another spanner into and promised a further $30 million current expenditure in the present the works, the Ugandan government

50 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 has announced that it intends to build a second university in the southwestern town of Mbarara. Cur- A Second University? rent donor attitudes toward the project, coupled with the dire economic The decision to build a second national university has been circumstances of the Ugandan gov- fraught with controversy in many African countries. Always a ernment, raise some questions con- good reason for it, there seldom seem to be the requisite cerning the viability of the project: resources, especially when held up against other pressing Already, the opening date has been needs. Uganda is no exception. postponed by a year to October On the surface, the proposal has merit. For a population of 1989. 15 million, one university with an enrollment of just over 5,000 But the mere suggestion of a new is minute by any standard. Out of the 50,000 who take the pre- university has set Makerere think- university "A" level exams each year in Uganda, only 1,600 ing. According to university officials, find places at Makerere, says the permanent secretary for edu- explaining the project, President cation, Pius Tibanyendera. Museveni—who is also chancellor of In addition, the country is short of graduates with technical Makerere—said he wanted a univer- skills, which the new university at Mbarara is to focus on in its sity less steeped in tradition and four faculties: medicine, education and applied science, tech- more oriented toward the rural nology, and development studies. areas, where the bulk of Ugandans In an interview, Tibanyendera compared Mbarara with the live. "red brick" universities like UCLA in the U.S., which he said Student Guild President Kasura "have come up with a completely diiferent orientation to the agrees that there is merit in this Ivy League of the eastern United States. argument. Makerere, he maintains, But donors—whose support will be crucial in raising the $100 "was put up by the British to turn million to build the university—feel this is all pie in the sky. out clerks for the colonial system Already, as a result of lack of staff, Makerere has had to cut and in many ways it still serves that back its intake from a peak of 7,000 in 1982. They feel that purpose." with the right inputs, Makerere could handle up to 10,000 stu- He cites the case of an engineer- dents, and argue that current rehabilitation efforts at the uni- ing student friend who can design versity will be compromised if the Mbarara idea is pursued. just about anything save for a char- "In Uganda," says a World Bank official, "where one has to coal stove. Ironically, the student choose priorities among priorities, one wonders—if Makerere "will probably need this more than itself is in such dire need—what is the logic of starting yet what he is struggling to learn at another faculty of medicine? On the face of it, it does not make school" in today's Uganda, Kasura a lot of economic sense." observes. Makerere Deputy Vice Chancellor Frederick Kayanja, who "Makerere is a very conservative has been designated the new vice chancellor of Mbarara, university, like most famous univer- agrees that "because the national cake is limited, and you are sities," says Kayanja. "There are going to take a large slice out of it, Makerere will be affected," things you just don't do at Makerere, Originally, he says, staff tried to persuade President Museveni because that is the way it is. A new to wait a bit, but he persuaded them that "there will never be a university has the chance to break time when there is enough money, If we like the idea, then we with that conservative thinking, and must just start and tighten our belts." that may not be a bad thing." "In the short-term, it is obviously cheaper to expand existing What should Makerere be aiming facilities," adds University Secretary David Sentongo. "But in the for? long-term, things like food are cheaper in the rural areas, since "I don't know if it is desirable that these places feed Kampala." Makerere go back to being the Makerere, observes University Registrar Bernard Onyange, Oxford of Africa," Kayanja contin- "needs a grandchild, We've been isolated for too long." A bit of ues. "Makerere has now become a competition, he suggests, will do the university good. Con- national university, and that has to versely, by having two instead of one institution to pressure the be our focus. The glory related to government, "we might be able to get more out of the ministry the fact that presidents and prime of education," he says. ministers from across the continent But some staff at Makerere say they haven't bothered to went to Makerere is not going to think the matter through at all. "We are so used to suffering happen again. The university needs that whether there is a new university or not, we expect hard to be oriented toward serving Ugan- times ahead," said a young history lecturer. da better than it is at the moment."0 —C.LM.

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 51 WESTERN SAHARA

SAHARAN STATESMANSHIP

ByGARYABRAMSON

Christine Spengler/Sygma After more than a decade of war, the Polisario Front and the Moroccan government are engaged in diplomatic efforts which may result in a referendum to determine the fate of the disputed Western Sahara. Will 1989 be the year of reconciliation in North Africa?

52 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 unlikely name for a popular eatery into two camps and led to Morocco's down in the Sahara. When matched withdrawal from the Organization of with the handful of wool-capped African Unity may be at a turning Moroccans with northern features point. and ill-fitting sport jackets who mill After years of fighting between about outside, the small street scene the 100,000-strong Moroccan army in the capital of Western Sahara at and the Polisario's 6,000 or so guer- first glance gives the impression of rilla fighters, both sides say they an opera backdrop mistakenly low- expect victory, and are ready to put ered during the wrong act. their supporters' wills to a final test. The sign is no comedy of errors, But not with bullets. Instead, offi- however, but ordinary life in El cials on both sides say, the conflict Ayoun, the once-sleepy Spanish colo- can now be settled by a much-post- nial town where Morocco has done poned referendum which the United its best in the last decade to make Nations and the OAU have been Western Saharans and Moroccan proposing for many years. settlers feel at home in Morocco's Conversations with Saharans in "southern province," while walling the territory held by Morocco yield out the Polisario Front that is fight- an uncertain forecast. Like the ing to make the territory indepen- Bucraa mine worker, many people dent. enjoy the relative comforts brought In front of the restaurant on the by Morocco's $1 billion investment bustling Boulevard Bucraa, a tall, in housing, roads, and other areas. slender man draped in the blue But not all Saharans express support robes traditional in this part of the for Moroccan sovereignty. desert strides past the doorway. As Yet enough do, one Moroccan he loses himself in the flow of Saha- official said, to encourage the coun- ran women in their orange and elec- try to finally risk a vote. A key sign tric-green gauze wraps, the odd sol- that both sides feel the time is right dier or two, and other passers-by, he came last winter, when top-level begins talking to a visitor. talks opened for the first time since The thirtyish-looking man, who the fighting began in 1976. says he is a native of Western Ever since Spain handed over Sahara, says life is not bad these control of most of what was then days under the Moroccans, who known as Spanish Sahara to his have reopened the Bucraa phos- kingdom in 1975, King Hassan II of phate mines where he works, not far Morocco had argued before his sub- from the capital. Then what does he jects and the world that Polisario's think should happen to the territory, guerrilla army was essentially a if as he has heard, the Saharans vote nasty creation of his North African on Moroccan sovereignty or inde- rivals, mainly Algeria. Polisario, pendence? which controls perhaps a quarter to A look of suspicion comes over a third of Western Sahara in this the man's face. "I am only a laborer. I stalemated war, would collapse with- cannot provide you with an opinion out the support and refuge it on that," he says. Firm, but with a received from Algeria, Morocco hint of apology, he adds: "It is a deli- maintained. Even after agreeing last cate question, you know." The con- August to a UN proposal for a cease- versation ended, the man walks on, fire and referendum, Moroccan glancing over his shoulder a few diplomats continued to speak of he Cafe Restaurant Rif, with its times as he draws away. Algeria, and not Polisario, as the key painted sign evoking the moun- The vote that appears likely to be to a settlement. T tainous berber region of north- held this year on the future of West- Then not exactly suddenly, but ernmost Morocco more than 800 ern Sahara, one of the very last of with great discretion, Hassan ush- miles north of El Ayoun, seems an Africa's former European colonies ered Polisario's leaders through the Gary Abramson reports frequently on North whose status remains unresolved, doors of his palace in Marrakesh on Africa and Spain for The Chicago Tribune. has always been a delicate question. January 3 for two days of discus- the St. Petersburg Times, and other publica- tions. He is based in Madrid. Now the war that split African states sions. It was the sort of dramatic

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 53 sides need to avoid the appearance and $912 million in economic sup- of capitulation. North African port in 1988. War and isolation from observers and diplomats in the its neighbors, however, is just the region say. Of even greater concern opposite of Hassan's agenda for the now, however, seems to be a combi- 1990s as he aspires to lead in the nation of old and new circumstances consolidation of the "grand in North Africa that is leading the Maghreb." adversaries to conclude that they are For Polisario, an organization that better served by gambling on a set- began preaching national conscious- tlement than by sticking to the old ness and independence in the West- absolutes. ern Sahara before the Spanish had For Morocco, while the govern- left, the movement toward ending ment has not said publicly why Polis- the war may provide a definitive ario was received, the accelerating opportunity to demonstrate what its rapprochement with Algeria supplies diplomats have skillfully persuaded considerable incentive. Since the two its intellectual backers and more countries re-established relations than 70 countries that recognize its last summer, Morocco and Polisario Saharan Arab Democratic Repub- have moved faster and closer than lic—that the Saharan people exist, ever to ending the war. Shortly after and want to be independent. the Polisario-Morocco talks, Presi- Much will depend on the lessons dent Chadli Benjedid of Algeria went that Saharans themselves have to Morocco on the first state visit learned on both sides of the 900-mile between the countries in 20 years. "wall" of sand and sensors that sepa- The new relationship opens the rates the Moroccan-controlled sector door to cooperation blocked until from the outer fringe left to Polisario now by an ideological gulf that set and its encampments near Tindouf, Morocco and Algeria against each Algeria. other on economics, domestic poli- If Saharan national identity can be tics, and liberation movements such bought off—and at least a few "The key question at voting time may as Polisario. Now the former rivals Moroccan officials are concerned turn out to be the Saharans' perception discuss plans for an Algerian that it cannot be—then Morocco has of their identity" pipeline to Europe via Morocco; a clear financial advantage in this diplomatic gesture—Hassan's 1986 Morocco offers support when rioters behind-the-lines battle. While the meeting with Shimon Peres, then ravage Algiers; and entrepreneurs Moroccan army has built and gradu- foreign minister of Israel, or his seek out opportunities across the ally extended the wall outward since short-lived treaty of union with Libya once-closed border. 1981, Moroccan administrators and come to mind—that has come to be Morocco and Polisario's decision engineers have changed the face of a hallmark of the deft monarch's to negotiate should be seen in a larg- cities such as El Ayoun and Smara, often unpredictable statesmanship. er, regional context as well. King and in so doing, changed Saharans' No immediate progress was Hassan said recently he hopes to lives. announced, as authorities in Mar- host North African heads of state at El Ayoun, a sprawling city of rakesh remained behind a blanket of a meeting where accords would be about 90,000, bore slight resem- silence they had drawn around the signed on trade, finance, and cus- blance last fall to the tense garrison visit as soon as an aircraft landed, toms issues. Multilateral commis- town a reporter visited in 1981. Even bringing Polisario's second-ranking sions have been working on the in the poorer, Spanish-built Zemla leader, Bachir Mustafa Sayed, and agreements since last fall. He also quarter, once a bastion of Polisario other Polisario officials. As if to predicted Morocco would rejoin the support, many Saharans, who still underscore the point, Hassan told OAU once the Sahara vote is held. clearly outnumber the easily distin- Spain's largest newspaper. El Pats, a The costly Saharan war—esti- guishable Moroccans from further few weeks later that he had invited mates start at about $350 million a north, expressed support for Moroc- Polisario "to listen to them as year—paid well for Hassan domesti- co's claim to the territory. Moroccans," and not to negotiate. cally for a decade, identifying the A Moroccan official acknowl- Clearly, after Hassan's years of monarchy with a populist, patriotic edged, however, that a visitor was championing the historic "Moroc- cause. Morocco managed to rely on not likely to find many overtly pro- canness" of the Western Sahara and allies for the bill, including Saudi Polisario Saharans—direct challenge Polisario's insistence on "All the Arabia and the United States, which to Morocco's claim was considered a homeland or martyrdom," both provided $53 million in military aid threat to national security, he said,

54 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 and the consequence was detention. the sort of Western Saharan Moroc- end, want to go for broke and a vote Officials would not say how many co would be lucky to have making its that produces winners and losers. In Saharans might be detained, but case among the population. such a case, they and other suggested the number was small. Then again, the key question at observers speculate, a question The threat of imprisonment does voting time may turn out to be the could be found that grants some not appear to be Morocco's main earlier, ambiguous, and emotional recognition to Morocco's claim of weapon in the struggle to hold on to one of the Saharans' perception of "historic sovereignty" while recog- the Western Sahara. The UN's plans their identity. Even before Polisario nizing some Saharan right to autono- to rely strongly on a 1974 Spanish brought tens of thousands of Saha- my. census of the territory makes that rans to its camps as the Spanish A Moroccan diplomatic source strategy quite impractical. withdrew from their old colony, the said that Morocco understands any Both Polisario and Moroccan offi- fault lines in Saharan society were settlement would have to enable cials say that the roughly 74,000 already developed between those both sides "to save face." Ahmed Saharans recorded by Spain's colo- who saw a Saharan people denied its Haj, the Polisario diplomat, insisted nial administration are not difficult independence and those who that "the referendum question is to account for—though, ironically, respected traditional—if distant and clearly established already—inde- each side claims a majority live occasional—tribal alliances with the pendence or integration in Morocco. under its control. "Our estimates are kingdom of Morocco. Any other option is totally ruled that 60 percent of the population If Morocco and Polisario each out." But a new Saharan state could census is in the [Polisario] camps," remain confident that their support- join a federation "within the context says Ahmed Haj, Polisario's repre- ers will predominate in a still-to-be- of the building of the Grand sentative in Spain. "But we also trust negotiated voting list, then they may Maghreb," Haj said. that many who now say they are con- take the risk of the publicly pro- If this final question can be set- tent with Morocco will vote for inde- posed all-or-nothing referendum tled, regional, African, and United pendence." Likewise, Moroccan offi- question. But it is possible, some Nations officials are hoping that cials said that only a small propor- diplomats conjecture, that neither 1989 will the year of reconciliation in tion of the census population fled Polisario nor Morocco will, in the the Sahara. O Spanish Sahara when Morocco and Mauritania were given administrative control. (Mauritania initially claimed the southern third of the territory, but withdrew from the war in 1979.) Instead, Morocco's efforts have focused on building industry in the No One Can territory, such as fishing and fish processing, that were once anathe- ma to the Saharans. "Until I was Stop The Rain eight years old, my family lived as nomads, traveling the area from El Ayoun to Smara to Tarfaya," says Glimpses of Africa's Mohamed El Moussaoui, who now Liberation Struggle supervises the Western Sahara's nascent fishing industry. by GEORGE M. HOUSER Though the Western Sahara 26-year Executive Director ot the American Committee on Africa boasts one of the world's richest Foreword by JULIUS K. NYERERE fishing banks, for centuries a dan- A stirring eyewitness account of Africa's liberation struggle from She Eisenhower gerous coastline and deep disdain through the Reagan administration. Houser emphasizes the dynamics of the African for fishing kept all Saharans but for struggle for independence from colonial domination, the critical role of South Africa some small coastal tribes away from and the impact of U.S. foreign policy as well as nongovernmental action. Here is a fishing, which is still almost entirely hard but hopeful look at Africa's continuing fight for freedom. the preserve of foreign fleets. Mous- "This book is must reading for any student of the continent..." saoui, sporting a well-tailored blazer -SENATOR JULIAN BOND , u , ,. , , and fashionable shoes, says those ^rqr At bookstores or directly from days are gone; a graduate of pro- THE PILGRIM 9 PRESS grams in navigation and fishing man- 132 West 31st Street, New York, NY 10001 agement who has worked in ports from Casablanca to Rotterdam, he is

AFRICA REPORT • March-AprtI 1989 55 LIBERIA LIVING DANGEROUSLY

By ERNEST HARSCH A wily political survivor, President Samuel Doe is now beset with an unprecedented economic crisis which even American financial experts couldn't resolve. With crackdowns continuing on any sign of dissent, Liberia's opposition parties are now looking at new strategies to challenge Doe's rule.

ising several stories Although Doe, the former above the main road master sergeant, has proven R through Congotown, himself a wily political sur- w one of Monrovia's neighbor- vivor, sound financial and eco- -3 hoods, stand the raw con- nomic management is not J crete slabs and pillars of the considered one of his trade- w new Ministry of Defense marks. building currently under con- Liberia's real gross domes- struction. tic product has declined by an 'They can spend millions astounding average of 5.5 per- on something like that, for wdfc* i cent a year since 1980. The the military," observes one \ U.S. dollar—legal tender in Liberian. "But look at our Liberia—has all but disap- hospitals—they're death traps. Look President Samuel Doe: "Sound financial peared from circulation, while the and economic management is not con- at this city." sidered one of his trademarks" Liberian S5 coin (known as the "Doe It is not unusual for residents of dollar") has plummeted to less than the capital to reminisce about days half of its nominal value. Liberia's gone by, when Monrovia was rela- foreign debt now stands at $1.7 bil- tively clean and pleasant, with its activists. For ordinary Liberians, lion. Unable to pay its arrears, the many rolling hills and verdant however, the daily struggle to sur- country has been cut off from fur- foliage. Yet now, as in much of the vive may be more of a preoccupa- ther IMF funding. Loans from other rest of Liberia, the decay is patent. tion. With an economy that has been sources have likewise shriveled. Life in Monrovia is scarred not on a downward spiral ever since Doe Per capita income has fallen from only by physical squalor. Fear, ten- seized power in April 1980, large sec- $400 a year in 1983 to $370 (in over- sion, and uncertainty are also perva- tors of the population live close to valued Liberian dollars) today. A sive. People keep a wary distance the edge. Sudden scarcities and even third of all children under five suffer from the men with the guns, dressed slight losses of income can set off from some degree of malnutrition, in discarded U.S. army fatigues and feverish reactions. and 15 out of every 100 children die carrying M-16s—the poorly disci- Almost 10 years after the 1979 before they reach the age of five. plined soldiers who form the "rice riots" that undermined the gov- Widespread business closures, bedrock of President Samuel Doe's ernment of Doe's predecessor, combined with sharp cutbacks by authority—and who are dreaded for William Tolbert, Monrovia was major employers such as Firestone their arbitrary and often brutal exac- again gripped by a virtual rice panic. Rubber, have pushed unemployment tions. Liberians frantically scoured the to volatile levels. In Monrovia's poor- Concern about repression is a markets, but could find little of their er neighborhoods, it is unofficially constant worry for journalists, stu- favorite food. Even the timely arrival estimated at some 70 percent. dents, and opposition political of several rice shipments from Tai- While the bulk of Liberians are wan and the United States did not Ernest Harsch is a freelance journalist based in still engaged in farming, only the New York who has written extensively on immediately ease the shortages or barest resources have been allocated African political developments for over a tension. decade. to agriculture and rural develop-

56 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 ment—despite a "Green Revolution" as an infringement on national persuasive argument for political program launched with much fan- sovereignty. The Liberian Action cooperation. A visit to the Sinkor fare in 1986. Minister of Agriculture Party (LAP), the largest legal opposi- office of the NDPL's national chair- S. Gblorzuo Toweh stated in an tion group, called it an "offense to man found the waiting room packed interview that during 1988, his min- Africa and Liberia in particular." with people seeking audiences, jobs, istry sold more than $400,000 worth In practice, however, the Ameri- and favors. of fertilizers, chemicals, cutlasses, can advisers' powers proved largely Doe's largesse has succeeded as rakes, wheelbarrows, and spray to nominal. They were able to ensure well in weakening at least a sector of farmers at reduced rates. One that civil servants were generally (he political opposition. A number of Liberian economist, to emphasize paid on time, instead of months late. opposition party officials have joined how little this was, compared it to But on the broader problems of cor- the NDPL since the 1985 elections, the $250,000 the government spent ruption and lack of accountability, while some have gotten jobs in celebrating Liberia's August 1988 there was little apparent progress. exchange for their silence. For soccer victory over Ghana. "They've discovered that as fast example, David Farhat. a former Liberians frequently point out as they establish controls, some- LAP treasurer, was named finance that the problem is not just of one's found a way to get around minister in early 1988. skewed priorities or poor manage- them," comments Clifford Flemister, Gabriel Bacchus Matthews—the ment. 'These fellows are as corrupt a Liberian economic consultant. He central leader of the United People's as they get," observed a local believes that the Opex officials, Party (UPP) and once one of banker. "with typical American arrogance," Liberia's most influential political fig- Government appointees in the underestimated the ingenuity of cor- ures—accepted a gift of a car from state-owned enterprises are said to rupt Liberian officials. Doe in late 1986. During a discus- routinely demand bribes and kick- Few were surprised when the sion at his home, Matthews denied backs, embezzle funds, and sell off Opex team packed its bags at the that this had anything to do with the public property for their own bene- end of 1988, only halfway through its UPP's stance of "loyal opposition," in fit. The state sector, as one commen- two-year contract. No reasons were which it has distanced itself from the tator wryly put it, has been "priva- given publicly for their premature other opposition parties and come tized." In July 1987, the U.S. General departure, but those who had been out in support of some of Doe's poli- Accounting Office reported that mil- in contact with the advisers cited cies. (Others indicate that the public lions of dollars of American aid to sheer frustration. A confidential credibility of Matthews and the UPP Liberia have simply disappeared Opex report, completed in October have suffered badly as a result.) since Doe's coup, amid indications of 1988, said that the government had The dispensing of patronage has massive improprieties and misuse. "shown no commitment to either likewise been useful in neutralizing Such revelations reinforced calls reining in its extra-budgetary expen- or incorporating elements of the within the U.S. Congress to drasti- ditures or abiding by a sound budget overthrown True Whig Party of Tol- cally cut back on further aid to process." Unplanned expenditures berl's days. For the most part, they Liberia. In what was widely seen as had actually risen, the report said, are from the pre-coup "Americo- an effort to forestall such a move, reaching nearly a third of the bud- Liberian" elite, the descendants of the White House won Doe's agree- get, while public corporations were the repatriated former slaves who ment to accept the posting of 17 still being used as conduits for the founded the Liberian republic in American financial advisers there. political control of funds. 1847 and who governed until Doe's Their brief was to clamp down on Such slush funds appear vital to coup. corruption and introduce a degree of Doe's system of rule. His National Does their gradual return to sound economic management. Democratic Party of Liberia (NDPL) prominence signify a broader pro- Those "Opex" (for "operational lacks broad legitimacy, having come cess of national reconciliation, as experts") arrived at the beginning of in through elections in October 1985 government officials sometimes pre- 1988 and fanned out into the Min- that many Liberians believe were sent it? By most accounts, no. Many istry of Finance and other slate rigged. The NDPL nevertheless is Liberians indicate that ethnic ten- agencies and enterprises. Operating able to garner a degree of support sions have grown sharper than ever, at deputy ministerial level, they had through an elaborate and extensive particularly between Doe's own the authority to co-sign checks, con- patronage system. It not only has Krahn people and most of the other tracts, and purchase orders, to veto direct access to significant funds, but indigenous groups. economic planning decisions, and to also the capacity to place people in Though they comprise just 4 per- take part in the drafting of the bud- potentially lucrative jobs. cent of the population, Krahns are get. In a country with Liberia's eco- represented disproportionately in The extent of their powers stirred nomic difficulties, where the public the government, state corporations, considerable controversy, with most sector is one of the rare sources of and especially the leadership of the of the opposition parties viewing it secure employment, this can be a armed forces. By itself, such near-

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 57 monopolization of the spoils of office son other than their ethnic affilia- arranging meetings with this jour- would likely have been enough to tion. nalist, and most requested anonymi- foster some ethnic friction and dis- "Feelings have really reached a ty. The Liberian Unification Party trust. But the situation has been dangerous point now," explains one (LUP) of Gabriel Kpolleh was worsened considerably by the appar- Liberian opposition activist. "There's banned outright in 1987. ent free rein given to Krahn soldiers so much hatred of Doe, of the Kpolleh himself was detained last to carry out brutalities against non- Krahns. If the government collapses, year and along with nine others, con- Krahns. I'm afraid there may be reprisals. I victed of plotting to overthrow the Liberians still hark back to the don't know if we'll be able to restrain government. The paucity of evi- conduct of Krahn-dominated mili- people." dence and the government's heavy- tary units in November 1985, in the According to some Liberians, handed conduct of the case are con- aftermath of a failed coup attempt Doe and his followers' realization of sidered typical indications of how lit- led by former Armed Forces Com- this is one factor reinforcing their tle the authorities are guided by the mander Thomas Quiwonkpa. The intolerance of opposition or criti- rule of law. fact that Quiwonkpa was a Gio from cism. Despite the veneer of constitu- For months, Kpolleh and the Nimba County was taken as a tional rule that came into place with other defendants were held without license by Krahn troops to carry out Doe's January 1986 inauguration as charge. Most maintained that they massacres not only of Gio soldiers a civilian president, political repres- had been beaten, hung upside-down, and civilians, but also of people from sion is said to have eased little from and otherwise mistreated and threat- the related Mano community and the days of open military rule. ened while in custody. The alleged other ethnic groups. A 1986 study by The opposition parties have all "mastermind" of the plot, Joseph the New York-based Lawyers Com- suffered from harassment of their Robert Kaipaye, died during the ini- mittee for Human Rights, which members and leaders. It has been tial investigations—supposedly by interviewed dozens of people in virtually impossible for the LAP and leaping from a window in Doe's Nimba County, found evidence that the Unity Party (UP) to maintain Executive Mansion office. During many were detained, beaten, tor- public offices or activities. Their the trial, held in the dim, dilapidated tured, or killed for no apparent rea- members were quite cautious in Temple of Justice, prosecution witnesses contradicted each other and the influential Daily Observer has restrict entry. one revealed that he had been been closed five times and its editor, NDPL National Chairman Augus- bribed. In open court, the judge let Kenneth Best, detained almost as tus Caine tried to justify LINSU's slip his view that "the constitution is often. Best recalls that once he was banning. 'This whole thing of cam- not applicable to our tradition." actually threatened with execution pus rights leads to students chal- The most stellar performance during a televised address by then- lenging the constituted authorities," was that of the theatrical minister of Minister of Justice Chea Cheapoo. he affirmed during an interview. The justice, Jenkins Scott, who delivered Several other papers have not sur- students, Caine went on at some part of the closing prosecution argu- vived. Footprints Today and the Sun length, were "ungrateful" to Doe, ment. "There were other, more expe- Times were closed down entirely in whose government was subsidizing rienced men who could have over- April and May 1988. Some of their their education. He complained thrown the True Whig government," journalists were detained, winning about a statement issued by the Uni- Scott maintained. "But God had cho- release only after other journalists versity of Liberia students compar- sen Doe." Pointing dramatically to protested. ing Doe to Idi Amin. the 10 defendants in the dock, Scott The highly vocal student move- "Freedom has become a burden branded them "sanctimonious, self- ment also suffered a crack- in the West," Caine philosophized. serving men, filled with their own down—the latest of many—when "Our people should not try to emu- righteousness. They wanted to last August the government out- late it." change what God had created." lawed the Liberian National Students Unfortunately for officials like For such a government, the Union (LINSU) and prohibited "all Caine, few Liberians appear to see it slightest criticism becomes blasphe- campus politics" in both public and that way. "The very name of our mous. Liberia's lively press has thus private schools. This provoked a country, Liberia, means the land of been a particular target of persecu- round of class boycotts, which were the free," states J. Laveli Supuwood, tion. Journalists tell harrowing tales met by more round-ups of student a leading civil liberties lawyer. "For of harassment, detention, and beat- leaders. Several months later, this generations, our people have had a ings. reporter found security forces still basic commitment to democracy, to Since its launching in early 1981, posted at the university gates to human rights. And if a government

Introducing our Business Class Service. Featuring superb wines. Champagnes. Caviar. Lobster. And the only direct seven-hour service from the U.S. to West Africa, withjlights leaving JFK twice a week. For information and reservations, call your travel agent, local w Air Afrique/Air France office, or 800-237-2747. Remember: Africa begins with Air Afrique. doesn't respect that, the Liberian U.S. government, which despite and the LUP, agree. In addition, they people feel a duty to question the some mild criticisms of Doe's poli- fault their own party leaders for not government's actions." cies, is generally seen in Liberia as having acknowledged the LAP's When asked if he was concerned supportive of his regime. commanding lead, thereby reinforc- about reprisals, Supuwood replied, Since Doe's coup, American eco- ing the image of a divided, bickering "You take precautions, but you don't nomic and military assistance has opposition. put your life first. If everyone did totaled $500 million, compared to In practice, the old party divisions that, you wouldn't have had a Martin $400 million for the entire period are now becoming blurred. With the Luther King or a Jesus Christ." from Liberia's founding in 1847 until exception of Gabriel Bacchus Referring to the "horrible" repres- the coup. This has been more, on a Matthews' UPP, which continues to sion of November 1985, Supuwood per capita basis, than for any other go its own way, the younger mem- stated with conviction, 'Those of us sub-Saharan country. The aid levels bers and supporters of the opposi- who survived feel we have a mis- have declined in the past few years, tion parties often collaborate in their sion." however, and currently hover day-to-day work. This is true not Despite the evident risks, such around $30 million annually. only of LAP and UP, but also of those defiance is not all that rare. G. Ged- Some opponents think American who once looked toward the now- iminar Flomo, who was detained for assistance should be cut off entirely. outlawed LUP and MOJA. (The lat- a time as president of LINSU, Others, while agreeing with a halt to ter no longer functions as a distinct affirmed that regardless of the stu- military aid, believe that some eco- organization, but some of its adher- dent union's banning, "students will nomic assistance could be useful, ents have since gone into the IAP, continue to play their traditional role provided it is carefully targeted to while others retain considerable in speaking out on behalf of rights. programs that directly benefit the political influence in the student We'll continue to challenge things Liberian people, with adequate safe- movement.) we consider unconstitutional and guards against misuse. Opposition unity, most agree, illegal." Few continue to harbor much could be an important factor in push- Although most strikes are forbid- hope that Washington is able, or willing for political change. But even if den, workers still occasionally defy ing, to nudge Doe along the road unity is achieved, how can change the authorities when their toward democratic reforms. Stated come? Through what forms of grievances become too acute. There one, who identified himself with the action? Few clear answers are have been recent strikes by miners radical Movement for Justice in offered. at the Bong iron-ore pits, by several Africa (MOJA), 'The Liberian people To most, the prospects for elec- thousand employees of the Liberia were burned by the 1985 election toral change do not appear as Agriculture Company and the experience and the failure of the promising as they once did. The Montserrado Industrial Complex, U.S. to live up to its promises. next elections are scheduled for and by teachers in Grand Bassa and They're now more politically sophis- 1991, but if current trends continue, Bomi counties. ticated. There's less looking to the hardly anyone expects them to be The opposition parties are also outside, to America, for a solution." free and fair. Ominous rumblings seeking to function, though for them Similarly, for LINSU's Flomo, have already come from NDPLers, this is a difficult and complex lime. "This is a Liberian problem. We need floating the idea of a one-party state Discussions with a range of party to find a Liberian solution." or the scrapping of the constitutional activists and supporters reveal a pro- Yet the Liberian opposition provision limiting the president to cess of individual and collective remains weak and divided, a fact that two six-year terms. reassessment, with old assumptions is prompting some stinging self- Without the option of the ballot and strategies coming under close review. Particularly sharp criticisms box, opposition could very well take scrutiny. have been directed at the old party other forms. "If the government They cite a number of factors that leadership, on the grounds that their institutionalizes a one-party system" have spurred re-thinking. There was timidity in October 1985 made it eas- states the UP's general secretary, the frustrating outcome of the Octo- ier for Doe to steal the elections. Walter Wisner, "it will be fostering ber 1985 elections, when the opposi- One LAP supporter insisted that his violence. There are so many ways to tion appeared well on its way to party should have simply proclaimed make a revolution." sweeping the polls, only to see Doe's its presidential candidate the winner Flomo is equally emphatic. "Many hand-picked election commission of the elections, a la Corazon Aquino students no longer think there can stop the vote tallying and reorder of the Philippines. "The people were be change through the electoral the results in the NDPL's favor. ready for a response, but the leader- road. We look to what has happened There was the trauma of the Novem- ship hesitated. It was weak. It in the Philippines, in different coun- ber 1985 massacres, and the continu- missed an opportunity." tries, and see what has been accom- ing repression since then. And there Supporters of the two other par- plished through other kinds of has been the public stance of the ties that ran in the elections, the UP action." O

60 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 T R V W CECELIA JOHNSON A Woman's Place

By ERNEST HARSCH

Ghana's 31st December Women's Movement takes its name from the date in 1981 when Flt.-Lt. Jerry Rowlings seized power, ushering in a period of major changes in most facets of Ghanaian life. Officially launched in May 1982, the Women's Move- ment sees its basic role as drawing the country's women into this process, both politically and through their productive activities. Since then, the movement has spread throughout the country and has grown to some 4 million members. Its president is Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings, wife of the head of state. Cecilia Johnson, acting general secretary of the movement, spoke to Africa Report about the problems facing women in Ghana's development process and about the activities of her organization.

Africa Report: What do you see as the greatest differences women employ in their work. in emphasis between the concerns of women in countries such Africa Report: The food sector is dominated by women, as Ghana and those in the industrialized countries? while cash crops tend to be dominated by men. Yet the early Johnson: I believe there is a vast difference. In the devel- emphasis of the Economic Recovery Program [ERP] here in oped world, you have the basic necessities. The conditions of Ghana was on reviving and rehabilitating the cocoa sector. life there are far better lhan in the developing world. Our con- Did that mean that women farmers were overlooked? cerns here are basically economic and social. Johnson: Yes. When it comes to cash crops, women are not I say economic not in the sense that we need equal pay for so much engaged. It is basically the work of men. But in pro- equal work, since most of us are not employed in the formal viding food for the majority of Ghanaians, that is the work of sector anyway, because the majority of us are uneducated. women. Therefore, one could say that the women were over- Women form a higher percentage of the illiterates than men. looked, maybe because with the ERP, one didn't think of food What we fight for with our women's organization is to try to cropping as part of the economy, because these crops are cul- find some employment for women. That is a basic difference. tivated mainly for home consumption, not for export. Also we try to improve the living conditions of the women. The food sector may have been taken for granted. Except Unlike in your country, where you have various gadgets that for those times of drought, you don't find shortages as such. help women in their work at home, in Africa there is no such Although we have cassava shortages during the lean seasons, aid. You have to use human labor to do a lot of things. So we on the whole, food is available almost throughout the year. are striving to improve upon the technologies and skills that Africa Report: Is there any specific effort to form cooperatives of women farmers? Ernest Harsch is a freelance journalist based in New York who has written extensively on African political developments for over a Johnson: Unfortunately, the idea of cooperatives in food decade. cropping has not been encouraged so much. This is because

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 61 many of our farmers are able on their own to cultivate without show that they have the will to work as a group. much of a problem, on a small scale. They generally can get We have these groups scattered throughout the whole coun- their own seedlings. And when we come to another input like try, in our branches. Some are nvolved in shea butter or palm fertilizer, we are not using it at the moment for food crops, oil extraction, the processing of some of the tubers, especially with the exception of maize and rice, the cereals. cassava, the processing of vegetables, drying peppers, and so But we, the women's movement, do have cooperatives on. among our branch members. The women come together and This year, we started going to donor agencies, appealing cultivate crops in what we call the movement's farms. The for help to improve on some of the methods that they are women have their individual farms, but being members of the using. Fortunately, there've been some positive offers of assis- movement, they also come together to cultivate for the move- tance from the Canadians, the Dutch, the Sasalcawa Peace ment. Foundation in Japan. Next year we hope to be opening some Africa Report: What about in other sectors, such as food of these projects, basically in food processing. processing? Africa Report: At a certain point in the political process Johnson: Food processing is mainly the domain of women. here, especially in the early 1980s, market women were often A farmer engaged on a commercial basis may have a gari reviled as the source of the high prices confronting urban con- plant or a palm oil extractor, which he will usually hire out to sumers. Is there still some of that sentiment? women. What we are trying to do is to group the women Johnson: The market women were attacked because they

"The kind of message we are preaching appeals more to the rural folks"

together to enhance the traditional skills that we are using were at the last stage of the purchasing of these commodities. now, which are so laborious, full of drudgery, and time-con- They became the targets. But if you look at it closely, you will suming. We are trying to introduce some technologies that will find that most of the problems were not with them as such, but cut down on this labor and increase production. with middlemen. Believe me, most of the market women had As you may be aware, ours is a very young organization, just a little bit of profit. The huge profits were with the middle- formed in 1982. We decided at first to leave the initiative to men. But they were not seen, ard therefore those who were the women themselves, let them decide to come together, let seen were attacked. them decide to engage in one economic activity or another Right now we don't have a problem with the market women with their traditional methods. Then we go in to improve upon at all. That is because fortunately we have the commodities in the methods. Otherwise you risk repeating the experience of abundance. We don't have to queue and beg for them in the the past, when people went to a village to provide a type of shops. technology that the villagers might not be interested in. Africa Report: Have women felt the impact of Ghana's We found that some of those projects were just there for a economy recovery yet? few months and that was the end of it, a complete waste. So Johnson: We have felt it. Normally we have the task of what we are doing is to let the women show the interest first, going around looking for commodities, because we provide

62 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 the meals in the house. And as I just said, we don't have to do Johnson: Before, the work that women did was not actually that anymore. So we are benefiting, in that there is now a measured in terms of value. Most people forgot about the con more sane atmosphere. People are not so harassed, so tense tributions of women to the economy. Now, many of these because they don't know when they are going to get foodstuffs donor agencies and the international community have come to for the next meal. realize that if the concerns of women are not addressed, most Africa Report: What do you think of the Program of Action of these projects fizzle out. Why? Recause the woman is the to Mitigate the Social Costs of Adjustment [PAMSCAD] which focal point in each community. We form the majority in most specifically addresses some of the problems that confront societies. women? Therefore, there is now the effort to address the concerns Johnson: The beginnings of PAMSCAD are very promising, and needs of women to develop. Some of these international provided we are able to do the implementation very well. organizations have been insisting that in every program there There is the job retraining, and if your partner is employed, should be a part addressing the concerns of women. And if the burden on the women's shoulders is lessened. Also a per- it's done properly, then half of the society's needs are centage of those who are going to be ledeployed will be addressed and it will carry for beyond into the domain of men women. There are plans to retrain them. If there is a program and the community in general- I see it as an eye-opening to better women's skills or give them a new career or vocation, thing, a recognition of the importance of the work that women it is definitely going to be better than what we have now. do in society, which has hitherto not been recognized and val-

Nana Konadu Agyeman- Rawlings, President nf the 31 st December Women's Movement

Peeling cassava, Volta Region: "Food processing is mainly the domain of women"

We have (his bitter experience of most women going into ued. trading, because it is the quickest way of making money. But Africa Report: What was the initial impetus behind the for- most of them are now saying that business is bad because we mation of the 31 st December Women's Movement? have abundance and therefore their profit margin has fallen. Johnson: Right from the beginning of the revolutionary pro- We are trying to educate the women to see the necessity of cess, we realized that women were not taking part. The pro- having a vocation, rather than just buying and selling. If you cess called for the participation of all Ghanaians in the affairs want to go into trading as a secondary source of employment, of the nation. But if you look at our history, you have this idea that is okay. But don't make it your only vocation, since trad- that the political arena should be the domain of men. That is ing is so fluid. But some of these other vocations can be per- because the woman has so much to do that she doesn't have manent, like hairdressing, dressmaking, carpentry, and the the time to even think of other things apart from the work she's electrical trade. got to do for the family. Africa Report: Over the past few years there's been more But if we have a process asking for the participation of the talk among UN agencies, NGOs, and development experts majority—and the majority of people, the women, are outside about "women in development." Some women think that is of it—then we are not going to achieve the basic aim of the positive, others are not so sure. What do you think? revolutionary process, participatory democracy.

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 63 Therefore, we found the need to encourage women to be be there forever, for our children, for our children's children. If part of the revolutionary process, to also join in the decision- you put up a day-care center in a village, it's not going to be making process of the country. There were a few women who for the benefit of just a few individuals, but of a whole commu- were ministers in the previous two regimes, but just a few. And nity. one found that the part women played was to just cheer on the Fortunately, we were able to overcome this problem espe- men, not to take any active part in government or matters cially with the rural folks, who lack these basic necessities. affecting the governing of the nation. Therefore, if you go there and they see that you are interested Another major objective was to learn about the living con in their problem and in helping them resolve it, then they will ditions of women, so that we can stimulate women to work open up their arms. relentlessly to improve our conditions of life and contribute our Another problem we had is that of the men being comfort- quota toward the economic recovery of the country. able, learning that we are not out to challenge them, that we Africa Report: How is the movement organized? are just trying to complement whatever efforts the women are Johnson: It is organized at the national, regional, district, making toward the restructuring of the country. In Ghana, unit, zonal, and work place levels. We have offices in all the there is a lot of discrimination against women in customs, tra- regional and district administrative capitals. Then we have ditions, and social norms. Sometimes when the men see the organizing committees, auditing and finance, and project women organized, they see them as a force to contend with. committees in the regions and districts as well. So you have to educate them, to see it is not something we Africa Report: What's the approximate membership? have organized to challenge the authority of men. Johnson: According to the last count we did about three You even have to educate the women themselves that we months ago, we have a little over 4 million members through- are not out to challenge the men, before they'll accept it. Who out the whole country. The movement is open to all women 1 8 doesn't want a peaceful family life? If the woman is asked to and above. Sometimes, in a village, you find that almost all join an organization where she's going to have problems with the women ate members, because we have managed to also her husband, she's not going to have anything to do with it. involve the queen mothers. That is one great asset. The queen And there is the age-old problem of finances. We do not mothers normally would not engage in these kinds of activities, have any financial support fron the government, because we but for the movement they are the focal point of organization are non-governmental. We talk to the women to assist, to con- in the communities. tribute some labor. And believe me, most of these women are Africa Report: What kind of women has the movement tend- poor. For some years now, we've asked our organizers not to ed to attract? Who tend to be the most active? demand any monetary contribution, because if you ask for Johnson: Fortunately, the women in the rural areas, because even 50 cedis, someone's going to have an excuse for not the majority of women live in the rural areas. There, they have joining. It would be an obstacle. problems, they are less fortunate. So the kind of message we In most cases, the women themselves decide how much are preaching appeals more to the rural folks than to the they can afford. But if there is a very poor area where they urban. Most women in the urban centers believe they have a can't contribute now, we just leave them and let them engage better standard of living or that because they are employed, in other economic activities that will benefit the movement. We they are all right. organize these cooperatives to engage in agricultural ven- Recently, because of the work that the movement is trying to tures, from which we can get some finances. do, the urban women are also coming into the fold. This is Africa Report: How would you rate the Provisional National especially true when we tackle the basic problem of women: Defense Council [PNDC] in comparison with earlier govern- the provision of child-care centers. Women in Ghana have just ments, in terms of how much concern is shown for the prob- a few day-care facilities, most of which are privately owned lems of women? and very expensive. With the help of the women themselves, Johnson: We had this law, the Intestate Succession Law. we explain how this will help us to work better, to increase Because of our traditional customs, when the husband died, production in whatever field we are engaged in, be it farming, the family could throw the woman out. This law sought to trading, or in the formal sector. This is a basic necessity of address this problem. It had been on paper, with the previous women. governments, for many years. But they did not do anything With the provision of a few day-care centers in some of the about it. It was only when this government came to power that urban areas—in Accra we've got three centers right now—the the law was passed. women see that we are not just talking, like most women's Looking at educational reform, it's more to the advantage organizations. We are acting. of women. Where you have uneducated children, who have Africa Report: What kinds of problems do you encounter in left school but without employment, you see that the women trying to get women to be more politically and socially active? suffer more than the men. The government recognizes the Johnson: In Ghana, we've had this negative experience of unique position of women in some of its programs, as in PAM- people getting attached to a political system for what they will SCAD, for instance. It makes special mention of women. gain, especially the women. In the past, you joined the female Before it was not like that. These are signs of the government's group of a political parry and you were provided with certain concern for women. commodities. And i would like to state here that the involvement of the So our initial problem was frying to educate the women to wife of the head of state in our movement is also a big sign of see the need to work without that kind of incentive. We tried to the government's interest in women. If the chairman of the educate them to understand that if you got cloth, you used it PNDC had not given his support or encouragement, she for a few years and that was the end of it. These were person- couldn't have done it. This is the first experience of the wife of al gains that didn't last. But what we are trying to do is some- the head of state actually getting involved, not just on paper, thing that will improve upon our community, and therefore will but working to improve upon the standards of women. O

64 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 SOMALIA BARRE'S UNHOLY ALLIANCES

By RICHARD GREENFIELD t was the night of May 27—a Fri- day and thus a holiday through- I out Islamic Somalia. Senior government, party, and military officials in the northern Somali city of Burao had long since retired to chew chat, a mild narcotic supposedly banned. The evening was deceptively peaceful, for the whole of the north was seething against harsh rule and economic neglect. Incidents such as demonstrations, particularly in Hargeisa, the northern capital, attacks on isolated police and military posts, the seizure of arms by rebels based in Ethiopia and the 'liberation' of political prisoners from the less secure of the many political prisons had become com- monplace. But the 27th of May was different. As early as February 26, 1987, Has- san Ahmed Gabay, party secretary of the northwestern region, had written to headquarters in Mogadishu, accurately listing the serious and urgent grievances of the The Somalian peoples of the north. He urged the government, party to check the mounting excess- increasingly isolated es of the military and to restore at least a semblance of the rule of law from its traditional and some respect for human rights. allies and under Sadly, more weight had been threat from guerrillas given to the views of the colorful but cruel military commander, Gen. of the Somali Mohamed Sayeed 'Morgan', who National Movement, had submitted a devastating report to Somalia's President Mohamed has unleashed harsh Siad Barre advocating vicious repression against repression and policies tantamount those suspected of to genocide against the opposition Somali National Movement (SNM) disloyalty, turning to Richard Greenfield, a member of Oxford Uni- some unlikely versity's Internationa! Development Centre, was political adviser to the Somali government sources for weapons from 1977. but was dismissed in 1986 following his private and public appeals that greater and support?, attention be given by the Somali government to human rights issues.

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 and in particular the Isaak clan damage. documented use of torture and arbi- which provided most of its armed In the north, suspected SNM trary imprisonment, and its denial of guerrillas. sympathizers were lined up and arbi- consensus politics and human rights By April last year, doubtless due trarily shot. Likely supporters—par- presents a grave embarrassment to to the deteriorating security situa- ticularly, but not only, Isaak—were the American government. More- tion in Eritrea and Tigre in neigh- arrested throughout the nation. over, the opposition forces, although boring Ethiopia, President Mengistu Camps recently emptied of Ethiopi- encouraged by Ethiopia, are largely Haile Mariam had decided to with- an prisoners from the Ogaden war Western-educated and dedicated to draw his last objection to a possible under the new agreement began to democratic values. detente between Ethiopia and Soma- fill up again with businessmen, air- In late September, last year some lia. Troops were called back from line employees, and any civilian of 35 members of Congress addressed both sides of the much disputed northern origin suspected by the letters to the U.S. secretary of state, frontiers. It was mutually agreed that National Security Service (NSS) and urging the "re-programming of $21 hostile propaganda would end--as, other paramilitary units of possible million in economic support funds" supposedly, would assistance to 'lib- disloyalty to Siad Barre. for Somalia "due to the on-going eration' forces heretofore encour- Even diplomats abroad were gross violation of human rights, aged by both governments in their recalled, though many ignored or especially in the northern region of attempts to destabilize one another. contested the summons. United the country." They pointed out that In Mogadishu, the office furni- Nations and foreign aid workers "more than 400,000 Somali citizens ture of a truculent Western Somali were evacuated. As floods of have fled into Ethiopia since late Liberation Front (WSLF) was hurled refugees made their way through May, prompting a grave humanitari- into the streets by Somalia's own the scrub and bushlands of northern an crisis." police force. In Addis Ababa, Radio Somalia to the Haud region, ruled by They expressed concern over Halgan, voice of the Somali rebel neighboring Ethiopia, the interna- "suggestions that U.S. military sup- movements, was silenced. Consider- tional community began to learn of plies or equipment have been used ation was being given to isolating the the scale and ferocity of the regime's to support the reported slaughter of camps of guerrilla forces in both reaction to popular discontent and to civilians by Somali government countries. the return of the guerrilla forces. troops." Although the provision of Unexpectedly and suddenly, the Somalis demonstrated in New York, such weapons may have been con- SNM guerrillas in Ethiopia imple- Washington, and in many Western tracted under previous military aid mented a long-considered plan. Put capitals. programs, they warned then-Secre- more simply, they just went home. The National Academy of Sci- tary of State Shultz, "You well know An alarmed Siad Barre rushed back ences Committee on Human Rights such assistance was never intended from the 1988 OAU summit in the and the Committee on Health and to kill, maim, or bomb civilians." Ethiopian capital. Gen. 'Morgan' Human Rights of the Institute of Nor were many members of the likewise rushed to Hargeisa, the cap- Medicine in Washington had already Somali military and defense forces ital of the north, in a borrowed published a damning report on the prepared to participate in a civil war Ethiopian plane. human rights crisis in Somalia. 'ITiis against their own kith-and-kin. There But in Burao, the relaxing offi- was followed by one of the most hor- have been no Dolbahante generals at cials dismissed the warnings flashed rific reports ever issued by Amnesty the northern fronts. In mid-July to them by the Ethiopian authorities. International, entitled Somalia: A 1988, one pilot chose to ditch his They were still chewing chat when Long-Term Human Rights Crisis. In MiG-17 in Djibouti Bay rather than the guerrillas fell violently upon February, the UN Commission on strafe civilian targets. He was guided them. Burao was quickly taken. Human Rights meeting in Geneva down by French nationals, to the Hargeisa, however, proved a harder had to consider unprecedented accu- temporary embarrassment of the task, although much of the city, with sations leveled against the Somali Djibouti authorities. the exception of certain pockets and regime from the International Alarmed and furious, the ageing the army headquarters and airport, Human Rights Law Group, the Cana- and desperate Somali president fell to the rebels and was held for dian Center for the Investigation and turned to the use of mercenaries. several weeks. Predictably, in July Prevention of Torture, and others. Secret contact between Somalia and and August, the Somali army, With its long coastline, Somalia is the South African regime dates from deploying heavy guns, tanks, and strategically important not only for as early as 1979, in the aftermath of rockets, rolled back across the Africa, but for the Middle East and the Ogaden war, when the Somali north, decimating every village and the Gulf. Facilities at the ports of army was defeated by Ethio-Cuban settlement through which they Berbera, Mogadishu, and Kismayo forces supported by massive Soviet passed. Burao city was all but could be of considerable import to armaments and technical advice. destroyed. More than three-quarters the Pentagon. But the repressive Subsequently, South African and of Hargeisa's buildings sustained nature of the Somali government, its white Rhodesian mercenaries were

66 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 hired. The occasion was a switch in air force technology. The Somali Air Force had suffered greatly during the Ogaden war, but the Reagan administration had firmly refused to supply anything but small "defen- sive" weapons. However, in 1983, Abu Dhabi indicated its willingness to part with certain ageing British- There is a move in made Hawker Hunter fighter- Congress bombers, owing to an imminent pur- to suspend chase of more advanced French some S50 million of Mirage jets. American A further six Hawker-Hunters aid had been sold to Kenya, and five of those were later transferred to Zim- babwe (one having crashed). And here lies the renewed connection with southern Africa. A team of technicians able to service these planes, but with South African and possibly because most commercial activity in chemical warfare factories in Libya, British passports, was discreetly Somalia has been seriously inter- these are not yet on-stream. The gas welcomed to Somalia. They were rupted by the civil war. So alarming specified above were similar to those active participants in the military is the situation that a school of which have been reported by U.S. campaigns in the north. thought has developed in the capital aid agencies as having been deliv- Chinese technicians evacuated that Somalia should turn once again ered to Juba in southern Sudan. from northern Somalia along with to the Soviet Union. But in these The probable delivery of these UN and foreign aid workers have times ofglasnost and perestroika, it is inhuman and illegal weapons has given evidence of vicious air-strikes most unlikely that the Soviet Union provoked outrage in the Western and video tapes of some of the would agree to renew the supply of press and condemnation by mem- attacks have been shown on British any weaponry. bers of the House of Ix>rds in Eng- and Dutch television. Hundreds of Libya, on the other hand, has land. While it is most unlikely that innocent citizens have died. Mean- built up an unenviable record of Sudanese Prime Minister Sadiq al- time, for their services, the merce- training "liberation" groups only Mahdi would ever countenance the naries have demanded thousands of later to supply bombs to destroy use of such weapons even in desper- dollars per sortie—and on days of them—Chad, Eritrea, southern ation, the same, many Somalis good weather several have been Sudan—and now Somalia. Several believe, cannot be said of Siad flown. visits by high-powered Somali dele- Barre—despite the protests of his Following the destruction of gations to Libya have stressed com- diplomats. These same diplomats Burao and Hargeisa, there were mon membership in the Arab have been required to deny even the weeks of apparent military stale- League and built on an earlier quar- existence of any crisis, let alone the mate, but the countryside has rel between the erratic Col. Qaddafy civil conflict currently paralyzing the remained largely in the hands of the and the leaders of the SNM. country. SNM. Berbera, the Soviet-developed As a result, in October Libyan air- Even so, the SNM has still met port, although surrounded, has not craft began deliveries of military with only slow success in its appeal been directly attacked, despite press supplies to Mogadishu International to clans other than Isaak to join the reports to the contrary. However, Airport. Shiploads of arms were also uprising. Although its constitution is heavy fighting has taken place near- dispatched, but at least one was later very clear on the matter, it has large- by on several occasions, and con- recalled following diplomatic pres- ly failed to counter propaganda that voys are regularly ambushed on sure from more informed Arab it is dan-based and seeks secession northern roads. There has also been states. Particularly significant was a for the north rather than the "libera- fighting near Eragavo. Libyan Airlines flight which landed tion" of the whole country. However, For Siad's dispirited forces, the on October 7 and allegedly delivered recently some Mijertein leaders problem of the supply of military canisters of nerve gas to the air have joined the movement and there hardware escalates daily. This issue force warehouses. has been an increase in restlessness has been aggravated by an acute Although there have been many among the Hawiye, one of the shortage of foreign exchange recent reports of the development of largest clans of south. Members of

AFRICA REPORT - March-April 1989 67 this group have recently formed the ward an emergency budget for addi- eign Secretary, commented: "One Somali Unity Congress, based in tional care for Somali refugees still cannot continue making aid available Rome, which is in contact with the crossing the border into the Haud. if the conditions on the ground are SNM. However, visitors are not encour- so full of conflict that it is not possi- Not a day goes by without a aged by Ethiopia. Much of the envi- ble for aid workers to deliver help planeload of wounded arriving in ronment in which they seek shelter safely, or at all." Similarly, U.S. Con- Mogadishu. It is very hard to keep is hostile, windy, and waterless. Pri- gressman Sam Gejdenson led a such matters secret, and with so move to suspend some $50 million of many recalls and defections, Soma- American aid. The administration lia's remaining diplomats are fast los- also has made its views on human § ing credibility. An ominous develop- rights quite clear to the Somali gov- s ment in the capital is that certain ernment and has been urging s leaders are said to be forming their "national reconciliation." Consider- own militia groups. Meanwhile, key able concern has also been members of Siad Barre's family are expressed over Siad Barre's recent enjoying accelerated promotions in overtures to Libya. the military. Under heavy pressure on all The prospects for Somalia in 1989 sides, the Somali politburo met on remain very bleak. During the fight- January 11 and resolved to make ing, government troops armed certain amendments to the constitu- Ogadeen and Oromo refugees in the tion, to privatize national banks, the north and set them against the state insurance company, the ship- Isaak. The UN High Commissioner ping, hide and skins and frankin- for Refugees first countered by with- cense agencies, and the importation holding food and supplies meant for of medicine. Further, it recommend- refugees since those same refugees President Siad Barre: U.S. concern has ed that a political solution be sought had in fact become a militia. been expressed over Siad Barre's recent in the north, with the establishment overtures to Libya A further row between the Somali of a new agency to be responsible government and the UN developed for reconstruction there. around a UN team's report on the To this end, three top-level delega- situation in the northern region as of vate Somalis from nearby towns tions were dispatched to the United last September. Furious that the have trucked water and other sup- Kingdom, the U.S., and Canada; to report covered not only relief needs plies, covering up a slow reaction on Italy, France and Germany; and to but the root causes of the new the part of aid agencies in general Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi, Oman and refugee flows—and touched even on (with certain notable exceptions) Syria, led respectively by the prime the bombardment of the northern and the governments who contribute minister and his first and second cities and the lorry loads of loot wit- funds to UNHCR in particular. Expa- deputies—all former vice presidents. nessed being removed in a southerly triate Somali communities abroad As an after-thought, a fourth delega- direction—the Somali commissioner are also actively raising supplies and tion visited Soviet-bloc countries. for refugees wrote expressing money. None met with any conspicuous strong objections to many parts of In Mogadishu, former prisoners success. Siad Barre.who had recent- the report. of war and the injured of the Ogaden ly visited Libya, also traveled to "Much is biased and does not war have demonstrated several Egypt and Kuwait. Meanwhile, SNM cover the major aspects of the mis- times against their government's chairman Ahmed Silanyo traveled to sion's terms of reference," he wrote. perceived callousness. Their London and held a press conference He attached a "reaction" to the UN protests have been met with cur- on the eve of the prime minister's report (NRC 18.09.88) which went fews, truncheons, and bullets. Mean- visit. He anticipated that reconcilia- so far as to suggest that it "be dis- while, the cost of living soars to tion would not be possible while missed as a collection of personal unmanageable heights. There are Barre still ruled. prejudices of a political nature." Fol- repeated reports of corruption both Clearly, there is certain to be lowing further sharp exchanges, at home and abroad. In Nairobi, the many changes in Somalia in 1989, UNHCR has announced that it Somali presidency has even been changes which the Bush administra- intends to wind down and end opera- accused of involvement in the deci- tion, Siad's most important though tions in Somalia. mation of elephant herds and ivory reluctant ally, will monitor closely, as In the meantime, meeting in smuggling across the borders with will the Soviet Union and Siad's two Geneva, UNHCR's executive com- Kenya and Ethiopia. other friends—Libya and the Repub- mittee endorsed "voluntary repatria- In January, on a visit to Djibouti, lic of South Africa. An unlikely set of tion" in principle, but has put for- Sir Geoffrey Howe, the British For- allies, indeed. O

68 AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 CULTURE§ to strike off on his own. At the time, glass painters were not yet considered artists, but rather artisans, similar in status to shoemakers and blacksmiths. COLORING HISTORY: Unlike other Senegalese glass painters, Mbengue did not possess a set SENEGALESE GLASS PAINTING of ready-made models and designs. Most other glass painters simply trace By HOWARD SCHISSEL Rooted in Senegalese history, the them on glass plate before coloring in traditional art form of glass painting the design. Mbengue, however, directly lass painting in Senegal is fac- has undergone a transformation designed with pen and India ink on ing a daunting challenge as the with the death oi the nation's lead- glass paint, so each design was in fact young generation of artists ing artist and a new generation of an original. "When I start out, I really attemptGs to steer this traditional art form never know how the design will turn out painters catering to the tourist trade. into more commercial channels. Many to be," Mbengue would say while work- younger painters have become almost penetrated south of the Sahara, ing in his modest workshop located in exclusively market-oriented, catering although only in Senegal did glass paint- the Dakar suburb of Guediwaye. mostly to the tourist trade in Dakar. "The ing evolve into a national form of popu- Themes were also unpredictable. trend now evident in Senegalese glass lar art. Mbengue often woke in the middle of painting is leading to an impoverishment As Africa transformed Islam and the night to note down images and char- of thematic material as well as in the uti- Christianity through the assimilation of acters to later translate into glass paint- lization of color," remarked a French art indigenous beliefs and customs, so glass ing imagery. Without difficulty he could historian specializing in African art. painting of Middle Eastern origin was do a painting of the legendary West The looming crisis in Senegalese absorbed as a national art form in Sene- African water goddess, Mani Water, glass painting was compounded by last gal. From the first workshops in Kaolack, produce a highly original scene of Sene- summer's loss of the glass painting com- Rugisique, Saint Louis, and Dakar, itiner- galese daily life, or shape with his fin- munity's doyen, 60-year-old Gora ant merchants sold glass painting gers a swirl of form and color that would Mbengue. Undoubtedly the most origi- throughout the rural areas and hinter- not be out of place in a museum of mod- nal Senegalese glass painter, his artistic land towns, depicting, often in naive ern art in a Western country. roots plunged deep into popular culture. style, famous religious leaders known as Even as Mbengue's output grew dur- Mbengue's death also leaves a major marabouts, episodes of contemporary ing the last years of his life to match the gap in the Senegalese artistic communi- Senegalese history, moralistic vignettes ever-increasing demand from galleries ty: He was the standard-bearer for high of rural and urban life, biblical scenes, and private collectors, the graphic quali- artistic quality and purity of inspiration. and decorative bestiary figures. ty and artistic inspiration of his painting Glass painting in Senegal has its ori- The novelty of glass painting is that remained at a high level. He also exper- gins in the colonial era. At the begin- layers of bright color are applied in imented with new forms, producing a ning of the century, French colonial reverse, on the side of the glass plate series of miniatures, and breaking new authorities banned Islamic literature and that becomes the inner face of the paint- ground in the history of Senegalese engravings from the Middle East and ing. The glass therefore serves a double glass painting. North Africa as subversive. As a result, purpose; it is the support for the painting Mbengue was highly critical of the the first Senegalese glass paintings tend- and its protective covering. The artist, pronounced trend toward pure commer- ed to reproduce the banned images, for his part, must work as if he was cialism among the young generation of portraying themes predominantly of a painting a negative. glass painters. "You cannot just operate religious nature. The presence of inex- Born around 1930 of peasant stock, for money like a machine," he often pensive glass and paint at French trad- Gora Mbengue was fascinated by all said. "An artist must work above all for ing houses made this new art form read- forms of painting, even as a youth. art's sake." ily available to even the most modest "When I was a child," he was fond of Another negative aspect of the exces- Senegalese pocketbook. saying with a touch of nostalgia, "I sive commercialization of glass painting The Senegalese refer to glass paint- painted with my fingers on scraps of is that the ordinary Senegalese, espe- ings by the French name, peinture sous paper or even on walls to learn the cially in the rural areas, can no longer verre (literally, painting under glass), or basic techniques and forms." To acquire afford to buy them. In addition, many by suwer, its phonetic deformation in the grounding for historical scenes as Senegalese presently dismiss glass paint- Wolof, Senegal's lingua franca. The well as those emanating from Wolof leg- ing as a toubab [a Wolof word meaning technique of glass painting has been ends, he steeped himself in oral culture European) art form. In this way, Sene- known since the time of the ancient as a youth by avidly listening to the galese glass painting is being cuf off Greeks, and was widely diffused in the elders recounting the past and comment- from its popular roots, threatening in the Balkan peninsula and the Middle East ing on the present under the palaver tree longer term to desiccate artistic inspira- by the Byzantines. The Arab conquest in the center of his village. tion among the youthful painters. If some brought it into North Africa. It was only In the early 1950s, Mbengue was ini- younger glass painters recognize the late in the 19th century that the art form tiated into the technique of glass paint- dangers and challenges facing this art ing. He studied in the town of Kaolack form and eschew mercantilism, they will Howard Schissel is a Paris-based freelance be fighting an uphill battle in the 1990s journalist specializing in French-speaking under a local master, Serigne Sarr. In Africa. the following years, he moved to Dakar to maintain a reasonable balance. O

AFRICA REPORT • March-April 1989 69 THE BACKIiAGE

NEWS COMMENTARY AND OPINION

By MARGARET A. NOVICKI

Maybe it's that optimism seems to bloom naturally along spirit of East-West cooperation in resolving the region's crises. with the first crocuses of spring, but one can't help but feel that Tipping the scales definitively toward an international con- change is the one overwhelming constant in the southern sensus on southern Africa is the Soviet Union, which recently African regional dynamic right now—change that provides made public its position favonng negotiation over confronta- fresh opportunities for American policy and could result in a tion in South Africa. Anatoly Adamishin, deputy foreign minis- new era for the region's peoples. ter, who played a pivotal role in the Angola-Namibia accords, A convergence of interests on the part of the world's super- has just completed his own southern African tour, and his gov- powers in burying regional hatchets has contributed in large ernment is anxious to expand its diplomatic role in the region. part to clearing the stale air of failed policies and tired formu- Within South Africa itself, there are cracks in the National las. Though peace hasn't broken out yet in southern Africa, it Party monolith. Former acting president Chris Heunis' charac- may have at least a fighting chance for the first time in a terization of the ANC as a "nationalist"—not terrorist—move- decade, if the opportunities which are presented by this new ment and a call for a "great indaba" of all racial groups by scenario are seized. F.W. de Klerk, leader of the party and the likely next presi- In southern Africa itself, hope springs eternal, and new dent, may indicate that talks with the ANC are not far off, pro- leadership and new approaches are grounds enough for opti- vided, of course, that Nelson Mandela is released from prison. mism. Eight years of the Reagan era's ideological posturing There is also considerable scope for international coopera- won few friends in the region and an administration policy at tion in the other regional flashpoints. With the implementation odds with Congress and ultimately the American people was of UN resolution 435 on Namibia having begun on April 1, regarded with mistrust at best. the U.S., together with the other permanent members of the Always generous in spirit—despite having good reason not Security Council, will need to ensure that the process leading to be—the leaders of southern Africa, from Zambian President to November elections proceeds unhindered by South Africa. Kenneth Kaunda to ANC President Oliver Tambo, are now giv- Should Pretoria prevaricate, high-ranking U.S. officials have ing President Bush and his Secretary of State, James Baker, the already stated privately that further sanctions would be the benefit of the doubt. Few believe that the new administration is likely result. likely to be a carbon-copy of its predecessor and they expect Next door in Angola, Jonas Savimbi's recent proposal to more of an ear from its policy-makers than was extended in exclude himself from any potential reconciliation talks with the the past. Angolan government should be explored. President Bush has The appointment of the able and experienced Herman affirmed his continued support for Savimbi's Unita rebels, and Cohen, formerly Africa chief on the National Security Council, his advisers appear to be making diplomatic recognition of to replace Chester Crocker as U.S. assistant secretary of state President dos Santos' government, facilitation of its member- for African affa'rs is seen as positive. Expressed with a wry ship in the World Bank and IMF, and aid for the rehabilitation and sometimes self-deprecating wit, his forceful views on of the Benguela railway contingent on negotiations between issues ranging from sanctions against South Africa to the war Unita and Luanda. in Mozambique are regarded as a refreshing change. They might instead take a lead from the "Contra" accord Back in Washington, if the recent White House accord with and use their carrots and sticks on Savimbi to ensure that he Congress on aid to the Nicaraguan "Contras" is anything to won't be the spoiler in any potential discussions. The Angolan go by, a new era of bipartisanship in foreign policy formula- government has conceded the necessity of resolving this "inter- tion is dawning. If such bridge-building can be extended to nal problem," but has ruled out reconciliation while Savimbi is policy on southern Africa, and especially South Africa, an end in the picture. to the ongoing confrontation pitting congressional sanctions Lastly, there is the heart-wrenching conflict in Mozambique, activists against the executive branch could well be augured. which continues to be fueled by South Africa. Several trial bal- Getting the American government to speak with one voice loons have been floated of late, mentioning British, American, on its opposition to apartheid and the policy options to be pur- South African, and Soviet involvement in negotiations to end sued should be Secretary Baker's immediate challenge. If a Renamo's war. President Chissano's response has been right- domestic consensus can be forged around the use of further fully circumspect. The key to the success of any such peace sanctions as leverage on South Africa, then working out a uni- process, however, will be international monitoring of South fied sanctions policy with our Western allies would be the next African compliance in ending its support for Renamo. logical step. There are tremendous possibilities for a new U.S. role in Secretary Baker is said to favor such an approach. If Mar- southern Africa in this rarefied international atmosphere and garet Thatcher, the leading anti-sanctions crusader, can be at this critical juncture in the history of the region. If bipartisan- brought in line, Pretoria might well be pushed to the negotiat- ship rather than ideological confrontation are to be the hall- ing table, no longer able to maneuver around the chinks in the marks of the Bush foreign policy, then southern Africa can only international sanctions armor. Recently returned from an stand to gain. Maybe not yet the wind of change, but at least African junket, Prime Minister Thatcher is keen on stepping up a fresh breeze is blowing through the war-wracked region, the pace of reform in South Africa, and has endorsed the new one which may ultimately turn a page on its bloody past. •}

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