DOCSLIB.ORG

I,D,A,F News Notes

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
I,D,A,F News Notes i, d, a,f news notes Published by the United States Committee of the International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa p.o. Box 17, Cambridge, MA 02138 May 1989, Issue No. 39 Telephone (617) 491-8343 The Delmas trial has taught us anew lesson that we had begun to understand from the beginning of 1988, when 18 organizations were banned, along with "There Are No Secrets" individuals working for nonviolent protest. Three more organizations were by the Rev. Allan Boesak banned at the beginning ofJanuary. More newspapers have been closed down On January 17, 1989, Harvard University's Memorial Church held a service in because the South African govemment simply cannot stand the truth when it is celebration of the work of the Rev. Allan Boesak, President of the World Alliance of (continued on page 2) Reformed Churches and a founder of the United Democratic Front. The following is excerpted from his address. There are no secrets anymore about the South African situation. We have Namibia Betrayed seen the evidence of what 300 years by Kenneth N. Carstens of indignity and discrimination and re­ The process leading to independence for Namibia was nearly aborted on its pression and 40 years of apartheid first day, 1st April, when the most intense fighting in the 23 years of hostilities have done to our people. We have broke out between SWAPO and the South African-led forces. Who was to seen our land robbed, our women as­ blame? According to the US and British govemments and most- but not all-of saulted. We have seen our people dy­ the intemational media, itwas SWAPOlndeed, most reports were in substance ing. We have suffered the horrors of indistinguishable from Pretoria's version of events. slavery, and after that the more subtle At least two rather basic factors were ignored in the purveying of Pretoria's but no less real horrors of racial dis­ disinformation: one conceming afundamental legal fact which the USA helped crimination and systematic repression. to establish, and the other concerning the question of whether SWAPO was We know that apartheid is much more obliged to keep its forces north of the 16th parallel in Angola once Security than just racial separation and a ques- ' Council Resolution 435 (the basis ofthe procedures leading to independence) tion of little signs on benches or on went into effect on 1st April. trains or in parks. We know that it is the Regarding the first point, the legal authority in Namibia is the United Nations. most sophisticated system of racial \ South Africa's occupation ofthe Territory has been illegal since 1966 (when the domination, political repression and UN General Assembly, with the active support ofthe USA, terminated Pretoria's economic exploitation the modern \\,"\ legal right to be in Namibia) or, at the latest, since 1971, by which date the world has seen. • International Court ofJustice had concurred with the Assembly and the Security The State of Emergency is now in its Rev. Allan Boesak at Cradock funeral Council on the issue. In fact, in 1970 the Security Council with US concurrence fourth year. Over the last three years, declared "that the continued presence of the South African authorities in over 50,000 people have been detained. At this moment between two and Namibia is illegal and consequently all acts taken by the Government of South three thousand people are being held. And over the last three years, 40% of Africa on behalf of or concerning Namibia after the termination of the Mandate those in detention without trial have been children 18 years old and younger. [1966] are illegal and invalid:' In 1987 alone 648 people were hanged in South Africa. There are treason trials If, then, the "intruders" in Namibia were not the Namibian freedom fighters of all over the country, in Cape Town and in the Eastern Cape, in Natal and in the SWAPO but the illegal South African administration and its brutal army of Transvaal. occupation, how could The New York Times denounce SWAPO's "brazenly What makes a government take a seven-year-old or aten-year-old child, put illegal infiltration" of its own country? Presumably by alleging that SWAPO was that child in prison, and allow a policeman to beat that child to death, as they bound by the Geneva Accord, which was signed under US (not UN) tutelage did with Johannes Spogter? What is it that makes policemen shoot down afour­ by Angola, Cuba and South Africa on 5th August 1988. The fifth clause of the year-old girl in Soweto and when someone saw what happened and asked Accord states, inter alia: ':-\ngola and Cuba shall use their good offices so that them, 'Why did you do this?" to say, 'We did not know she was a girl. We ... SWAPO's forces will be deployed to the north of the 16th parallel" in thought she was adog"? What is itthat makes people stand up in Parliament and Angola. The South African allegation has become widely accepted that defend those security policemen who kill our people in prison? You know the SWAPO, while not aparty to the Accord, agreed to observe its terms. But while story of the soap in the shower. "He fell from the ninth floor windoW:' "He died SWAPO did agree to make the peace process work and to comply with a accidentall}r:' ''He died of natural causes:' Well, we know what they are doing. proposed ceasefire, it has denied ever agreeing to deploy its forces north of the And what is it that makes people in the Western world and governments that 16th parallel- and no evidence of its having agreed to this has been produced. could have an influence on the South African govemment-like the Administra­ Nor, indeed, does any UN document require that it do so; on the contrary, any tion that you have had for eight years now-what is it that makes them continue reference by a UN document to the confinement of SWAPO forces to base in to support such a govemment that has no intention of opening its doors to preparation for independence either implies or states explicitly that such democracy, that has no understanding ofjustice or compassion, that is not repre­ confinement would be (as stated in the Secretary General's report to the sentative and therefore is not legitimate, and yet still counts the Administration Security Council, 26th February 1979, paragraph 11) "to base at designated of the United States as one of their closest friends, along with Mrs. Margaret locations inside Namibia'~where South Africa's army ofoccupation would also Thatcher? be confined before being withdrawn. (continued on page 2) Poverty and Space in South Africa, Part 2 (continued) a measure ofsuffering involved, but we have also leamed that freedom is never free. In order to make it to the end ofthis road we will have to make sacrifices. told - notto us, nottothem, and nottothe world. The oppression now is worse We have never thought that we could promise our people justice without pain, than ever before. or liberation without struggle. And our decision is clear: there should be mean­ In the Delmas treason trial the leadership ofthe United Democratic Front was ingful pressure on the South African govemment. found guilty of treason. Popo Molefe, Moss Chikane and Patrick Lekota are If there is nothing else that the new Administration in this country can do, it fighting for our country. If it is true that the South African govemment tried in would be to heed the words ofthe millions of black people who have spoken 1988 to close down every single avenue for peaceful nonviolent protest by so clearly and not to repeat the mistakes of the Reagan Administration. If Mr. banning all those organizations and by continuing the State of Emergency, now Reagan, if tvlargaret Thatcher, if Helmut Kohl had done what we had asked in the South African courts have decided to stand by the govemment in that 1985, the lives of literally hundreds and thousands of people would have been decision. saved by now. Nineteen eighty-nine would have had a different beginning. According to the judgment, to organize against apartheid is treason now. To I know that there are dark days ahead. I know that the police still roam the say to people, "Let us have a peaceful march" is treason now. To say, "Let us use streets and that our townships are still paraded by the security forces. Iknow that all nonviolent methods that we can to impress upon the South African the Casspirs still drive our streets and still stand at every street comer. I know that govemment that things must change, that we will not accept apartheid and tell there are still children in detention. I know that the torture chambers are still the world so they will know that we have made a decision to be free'~ that is open in South Africa and that we have not yet heard aword ofencouragement treason now. To call for a rent boycott or consumer boycott is treason now. To from the new Administration. I know all of this-but do not think it means we say to people, "Don't accept the authority of those institutions of the have become discouraged. government that have been forced down our throats, but say that we shall work I know as I stand here now that even though justice may still crumble on the for a democratic, open, nonracial South Africa" is treason now. And so Popo streets of South Africa, one day it will supremely reign on the throne of honor.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Malibongwe Let Us Praise the Women Portraits by Gisele Wulfsohn
    Malibongwe Let us praise the women Portraits by Gisele Wulfsohn In 1990, inspired by major political changes in our country, I decided to embark on a long-term photographic project – black and white portraits of some of the South African women who had contributed to this process. In a country previously dominated by men in power, it seemed to me that the tireless dedication and hard work of our mothers, grandmothers, sisters and daughters needed to be highlighted. I did not only want to include more visible women, but also those who silently worked so hard to make it possible for change to happen. Due to lack of funding and time constraints, including raising my twin boys and more recently being diagnosed with cancer, the portraits have been taken intermittently. Many of the women photographed in exile have now returned to South Africa and a few have passed on. While the project is not yet complete, this selection of mainly high profile women represents a history and inspiration to us all. These were not only tireless activists, but daughters, mothers, wives and friends. Gisele Wulfsohn 2006 ADELAIDE TAMBO 1929 – 2007 Adelaide Frances Tsukudu was born in 1929. She was 10 years old when she had her first brush with apartheid and politics. A police officer in Top Location in Vereenigng had been killed. Adelaide’s 82-year-old grandfather was amongst those arrested. As the men were led to the town square, the old man collapsed. Adelaide sat with him until he came round and witnessed the young policeman calling her beloved grandfather “boy”.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa
    Safrica Page 1 of 42 Recent Reports Support HRW About HRW Site Map May 1995 Vol. 7, No.3 SOUTH AFRICA THREATS TO A NEW DEMOCRACY Continuing Violence in KwaZulu-Natal INTRODUCTION For the last decade South Africa's KwaZulu-Natal region has been troubled by political violence. This conflict escalated during the four years of negotiations for a transition to democratic rule, and reached the status of a virtual civil war in the last months before the national elections of April 1994, significantly disrupting the election process. Although the first year of democratic government in South Africa has led to a decrease in the monthly death toll, the figures remain high enough to threaten the process of national reconstruction. In particular, violence may prevent the establishment of democratic local government structures in KwaZulu-Natal following further elections scheduled to be held on November 1, 1995. The basis of this violence remains the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC), now the leading party in the Government of National Unity, and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the majority party within the new region of KwaZulu-Natal that replaced the former white province of Natal and the black homeland of KwaZulu. Although the IFP abandoned a boycott of the negotiations process and election campaign in order to participate in the April 1994 poll, following last minute concessions to its position, neither this decision nor the election itself finally resolved the points at issue. While the ANC has argued during the year since the election that the final constitutional arrangements for South Africa should include a relatively centralized government and the introduction of elected government structures at all levels, the IFP has maintained instead that South Africa's regions should form a federal system, and that the colonial tribal government structures should remain in place in the former homelands.
    [Show full text]
  • FW De Klerk Foundation Conference on Uniting Behind the Constitution
    FW de Klerk Foundation Conference on Uniting Behind the Constitution 2nd February 2013 DR HOLGER DIX, RESIDENT Representative OF THE KONRAD Adenauer Foundation FOR SOUTH Africa, AND FORMER PRESIDENT FW DE KLERK. On Saturday, 2 February 2013, the FW de Klerk Foundation hosted a successful conference at the Protea Hotel President in Bantry Bay, Cape Town. Themed “Uniting Behind the Constitution” and held in conjunction with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, the conference was well attended by members of the public and a large press contingent. The speakers included thought leaders from civil society, business, academia and politics. This publication is a compendium of speeches presented on the day (speeches were transcribed from recordings), each relating to an important facet of the South African Constitution. Each speech was followed by a lively panel discussion, and panelists included: Dr Lucky Mathebula (board member of the FW de Klerk Foundation), John Kane-Berman (CEO of the South African Institute for Race Relations), Adv Paul Hoffman (Director of the Southern African Institute for Accountability), Adv Johan Kruger (Director of the Centre for Constitutional Rights), Dr Theuns Eloff (Vice-Chancellor of North-West University), Adv Johan Kruger SC (Acting Judge and board member of the FW de Klerk Foundation), Michael Bagraim (President of the Cape Chamber of Commerce), Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi (Leader of the IFP) and Paul Graham (Executive Director of the Institute for Democracy in South Africa). UpholdingCelebrating Diversity South
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • Inkanyiso OFC 8.1 FM.Fm
    21 The suppression of political opposition and the extent of violating civil liberties in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei bantustans, 1960-1989 Maxwell Z. Shamase 1 Department of History, University of Zululand [email protected] This paper aims at interrogating the nature of political suppression and the extent to which civil liberties were violated in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei. Whatever the South African government's reasons, publicly stated or hidden, for encouraging bantustan independence, by the time of Ciskei's independence ceremonies in December 1981 it was clear that the bantustans were also to be used as a more brutal instrument for suppressing opposition. Both Transkei and Ciskei used additional emergency-style laws to silence opposition in the run-up to both self- government and later independence. By the mid-1980s a clear pattern of brutal suppression of opposition had emerged in both bantustans, with South Africa frequently washing its hands of the situation on the grounds that these were 'independent' countries. Both bantustans borrowed repressive South African legislation initially and, in addition, backed this up with emergency-style regulations passed with South African assistance before independence (Proclamation 400 and 413 in Transkei which operated from 1960 until 1977, and Proclamation R252 in Ciskei which operated from 1977 until 1982). The emergency Proclamations 400, 413 and R252 appear to have been retained in the Transkei case and introduced in the Ciskei in order to suppress legal opposition at the time of attainment of self-government status. Police in the bantustans (initially SAP and later the Transkei and Ciskei Police) targeted political opponents rather than criminals, as the SAP did in South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • This Is an Authorized Facsimile, Made from the Microfilm This Is
    This is an authorized facsimile, made from the microfilm This is an authorized facsimile, made from the microfilm master copy of the original dissertation or master thesis published by UMI. The bibliographic information for this thesis is contained in UMI's Dissertation Abstracts database, the only central source for accessing almost every doctoral dissertation accepted in North America since 1861. UMI Dissertation Services A Bell & Howell Company 300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 1-800-521-0600 313-761-4700 Printed in 1996 by xerographic process on acid-free paper DPGT The African National Congress in Exile: Strategy and Tactics 1960-1993 by Dale Thomas McKinley A Dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science. Chapel Hill 1995 Approved by: r n2 Advisor ____ Reader Iw'iwC "Reader U4I Number: 9538444 324.268 083 MCKI 01 1 0 II I 01 651 021 UNI Microform 9538444 Copyright 1995, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, HI 48103 Kf IP INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The qualty of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.
    [Show full text]
  • Payday in Tshwane
    NEWS YOU’RE NOT SUPPOSED TO KNOW R45 (inc VAT) 203 nosewe ek WESSEL EBERSOHN SEPTEMBER ON THE NEW BIGOTRY THE TEFLON CLUB WEALTH AND PATRONAGE IN DURBAN 2016 FORGET THE ANC – MOELETSI MBEKI ECHOES OF MURDER IN THE WINELANDS HOW SA POLITICIANS SOLD OUT TECHNOLOGICAL BREAKTHROUGH CALLING TELKOM: TILL HELL KOM FOR EXPOSING PROPERTY 00203 VALUATION RACKET THAT’S HAD 104042 PaydayULTRA-RICH SMILING in Tshwane FOR YEARS 771025 FATCATS AND 40,000 MIDDLEMEN 9 SKIM CREAM OFF MUNICIPAL DEALS Your favourite magazine is now ISSUE 203 • SEPTEMBER 2016 available on your iPad and PC Prince Buthelezi back on his KZN throne Page 12 FEATURES 4 Letters 8 Echoes of murder A R300 000 reward offered for the recovery of a 7 Editorial stolen Cartier fob watch stirs memories of hired 9 Notes killers and an offshore murder mystery & Updates AVAILABLE 10 The Tshwane Papers 38 Smalls Leaked documents reveal ANC patronage network ON YOUR of 50 000 scammers allowed to supply supermarket goods to the municipality at massively TABLET inflated prices COLUMNS 15 SA’s smuggled ‘invisible’ exports 31 Opinion Just how much illicit gold (and platinum) is being Download your smuggled or ‘mis-invoiced’ out of South Africa? 32 Letter from digital edition today Umjindi 18 KZN’s Teflon Club both single issues and 34 Down & Out Willy Govender, owner of eValuations, – recently subscriptions available exposed by Noseweek for having massively 36 Books undervalued properties belonging to the rich and politically connected – is an esteemed member of PLUS never miss a copy – 37 Last Word the Club (Patron: J.
    [Show full text]
  • AK2117-J2-3-C102-001-Jpeg.Pdf
    ^m - fc V , m ■*. V C 0 JSITENTJ 5 Note: This booklet 1n It s present form 1s not complete but ha< hAnn SS*El?,e t0 y0U “ th,S P01"‘ 1" 1. Declaration of the United Democratic Front 2. UDF National Executive Coimrittee 3. UDF Regional Executive Committees 4. Statement of the UDF National General Council 5. Secretarial Report 6. Working Principles 7. Resolutions: Detentions and Treason Trial Banning of the UDF and A ffiliates in the Bantustans UDF International Relations Trade Unions- - — * — . Unemployment Forced Removals Rural Areas Militarisation (• Women ' Black Local Authorities Tricameral Parliament and Black Forum ) - Citizenship Imperialism Imperialism USA International Year of the Youth Education Namibia * New Zealand Rugby Tour 3 Declaration of the United Democratic Front We. the freedom loving people of South Africa, say with one voice to tbe whole worio that we • cherish the vision o f a united. demooaU . South A fno based on the wa of the people. • wa strive for the unity of a l people am «h united • the cpprKs^andesploitation °f w om en w a con- > onue. Women wil suffer greater rurdshcn under me acfonagamsttheevasof apartheid, econaac and al mw other forms of e«*xoOon ^ WomefV wtf be (Evicted from their ctwW* fen md fjmftes. P iw iy snd malnutrition wfli continue Ana. In our march to a free and Job South Africa, we are guided by these noble £ S J S t ^ ti & bnn'* *wh6fl**'■** Ideals *Sr Potion of a true deecracv In which a i South Africans W participate h a t govern- ment of our councrr.
    [Show full text]
  • Who Is Governing the ''New'' South Africa?
    Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa? Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard To cite this version: Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard. Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa?: Elites, Networks and Governing Styles (1985-2003). IFAS Working Paper Series / Les Cahiers de l’ IFAS, 2006, 8, p. 13-37. hal-00799193 HAL Id: hal-00799193 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00799193 Submitted on 11 Mar 2013 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Ten Years of Democratic South Africa transition Accomplished? by Aurelia WA KABWE-SEGATTI, Nicolas PEJOUT and Philippe GUILLAUME Les Nouveaux Cahiers de l’IFAS / IFAS Working Paper Series is a series of occasional working papers, dedicated to disseminating research in the social and human sciences on Southern Africa. Under the supervision of appointed editors, each issue covers a specifi c theme; papers originate from researchers, experts or post-graduate students from France, Europe or Southern Africa with an interest in the region. The views and opinions expressed here remain the sole responsibility of the authors. Any query regarding this publication should be directed to the chief editor. Chief editor: Aurelia WA KABWE – SEGATTI, IFAS-Research director.
    [Show full text]
  • The Daily PRINCETONIAN
    8 Editorials/Opinions Shapiro's statement Reporting in South Africa: Writing A new openness with a sense desperation and hope President Shapiro's detailed response to the nine demands of a By KANTHAN PILLAY '91 presented at Wednesday's sit-in is move in the right direc- in a often been unre- When South African Consul John Davies told a thetized stupor, I heard myself responding tion for a president who has perceived as university audience recently that his government voice that sounded much too normal to be my own. sponsive and abrasive. allowed a free press, citing the fact that nearly all "Hi Abu. I told you we'd be meeting sometime Shapiro's three-page statement which appears today in The newspapers are critical of the Botha regime, it was soon. You guys have to getme out ofhere. I'm sup- Daily Princetonian seems to represent an attempt to connect difficultfor me to restrain myself. Many people posed to be swimming this weekend..." and communicate with a larger sector of the community associate freedom of the press with the ability to It was six weeks later that I saw him again. As I before his meeting with protest leaders tomorrow. express an opinion, and Consul Davies like his lay propped up in bed with traction pins and pul- But it is imperative that Shapiro's statement in no way government is quick to take advantage—ofthis. leys, he wandered over to my bedside, dressed in usurp the function of tomorrow's meeting or substitute for Journalists—have a different picture.
    [Show full text]
  • Dr Abu Baker ‘Hurley’ Asvat
    Dr Abu Baker ‘Hurley’ Asvat This article was published on South African History Online South African History online (SAHO) is a non-partisan people’s history institution. It was established in June 2000 as a non-profit Section 21 organisation, to address the biased way in which South Africa’s history and heritage, as well as the history and heritage of Africa is represented in educational and cultural institutions. Abstract The article is a biography of Dr Abu Baker ‘Hurley’ Asvat, better known as the people’s doctor, from his childhood in Vrededorp to his medical study and political activism as part of a Pan Africanist Congress (PAC)-aligned students group. More importantly the article brings to light the significant role the peoples’ doctor played in non-racial cricket and his emergence as a vital figure in Sowto’s life and politics. Key words: Dr Abu Baker ‘Hurley’ Asvat, Azania People’s Organization, Black Consciousness (BC), medical activism, non-racialism The ‘People’s Doctor’ ‘He struggled to liberate society from oppression. He gave his life so that others may have a better life. He was a true patriot as a man of unity in the struggle against apartheid. His sacrifices were not in vain as his principles, beliefs and action touched many communities and helped to restore the dignity of destitute people’ (Prayer for Dr. Asvat, 2010). Childhood and Schooling On 23 February 1943, Abu Baker Asvat was born in Vrededorp(Fietas), South Africa.He spent his youth in Fietas, playing football and cricket on the playing grounds near his house.
    [Show full text]
  • ELEVEN Financing the ANC: Chancellor House, Eskom and the Dilemmas of Party finance Reform
    F INANCING THE ANC ELEVEN Financing the ANC: Chancellor House, Eskom and the dilemmas of party finance reform Zwelethu Jolobe On 8 April 2010 the World Bank approved a US$3.75 billion loan to help South Africa achieve a reliable source of electricity supply. The loan, the World Bank’s largest lending engagement with South Africa since the end of apartheid, was provided to South Africa’s state-owned power utility, Eskom, and was brought about by the circumstances surrounding South Africa’s energy crisis of 2007–8, and the global financial crisis that exposed South Africa’s vulnerability to an energy shock and accompanying severe economic consequences. Named the Eskom Investment Support Project (the Eskom Project), the World Bank loan will co-finance the completion of the 4800MW Medupi coal-fired power station (US$3.05 billion), the piloting for a utility-scale 100MW wind-power project in Sere and a 100MW concentrated solar-power project with storage in Upington (US$260 million), and low-energy efficient components, including a railway to transport coal with fewer greenhouse gas emissions.1 According to Ruth Kagia, the World Bank country director for South Africa, the Eskom project offers the World Bank an opportunity to ‘strengthen its partnership with the government of South Africa’. This, according to Vijay Iyer, the World Bank energy sector manager 201 001314 Paying for Politics.indb 201 2010/09/23 3:03 PM P AYING FOR POLITICS for Africa, is the ‘biggest grid-connected renewable energy venture in any developing country’.2 The project received strong political support from South Africa.
    [Show full text]