,.--, ~ n------(9~-Southern Africa voL 13 N , 4 lO) ~ :UlDJ@lO) UlrU ~ ~d_j ~ 2_S August 1998 2'he llrinnie l'actor
Also: >- Mbeki's Blues
>-Damn the Lesotho Dam
>-Truth and Reconciliation
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03 C') 0 0 .--Ol 1111111 ~@WL~Thl®~lli ~~~ii©CID August 1998 REPORT Vol. 13 No.4
Contents
Editorial: Mbeki's Blues ...... 1
:·~ •· .•. :· c}· : ·. .. «'<-' -:-.-.~ SWAZILAND Urban Betrayal: ; ,s<. "I" ••. The ANC in the Townships 4 c,O .. LESOTHO
The Truth Shall Make You Free: Southern Africa Reflections on the TRC ...... 9 REPORT is produced quarterly by a collective of TCLSAC, the Toronto Committee Winnie Madikizela Mandela: for Links between Southern Africa & Tragic Figure? Populist Tribune? Township Tough? . . 14 Canada 427 Bloor St. West Toronto, Ontario M5S 1X7 All Wet: The World Bank and the Lesotho Dam . . . . . 21 Tel. (416) 967-5562 email: [email protected] web site: www.web.netf"'tclsac/ Their Hegemony or Ours? Submissions, suggestions and help in Schild Replies to Barker 25 production are welcome and invited ISSN 0820-5582 Member: Canadian Magazine Publishers Association Reviews: Indexed in: Canadian Index; Faith, Hope and Clarity: The History of TCCR . 30 Canadian Business & Current Affairs Under the Tongue: A New Novel from Zimbabwe 32 All rights reversed Subscriptions Southern Africa Report subscription & TCLSAC membership rates: SUBSCRIPTION: SAR Collective Individual (per year) $18.00 Margie Adam, Stephen Allen, Institution (per year) $40.00 Carolyn Bassett, Lois Browne, Marlea Clarke, MEMBERSHIP: (includes subscription) David Cooke, David Galbraith, Mamie Lucas-Zerbe, Heather Murray, Regular . . $35.00 John S. Saul, Marit Stiles, Lauren Swenarchuk, Esther Vise, Unemployed Joe Vise, Mary Vise Stud~nt . . $18.00 Senior Our tha nks t o CVSTUDIO for electronic image processing Sustainer . over $100.00 Overseas add $10.00 Cover design by Art Work Cover photo by Joao Silva- PictureNET Africa
~ 2 Canadian Publications Mail Product Sales Agreement No. 569607 ______@@~~@~~~n ______Mbeki's Blues It's hard not to feel that Thabo Mbeki, ANC president and likely successor to Nel son Mandela as South African president, is caught between a rock and a hard place. One of the principal ar chitects of the ANC's neo-liberal strategy of appeasement towards capitalism, local and global, as presump tive engine of South African economic transformation, he also has a popular con stituency to deal with (not least in next year's national elec tions) . And the lat ter, the vast mass of the African population who have seen little or no improvement in their own lives since 1994, are restless. Moreover, many are restless not just about the length of time it is taking to see significant delivery on post-apartheid ex pectations: after all, four years is a rel atively short period in which tO"right all the manifold injustices of the apartheid era. Much more fundamen- ro tally, they are rest ~ less about the very
Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 1 ______®@n~©~n~JJl ______leagues are not about to reverse this overall policy direction. Is this because they feel market solutions to be intrinsically developmental; or because they feel them likely to service their own nascent class interests; or because they feel there is no alternative in any case? This is an issue we have discussed in these pages previously and will not return to here. What can be specified, however, is the result Mbeki and company would now most dearly love to achieve: they seek to dress up their conservative economic positions with a political rhetoric that will serve to legitimize such positions in the eyes of an increasingly suspicious black population. This is no easy task, as sev ..., eral articles in the present issue c 2 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ______@@~~@~~~n------is that they will not readily tolerate and their mounting of further crit But, he continued, "what we see public dissent over their core socio icisms of ANC strategy remains to on the ground is different. The bulk economic strategy. be seen. But the communists and of poor people remain where they This is true whether such dis the unions are not alone in any case. were many years ago." The lesson? sent comes from Madikizela Man There are those emergent township As another delegate to the confer dela's Africanist/populist corner or militants, identified by Bond and ence, Professor Takatso Mofokeng, from further to the left. For there Mayekiso, who begin to hint that the put the point, the churches "should are many who challenge ANC poli ANC emperor may have few clothes. go back to the trenches, because cies (GEAR, in particular) on the There are members of the ANC itself it seems that is the language the grounds that its chosen economic who are less than satisfied with the government understands:" "People strategy is not only failing to de direction things have taken in the should demand what they are en liver economic growth or develop past few years. And there are also titled to and use the methodology ment but that it must, inevitably, the churches. that works. GEAR didn't come up produce precisely the kinds of stark for referendum. If people are not inequalities that Mbeki claims he is happy about it they must stand up Anglican Archbishop Winston against it" ! against. And such left critics are not Ndungane was himself slammed by - to put it mildly - being treated Mandela for questioning the gospel Where does this leave veterans kindly. according to G'EAR several months from the Canadian anti-apartheid Indeed, the recent conference of ago. But the churches nonethe movement? Even as we struggle the ANC's ostensible ally, the South less returned to the charge at the against the deep wounds being in African Communist Party, produced recent tri-annual conference of the flicted on the social fabric of our paroxysms of rage both from Mbeki South African Council of Churches. own society by the embrace of neo and his principal, Nelson Mandela, There that redoubtable campaigner liberal nostrums, shouldn't we also against those with the effrontery against apartheid (and former secre be reaching out a hand to our coun to criticize GEAR. The language tary general of the SACC), Dr. Bey terparts in South Africa, those who used to whip its allies into line was ers Naude, argued that "while are raising similar questions about harsh and ugly, variously described GEAR is a 'party political issue,' market il/logic and doing so under by Southscan as "markedly aggres when it affects the poor, the church even more dire circumstances. Note, sive," a "scathing ... barrage," and has no option but to intervene." At in this regard, Linda Freeman's fi a "public onslaught." Mbeki ac the same meeting, Mzwandile Nuns, nal remark in her trenchant review cused SACP leaders of "fake revo representing the worker ministry in of a recent history of the Taskforce lutionary posturing," terming them Kwazulu-Natal, noted the govern on Churches and Corporate Respon "charlatans" and "confidence trick ment argument that they are "cut sibility (TCCR) and its key role in sters" attempting to build their or ting social spending in favour of Canada's anti-apartheid movement. ganization "on the basis of scav lower company taxation which will "Finally," she writes, "one is left enging on the carcass of a savaged subsequently create an environment with some sadness that the Task ANC." As for Mandela, he stated for more companies to invest." force's commitment to the struggle firmly that "GEAR , as I have said of the South African majority ended before, is the funlfamental policy of with the collapse of apartheid. For the ANC. We will not change it be many, life in South Africa became cause of your pressure." And he more dangerous in the transition, hinted darkly of the consequences and the post-1994 years have not that might well follow from any con been easy. While the struggle for tinuing criticism of GEAR. ARTCRAFT I ACTION PRINT economic and social rights is a much Though the rhetorical fury un - more complex phenomenon than the Specialists in Multicolour and leashed by Mandela and Mbeki at Black & White pre-press, struggle for basic civil and politi the SACP conference was more vit printing and finishing cal rights, who is better placed than riolic in tone, this kind of attack is the churches to take it on?" As Newslettas * magazines * brochures part of an offensive that has also Erm:lopes of all sizes are our forte noted, South African churches are been unleashed in recent months Business and ~nal Stationery beginning, precisely, to "take it on." against the ANC's other major ally But Freeman's message is intended (but GEAR critic), the trade union Desktop output *& *carnerawork· * services for Canadians. And not just in the central, COSATU. What impact 2370 Midland A~ .. Unit C-10, Sc.:arboruugh, churches. such threats will have on the mil OnL MIS 5C6 (416) 412-o4121Fax 412-o414 itancy of the SACP and COSATU Call today for estimate and advice.' Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 3 ------~@~~lli ~~~~©~------~---- Urban Betrayal The ANC in the Townships BY PATRICK BOND AND structure bureaucrat, Dr. Crispian ported, ironically enough, by for MZWANELE MAYEKISO Olver - who during the 1980s was mer radical community activists of So uth African activists and authors a leading white student activist and the SA N ationa.l Civic Organization Patrick Bond and Mzwanele Mayekiso, member of the ANC's underground (SANCO), whose near-bankrupt in are frequent contributors to Southern armed forces - was challenged about vestment fund allied with the British Africa Report. his failure to adopt the RDP pro water firm , Biwater, to bid for the vision that services such as elec first big municipal contract, in Nel The deterioration of municipal ser tricity and water should be cross spruit - another sign of declining vices and declining standards of in subsidized. Reminded that Alusaf, standards suffered by low-income frastructure have become common the big aluminum plant in Richard's black South Africans is the level of place in post-apartheid South Africa Bay, receives electricity at roughly essential services •they can expect and housing has become a policy R0.02 per kilowatt hour while ru when new infrastructure is built in farce. All of this is not because ral consumers often pay as high as coming years. South Africa is now under "black R0.48, Olver responded to the Mail Services su rprises rule," as many conservatives would and Guardian that "If we increase have it, but on the contrary be the price of electricity to users like For those with below a R800 cause a combination of factors re Alusaf, their products will become per month income who live in inforcing residual white power re uncompetitive and that will affect municipalities with no other means main. These factors are evident in our balance of payments." More re of topping up the subsidy, services the profoundly anti-redistributive, cently, in a Port Elizabeth seminar will be reduced to a pit latrine (not market-oriented policies on munic on municipal water, Olver blamed flush toilet), low-voltage electricity ipal services designed in late 1994 opposition to privatization by the (not enough to run a heater or hot by the World Bank and inexplicably trade unionists present for "the fail plate), a yard tap (not even in an adopted by the Reconstruction and ure of the RDP"! internal sink), high-ma'3t lighting, Development Programme (or RDP) In both cases, however, Olver and gravel roads. Office in 1995 and Department of was simply articulating principles established by World Bank teams Again, thank the World Bank Constitutional Development (DCD) for these declining standards - far in 1996 once the RDP Office was who have come to South Africa not only to design national policy lower than under even the worst closed and local infrastructure be formal apartheid planning - which came DCD's responsibility. but also to invest in privatized municipal infrastructure (through a were established in a March 1995 Led by Minister Valli Moosa, US$25 million equity stake made by infrastructure investment report and a core United Democratic Front their subsidiary, the International which are justified mainly by the strategist during the 1980s, DCD Finance Corporation, in a fund that refusal of both the DCD and the had the misfortune of carrying over promises a 28% US$ rate of return) . Department of Finance to cross to the New South Africa some This clearly generates conflicts of subsidize the provision of reticulated of the country's worst bureaucrats, interest aB, for instance, when Bank water and electricity. These services the white men who designed com staff went to Port Elizabeth in 1996 are now considered so expensive plex systems of racial segregation. to study the capital expenditure on at non-subsidized costs that low Equally unnerving is the fact that household water supply and after income families will be denied the some of Moosa's newly-recruited bu a week produced a plan with only ability to flush their excrement or to reaucrats have, in challenging the one option: privatization. (The turn on an appliance that requires legacy of apartheid planning, chosen tenders for establishing a formal more than 5 amps to run. to do so by invoking neo-liberal prin privatization policy have just been Unfortunately, the excrement ciples, an alternative approach that reported back to the Port Elizabeth will often seep into ground water merely compounds the problem for City Council, although the SA through Johannesburg's dolomitic the poor. Municipal Workers Union vows to rock or down Durban's many hill Some are quite brazen about this fig ht the plan.) sides or into Cape Town's and north latter choice. In late 1996, for ex Beyond the shrinkage of the ern Pretoria's high water tables. ample, the government's main infra- state through privatization - sup- Water purification costs will in- 4 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT crease, diseases will multiply, and Housing policy offers no relief is roughly half the amount required women will bear the brunt of the from this grim prognosis either, with to build a proper house as mandated heaviest burdens. But these and official figures showing the construc by the RDP- providing just enough many other socio-economic costs of tion of less than 50,000 units built shelter to qualify as "kennels," as the planned standards - as well as over four years on the currently recipients described them recently the prospective countervailing ben operative subsidy plus bank credit to Australian journalist John Pilger. efits of the "alternative" strategy formula - notwithstanding nearly Meanwhile at least 200,000 new fam foreseen in the ANC campaign plat 300,000 subsidies granted. This in ilies search for houses each year, as form , the above-mentioned RDP - part reflects the fact that the pre the backlog soars. scribed subsidy, at R15,000 and with were never seriously factored in by The ecological, public health and no inflation adjustment since 1994, Bank staff and DCD consultants. gender-related problems associated with shortfalls in housing, infra structure and services will become even clearer once project develop ments are more advanced. But al ready South Africa has witnessed its share of urban protests since the November 1995 elections, protests not unlike the "IMF riots" that grip so many wretched Third World cities. U rban protest Most strife has come in the deregu lated field of urban transport, where instead of the massive provision of public transport mandated by the RDP, Minister Mac Maharaj ex panded the neo-liberal policies of the National Party regime, thus failing to stem the ubiquitous taxi violence and accidents bred by overtrading and an intense speed-up of drivers in search of profit. On public rail lines, as well, transport restrictions and higher commuter prices in Tembisa (just east of Johannesburg) sparked riots that left nearly a dozen people dead at the hands of a (privatized) security company in mid 1996. In early 1997, even more in tense riots broke out in El Dorado Park, the low-income coloured town ship of Johannesburg whose local political leaders have regularly taken up populist, quasi-ethnic campaigns against the ANC. During a day-long protest, four people were killed over resident demands for lower munic ipal rates. In August 1997, sev eral protests over service payments c shook East Rand and Pretoria town .g ships, the Mpumalanga town of Se ~ cunda, and even Butterworth in (!) the distant ex-Transkei (where after ::~ three straight days of protest against -~2-:...:::l o.."' municipal officials one resident was Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 5 ------~©~~ill ~~~~©~------ ro u ~ Constructing sewer system at Ivory Park squatter camp, east of Johannesburg shot dead before crowds dispersed). ualizing payment), further marginal- community residents kidnapped a In KwaThema, east of Johannes- izing the working class, particularly leading councillor in anger over mass burg, the houses of three ANC coun- the unwaged." cut-offs of water which had led di cillors were, tragically, burned down The last three months of 1997 rectly to the death of an infant. by angry residents. witnessed an intensification, not Tembisa saw more strife over evic The protests were sometimes amelioration, of local grievances. tions from houses where commercial marked by a high level of sophis- During that time the pace of water banks declared foreclosure. Every tication. Thousands of residents disconnections, on grounds of non- where, urban alienation and rural of Tembisa went on a march that payment, soared, while the num- despondency were on the increase. left R13 million worth of electricity ber of households that could af- White Paper whitewash meters destroyed one winter after- ford to reconnect was very small - noon in August 1997, in anger about with the number of summonses is- At precisely the same time, a I the installation of a "pre-payment'. sued (geared ultimately to kicking Local Government White Paper system that, in the words of lo- defaulting consumers out of their (LGWP) was being drafted by DCD cal Communist Party leader Tebogo houses) also rose dramatically. By consultants. Released in March I Phadu (writing in the journal De- mid 1998, the conflicts had reached 1998 the LGWP has managed to bate), was "being pushed by transna- even deeper into East Rand town- avoid any mention of the above tiona! corporations ·- Siemens and ships and smaller rural towns. In the problems. Alongside these and other Sony in particular [and that) would townships of Witbank and Tsakane, omissions, it also manages to contain have a profound impact on our municipal offices and a post office serious contradictions and an overall surrender to neo-liberal orthodoxy. tradition of community organiza- were burned after evictions and sum- tionjmobilization as it promotes 'ev- mouses stripped residents of their Of course, depoliticized analy eryone fo r him/herself' (i.e. individ- personal property. In Amersfoort, sis invariably characterizes orthodox 6 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT "developmental" white papers, and sector resources for development . . . above. There are, to be sure, vague the LGWP is no exception. The substantial variations in capacity .. . promises that an "equitable share" numerous precedents for municipal need to rebuild relations between of central government revenue will social struggles prior to the early municipalities and communities." "enable municipalities to subsidize 1980s are ignored, and 1980s strug These are all vital challenges, the operating costs of providing ba gles are reduced in import to a ques to be sure, but only at the end sic services to poor households" - tioning of the legitimacy of apart of this list are readers informed, without, as seen , discussing the op heid political structures - not town obliquely, that transitional munic tion of cross-subsidizing higher lev ship socio-economic conditions. The ipal governance has had a deeply els of services (rejected by the World theoretical approach underlying the alienating affect on the ANC's local Bank) or acknowledging the 85% ANC's "National Democratic Revo level constituency. The next ques real decline in such intergovernmen lution" (the concepts of municipal tion is whether the kinds of pro tal transfers since 1991. Here, in Fi dual power and organs of people's visions made in the LGWP begin nance Minister Trevor Manuel's of power, for instance) is evacuated. to offer relief to "formerly disadvan fice, lies the real "culture of non And the LGWP fails to recognize taged" but still very much oppressed payment"' the subsequent inability of local ne township residents. Local democracy: too expen gotiations processes to resolve deep sive rooted municipal problems during Redistrib u t ion: from rich to the early 1990s, or to discuss why poor Likewise, there is no explicit men that has occurred. Our own sense of the neo-liberal for tion of the bankruptcy or forced ra mulations of municipal development tionalizations of approximately half Yet the municipal quagmire, policy lead us to the opposite conclu the 850 municipalities in South partly associated with the tragic in sion: that the next period will see Africa, notwithstanding the fact heritance of the Lo cal Government intensified protest, largely because that this has often been mentioned Transition Act (LGTA), is at least of the failure of DCD (as well as by DCD officials in the press. The conceded: "Real transformation has other departments) to redistribute LGWP offers only a justification of yet to occur ... The compromises decisively national and local-level re "amalgamation" (and this based on reached during the negotiation of sources to low-income people. a theoretical "harmonious relation the LGTA, such as the delimita The LGWP offers at least lip ship" between urban and rural mu tion of wards in a manner which service to the idea of redistribution, nicipalities rather than the reality of skewed representation and the re as well as three specific (if relatively bantustan settlement patterns which quirement that municipal budgets minor and localized) techniques: have left most rural towns without must be approved by a two-thirds "service subsidies"; ". . . support recourse to a neighbouring wealthy majority, will remain in force until to community organizations in the city). the final phase of the transition ... form of finances, technical skills The LGWP does acknowledge Huge infrastructural disparities and or training"; ". . . linkage policies that income differences threaten inequalities resulting from apartheid to directly link profitable growth to generate a nee-apartheid urban local government remain . . . Deliv or investment with redistribution form, for "inadequate service levels ery on new municipal mandates can and community development." But may perpetuate stark spatial divi not be achieved within the existing in its failure to grapple with sions between low , middle or high institutional framework." questions of macroeconomic policy income users (particularly in ur But having conceded the injus (GEAR), the LGWP implicitly toes ban areas) and jeopardize the socio economic objectives of the Council." tice and practical failure of this ar the government line that trickle rangement, the LGWP lists only a down policies will ultimately benefit Yet there is no official recognition that precisely the DCD's low lev series of technical challenges that re locales. The LGWP doesn't els of service delivery - especially main: "skewed settlement patterns mention GEAR's budget cuts, nor and extreme concentrations of tax their implications for local-level pit latrines which cannot be incre mentally upgraded to water-borne able economic resources . . . huge service delivery. Nor is there a sanitation - for low-income people backlogs in service infrastructure ... recognition that under the export great spatial separations and dispar oriented logic of GEAR, competition will permanently relegate the poor ities between towns and townships between cities for new investors is to far-away ghettoes from which any and urban sprawl ... new municipal likely to get out of hand. upwardly mobile residents desiring institutions which recognize linkages More specifically, the LGWP higher infrastructure levels will have between urban and rural settlements fails miserably to prepare South to emigrate. . . . entrenched modes of decision Africans for the shock of receiv Additionally, the report's various making, administration and deliv ing extremely low levels of infra options for "approaches to service ery ... inability to leverage private structure and services, as described delivery" are highly biased in favour Southern Africa REPOR T august 1998 7 of privatization. None of the argu bilization of the two key constituen If organizations of civil society do ments for municipal transformation cies (communities and labour) which not urgently step forward to address offered by the SA Municipal Workers would be capable of allying with the profound shortcomings of the Union, for example, are considered. ANC councillors (were they so in LGWP and associated housing, in The LGWP does at least note that clined) to actually achieve transfor frastructure, water, energy and eco privatization carries risks of "cherry mation. nomic policies, then these questions picking" (refusal to provide services But what is the result? The will be merely be rhetorical. Evi to low-income areas), poor qual transformation envisaged in the dence of the LGWP's shortcomings ity services and unfair labour prac LGWP becomes essentially, in its will then continue to be found in tices. Notably, though, no warning> key economic and development com the continued fracturing of tradi are made about excessive levels of ponents, a neo-liberal amplification tional alliances between community, profit (like the 28% in US$ terms de of local apartheid. The segregated labour and progressive political par manded by the World Bank's priva city will now be frozen along class ties which has been underway these tization fund). lines, with a small fraction of black past few years, as well as in the peri odic riots, noted above, offurious ur Cutt ing off the communit ies South Africans expected to migrate into white suburbs which in all other ban citizens responding to the post The LGWP chapter on Municipal respects will remain effectively in apartheid denial of South Africans' Finance fails to mention numerous tact. Township livelihoods and in rights to live in humane conditions. indicators of the municipalities' fis formal settlement survival strategies Hope lies in the potential uni cal stress, or to explore adequately will decay. Gender and generational fication of two political trajectories the conditions under which roughly relations will become more tense un now in train. One is the growing half of all municipalities will be der the pressure of municipal crisis. strength, militancy and wisdom of found to be financially insolvent. In Unemployment will worsen as priva the SA Municipal Workers Union stead, this chapter proceeds to take tization takes hold, often entailing in their anti-privatization struggles. the most extreme, conservative in (as the World Bank predicted in the The other is evidenced in the at terpretation of price policy for wa case of Port Elizabeth water) a 40% tempt, led by dissident progressive ter, electricity and other municipal rationalization of municipal workers. activists from the Alexandra and serv1ces. People who once had access to close Soweto civic organizations, to estab Note the LGWP provisions that by councillors in small towns will lish an alternative community voice there must be "payment in pro find their local councils many dozens at national level. This latter has in portion to the amount consumed" ; of kilometres distant following amal cluded a May 1998launch of the new that there must be "full payment gamation. Association of Resident and Civic of service costs"; and that tar Organizations in Gauteng, an initia The DCD has many responsibili iffs must "ensure local economies tive that has pulled many civics out ties and powers, and could have done are competitive" by insulating busi of Sanco affiliations. The conditions nesses from cross-subsidies. Taken far more in the LGWP to right his are excellent for a continued elabora together these provisions have the toric wrongs than simply facilitate tion of such reassertions of a commu effect of preventing municipalities the free market. Now, given the fail nity politics, at once Left and inde from adopting progressive block tar ure of the ANC state, the struggle pendent, from deep within civil so iffs; a universal lifeline service to to achieve social and economic (and ciety. all consumers; and local level redis gender and ecological) justice moves Of course, resources are neces to civil society. tribution from often wasteful busi decisively sarily scarce for this kind of chal ness users to low-income consumers. A new polit ics? lenge to the Alliance power struc In doing so, they directly violate Who monitors the likely violation ture. Look, however, to a recent the mandate DCD was given in the of constitutional rights when mu Samwu bumper sticker for evidence RDP, which explicitly calls for all nicipal water supplies are cut off of the potential for allying produc three of these things. completely? Who ensures compa tion and consumption struggles. It Moreover, the final chapter, on rability between white residential states, simply: "No to privatiza the Transformation Process, virtu areas and black residential areas, tion! 50 litres of water per person ally negates the roles of communities when vast distortions in standards per day free!" There will be more and municipal workers. Hence the of living become more not less pro such issues around which commu document ends by appealing to cit nounced? Who intervenes when nity and labour - as well as women, izens to trust a largely technocratic national government has failed , in the youth, churches and other social process. This may be entirely appro many of the most crucial categories, forces - can come together in unity priate: as an explicitly and implic to provide municipalities with the against neo-liberal notions of devel itly neo-liberal policy document, the leadership required to bring South opment. LGWP ·probably requires the demo- African democracy to fruition? 8 augus t 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ------~©wfurn ~~~n©~------The Truth Shall Make You Free? Reflections on the TRC B Y STEVEN ROBINS Stephen Robins teaches in the Depart ment of Anthropology and Sociology at the University of the Western Cape. He has publisl1ed on issues related to land and cultural identity. His most recent work is concerned with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the role of the historical narrative and personal and cultural memory. Claudia Braude recently criticized Antjie Krog's much acclaimed book, "Country of My Skull" (1998), for endorsing a "postmodern" sensibil ity that celebrates the slippery and subjective character of truth claims (Mail f3 Guardian, 12th June, 1998). The book, based on Krog's personal experiences as an Afrikaner radio journalist covering the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), raises important questions concern ing historical truth, Krog writing that, in the end, she has difficulty even pronouncing the word "truth." And yet Braude for her part is pro foundly uneasy about this kind of questioning of the very possibility of arriving at the truth of apartheid. With good re~on. To be sure, the TRC hearings have complicated our understanding, and this will make it difficult for the TRC to produce, in its final report, a co neat and unambiguous account of u :E the apartheid past. However, if Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 9 ------~@~~lli~~~~------Referring to the limits of repre age the kind of celebration of dis empathetic understanding of the senting the Holocaust, Saul Fried avowals of truth (whether they be anxieties about the Russians that lander (1993) notes that we are con based on post-modern philosophical purportedly led Hitler to the bar fronted with the an insoluble choice premises or, as seems most often to baric Final Solution. According to between the inadequacy of tradi be the case, on more mundane and Ernst Nolte, given the historical re tional historiographical representa opportunist grounds) that facilitate ality ofthe Gulags, Hitler had reason tion and the need to establish as apartheid amnesia and moral rela to fear that the Bolsheviks would accurate a narration of the Holo tivism. subject the Germans to terrible tor caust as possible. Should we not tures if they succeeded in expand seek to parallel Friedlander's posi The German precedent ing westward. From Nolte's perspec tion by recognizing the problems of Braude's fears of slippery truths, tive, the Bolsheviks were the origi telling the complete story of apart revisionisms and moral relativism nal perpetrators of global annihila heid and yet attempting nonetheless have a dangerous precedent in the tions in modern history, while the to tell this story as reliably as pos German Historian's Debate or "His Nazi exterminations were acted out sible? Acknowledging the complex toriker Streit" that raged in West of anguish at the idea of being them and ambiguous character of South Germany the mid-1980s. German selves potential victims of the Red Africa's recent past need not encour- revisionist historians argued for an Terror. Since, for Hitler, "Bolshevist equall ed Jew," it ~as a short step from this primal fear of Red Terror to the trains destined for Auschwitz. Not surprisingly critics of this and other aspects of revisionist histori ography in Germany argued that it represented a displacement of Nazi responsibility for genocide, and con tributed towards the blurring of the boundaries between victim and per petrator. Nolte and his ilk have called for revisionist accounts of the Holo caust from a German national per spective, which they claim is nec essary to counter the biased inter pretations that have been written by the victors. What bears empha sizing here is that the recent testi mony to the TRC of former Min ister of Law and Order Adriaan Vlok sounded remarkably similar to Nolte's contributions to the "His toriker Streit." Could it be that Vlok's testimony marks the begin ning of South Africa's own histo [:l rian's debate? :E: <( Thus, in his attempt to counter ~ act the official account of the na ~ tiona! liberation struggle that is .a emerging from the TRC hearings, a..u Vlok too sought to "contextualize" human rights violations perpetrated 0 by the apartheid state by attributing ~ these actions to anxieties and fears » of "communist terrorists" and total ~ itarian tendencies within the ANC Cl) en and SACP alliance. In a preface to Jeff Benzien demonstrates prisoner interrogation technique at TRC hearing his 84-page application to the TRC, 10 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ------~@~~lli ~~~~------ Vlok portrays himself as a commit continue to highlight its heroic human rights violations, to equate ted Christian who devoted his po character, the TRC hearings have these incidents with the scale, sys litical career to countering the per nonetheless allowed a multiplicity of tematicity and bureaucratic nature ceived communist onslaught. While voices to be heard. For instance, the of apartheid terror would be a se Vlok acknowledges that "apartheid TRC has heard testimonies and evi rious mistake. An inventory of vi did result in pain and suffering" dence not only about the torture and olations would readily reveal that he ends up concluding that "Marx killing of anti-apartheid activists by the apartheid state was indeed the ism/communism's record was more agents of the South African state, villain of the piece. One only terrible." but also about the victims of ANC has to consider the recent reve Like the German revisionists, and PAC terror attacks, the inci lations of apartheid's multi-million Vlok has sought to deny responsibil dents of torture in ANC camps, and rand chemical warfare research pro ity for state violence by referring to the "necklacings" of alleged apart gramme - which included plans fear of "the Red Peril." While fear heid informers. Although it was ini to manufacture chemical substances and hostility to communism may in tiated by the ANC, the TRC hear that would neutralize political op deed have been a factor that moti ings have complicated heroic strug ponents and bring down black fer vated apartheid state terror, surely gle narratives and allowed for a far tility rates. So, alongside forced re this is not a morally acceptable jus less monologic account of the past movals, pass laws, and the funding of tification for systematic racial dis than was initially anticipated: tes Vlakplaas death squads, the apart crimination and brutality against timonies of abuses have come from heid state also had its own perverse the civilian population! One hopes South African citizens situated on "Final Solution" on the backburner! that the TRC Report will serve as all sides of the conflict. In the next few months the an invaluable archive for those wish No equivalent process has oc TRC will be finalizing its official ing to challenge the New Right revi curred in post-independence Zim report based on almost two years sionism and apartheid denial of the babwe [or , equally infamously, in of Human Rights Violations and likes of Vlok. Namibia for that matter - editor's Amnesty hearings. The report is likely to generate considerable Zimbabwe counter-example note]. Neither guerrilla violence nor the state terror unleashed against debate and controversy. Already For the TRC hearings have indeed civilians during the so-called dissi we have heard the criticisms of provided a wealth of fresh evidence dent war in Matabeleland in the the likes of Professor Hermann of apartheid human rights violations 1980s has been dealt with along the Giliomee who has expressed concern - even if they have also compli lines of a Truth Commission. In that the report will become an cated attempts to produce the kind stead, an official silence regarding ANC-biased official history of South of seamless heroic nationalist narra the Matabeleland "disappearances" Africa's past. While the report tive of the kind produced in neigh continues. This silence is main will no doubt be written from the bouring Zimbabwe. There Robert tained by media censorship, as, for perspective of those sympathetic to Mugabe's ruling party ZANU has instance, in the initial banning of In the fight against apartheid, this in indirectly controlled the production grid Sinclair's "Flame," a film that itself is not necessarily a problem. of official histories of the libera demythologizes aspects of the liber After decades of apartheid state tion struggle and the Zimbabwean ation struggle by telling the story propaganda a strong argument can state has inco{porated influential of the rape of female fighters. (The be made for the need of an official academic historiographical accounts Zimbabwe War Veterans Association account of the past written from of the guerrilla war into a mythology was outraged by the film and de the perspective of anti-apartheid of nation-building that privileged manded that it be banned. The activists and intellectuals. Although and celebrated the role of ZANU in film was initially confiscated on the such an endeavour will inevitably the anti-colonial struggle. In this grounds of being pornographic but be a partial and incomplete version account the guerrilla violence was was later officially passed with cuts.) of South Africa's recent past, this represented as heroic resistance in In short, the official versions does not mean that there will not such a sanitized form as, for exam of Zimbabwe's liberation war reveal be opportunities for the production ple, to merely gloss over the killing none of the ambiguity and complex of alternative histories that fill in of alleged "sellouts." By contrast, ity that has surfaced at the TRC the gaps, silences and biases of the in South Africa the media has given hearings. However, although such TRC's final report. It will also prominence to TRC hearings that nuance may indeed be preferable be up to South African academics, have opened up a highly visible pub to officially sanctioned truth and journalists, film-makers, artists and lic accounting of the complexities hagiography, it also reinforces the writers to take up this challenge. and ambiguities of "the struggle." danger of relativism noted above. The TRC will have provided us with While the official narratives of For instance, although the libera considerable archival material with South Africa's liberation struggle tion movements did indeed commit which we can begin the long and Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 11 ------~@~~lli ~~~~©~------ arduous process of working through challenged the amnesty provisions of dinary human rights violations per the apartheid past. the TRC that offers apartheid killers petrated by serial police killers such Trut h . . . a nd .reconciliation? the opportunity to come clean and as Colonel Eugene "Prime Evil" de escape prosecution. Kock. While the media coverage of Moreover, the fact remains that the TRC hearings focused public at as numerous J·ournalists , academics', Despite such challenges to the TRC's rhetoric of forgiveness and tention on incidents of "extraordi writers and political commentators nary" apartheid violence, the every have tried to make sense of the healing, however, there is wide da~ bureaucratic violence of apart e':lotional roller coaster that began spread recognition amongst South heid that millions of black South with the first TRC hearings in East Africans that amnesty was perhaps Africans had experienced, and con London, the gruesome revelations an appropriate and politically neces tinue to experience, remained out of the state terror of the apartheid sary compromise given the balance side the TRC frame. In attempt era have shocked and numbed a of forces at the Codesa negotiations, ing to deal with past violence, the nation struggling to come to terms as well as the real threat of right with its traumatic past. Of wing political mobilization. While TRC drew a clear distinction be tween "gross human rights viola course, while Commissioners and this strategic perspective based on journalists speak of the difficulty an understand of the "larger pic tions" - statutorily defined as mur of emotionally and psychologically ture" may not ease the pain of the der, abduction and torture - and the "ordinary," legalized, adminis dealing with the raw pain of victims' families of victims, it does perhaps trative violence of apartheid such testimonies of violence, there are explain why the ANC and its sup as pass laws, forced removals, and those conservative whites such as porters have gone along with this racial discrimination and inequali former President P. W . Botha powerful, yet flawed, process. ties in health, education housing who continue to be in a state As the TRC process began to sport and the like. some of denial. They derisively label Despit ~ at~ unfold, however, a rather different tempts by the TRC to address the the TRC the "crying game" and range of criticisms began to surface more everyday aspects of apartheid complain that it is biased in favour with, perhaps, even wider implica with special hearings into business, of the liberation movements. They tions. It became increasingly clear, the health sector, the media and constantly refer to the human for example, that certain voices the military, the dramatic focus has rights violations perpetrated by the and experiences were indeed being tended to remain on "Prime Evil " liberation movements and refer to marginalized and silenced. For in the apartheid killers and torture~·s !ncidents of torture and killings stance, anthropologists Fiona Ross such as Eugene de Ko ck and Ferdi m ANC camps in Angola the and Pamela Reynolds discovered Barnard. Mandela United Football Club the that even though it was very often necklacings and so on. While, women who appeared at the HRV The danger exists that, in the as noted, the TRC Report will hearings, usually to testify on be process, the everyday realities of address violations perpetrated by half of their husbands, fathers or the apartheid period - as well as all parties, including the liberation brothers who suffered human rights the. fact millions of whites kept movements, it seems likely that abuses, there was virtually no cover votmg the National Party into these latter incidents will be framed age of the women ' own experiences - power since 1948 - will once again within an overarching narrative of, for example sexual abuse- under have merely been "normalized" and of apartheid rather closer to the apartheid. Fortunately, the TRC thus rendered invisible. Such is historical mark than that proffered was relatively quick to respond to the charge of critical commentators by such conservatives. this evidence of gender bias and si like Professor Mahmood Mamdani lencing in its proceedings by conven who have taken the TRC to At the same time, many South ing special hearings to address vi task for fo cusing too narrowly on Africans are profoundly sceptical of gross human rights violations and the theological language of forgive olence against women under apart heid. The TRC also held special "extraordinary" violence. This ness and reconciliation espoused by focus , it is argued, has allowed Archbishop Desmond Tutu and his hearings into violations against chil dren under apartheid. white South Africans to escape T RC deputy-chairperson, Alec Bor moral and political responsibility for raine. The Mxenge family, for in The b a nality of syst emic viO the bureaucratic terror of apartheid stance, have outright rejected the len ce that they endorsed by so voting apologies of former Police Captain A more subtle but no less danger for the National Party. It has Dirk Coetzee who was responsible, ous instance of potentially mislead also allowed the systemic socio along with Joe Mamasela, for the ing silences has also begun to be economic legacies of apartheid to commented upon, however: that fa brutal murder of ANC activists Grif ~ece de from public discourse, with fiths and Victoria Mxenge. Like cilitated by the privileging in the Important implications in terms the Biko family, the Mxenges legally proceedings of accounts of extraor- of contemporary public debate on 12 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ------~@~~lli ~~~n©~------ social transformation and economic Did Not Die," directly addressed, of the TRC. Moreover, without the policy. on South African television and logistical or statutory means to ad Pilger's truth elsewhere, these more structural dress the more mundane of apart traces of racial capitalism. Pilger heid legacies - the systemic charac For this focus on extraordinary vi provided compelling evidence of ter and legacies of racial capitalism olations may also permit whites to racialized poverty by contrasting it may be unfair to expect the TRC convince themselves that apartheid the opulence of the historically to have taken on board these more is dead and buried, thus obscuring white suburbs such as Sandton, structural dimensions. the continuities of racialized poverty Houghton and Constantia with And yet, what if it is the case produced through decades of apart the dire poverty of the black that the TRC's quest for reconcil heid social engineering. While the townships. Pilger seemed also to iation in the absence of redress of TRC seeks to bury apartheid and suggest that as much as Archbishop apartheid's socio-economic legacies transcend its bitter and divisive his Tutu and the TRC may try to is a contradictory one? We can still tory, ghosts from past continue to bring about national reconciliation reassert that compiling an archive thwart such endeavours. These lega through the revelation of truth, of certain important truths about cies of apartheid shape the lives of without a fundamental process of apartheid will have been an invalu millions of South Africans trapped social transformation this is likely able accomplishment, ready to hand within racially segregated ghettoes to be an unfulfilled and incomplete when conservative revisionists and characterized by extreme poverty project. moral relativists start claiming that and violence. Here, perhaps, is an Why then were government apartheid was not as bad as it is essential connection between apart spokespersons so quick to dismiss made out to be or when former heid bureaucratic violence such as and disparage Pilger's seemingly apparatchiks such as Adriaan Vlok the forced removals from Distri ct Six self-evident documentary? Why claim that repressive policing and and Sophiatown, and post-apartheid was it caricatured as Loony Left state terror were simply counter criminal and gang violence and polemic? Whereas critiques of racial revolutionary strategies deployed to poverty. By recognizing these spa capitalism were once accepted as save South Africa from communist tial and sociological continuities of truth within the liberation move tyranny, for example. But we may apartheid it becomes possible to link ments, they a re now dismissed also be forced to admit that these the banali ty of apartheid terror, po by the new ruling class as pure are not necessarily the sorts of truths litical, social and economic, to the polemic and/or naive utopian so that are most useful to setting the everyday violence and poverty of the cialist rhetoric. Clearly this par present generation of impoverished 1990s. ticular truth of Pilger's - namely, South Africans free. J ohn Pilger's recent controversial that apartheid is far from dead and television documentary, "Apartheid buried - does not fall within the brief ro u ~ Q; c c Q) I Critics note the TRC process failed to address the everyday realities of apartheid Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 13 Winnie Madikizela Mandela Tragic Figure? Populist Tribune? BY SHEILA MEINTJES Township Tough? Sheila Meintjes is Senior Lecturer in Political Studies, University of the conventional explanation is that she powerful populist leader Winnie has Witwatersrand. has become an icon of black feminine become. In 1991 Winnie Madikizela Mandela, suffering and a symbol of strength It was as the wife of South wife of Nelson Mandela, the most and courage. She was also a Africa's most symbolic icon of the prominent leader of the African hugely romantic figure, beautiful struggle against apartheid repres National Congress, faced criminal and cruelly separated from her sion that Winnie 'Mandela first ac prosecutors in the Rand Supreme husband, Nelson Mandela. Hers quired a special place in the polit Court in Johannesburg. The fourth was the great political love story ical realm. Then, in circumstances accused in the case of kidnapping and tragedy of our time. Divorce over which she had little control , she and assault of youths including has simply enhanced the image of learned to manipulate events and Stompie Seipei, she was acquitted her tragic life. In South Africa, people and to act in ways that would of assault but found guilty of her symbolic appeal is reinforced by serve her interests. Over time she kidnapping. Ever since then there her consistency in providing moral became a very skilled political ac have been questions about her role support at funerals and trials. She tor, this taking her well beyond the in the assaults that occurred m also reflects popular sentiments in subsidiary role normally accorded to the back rooms of her home m her political rhetoric, especially in women within the nationalist frame Soweto, in the disappearance of her criticisms of the slowness of work. Her political independence Lolo Sono, and in the death of delivery and social transformation and leadership developed gradually Stompie Seipei, whose decomposed under an ANC-led government, and in different contexts. And there body was found months after his in her outspoken empathy for the were also two aspects to how she disappearance. What is intriguing poor. perceived her interests and how she is that the rumours of violence Such factors do help to explain acted. In public, she was always the and assault against these and other the extraordinary political resilience dutiful wife, whose interests were, in youths, both at the end of the of Winnie Mandela, as we will see principle, subservient to the politi 1980s and earlier, when she was in this article. At one level, in cal objectives of the movement. Her banished and livi11g in Brandfort, fact, her story is easily told (even personal and private needs, however, and subsequent evidence of fraud if more difficult to evaluate). From were more complex. She wa.'3 lonely and corruption which emerged in a shy social worker to prominence and vulnerable, even insecure and the early 1990s, did not end Winnie as Mandela's beautiful wife and yet her ability to withstand the at Mandela's political career. Despite mother of his two daughters , Winnie tacks of the state revealed a strong ostracism by the Mass Democratic was ultimately propelled into an and defiant woman. Her beauty and Movement (MDM) at the end of independent public and political vulnerability attracted men, but she the 1980s, Winnie Mandela has role. This very independence was trapped in her public role as remained a strong political force in became a matter of contention as the Mandela's wife. And she did, at South African politics. Not even her circumstances of political struggle times, find solace with other men. divorce from Mandela affected her against apartheid in South Africa popularity and support. Although required considerable organizational Nevertheless, she always publicly she did not win nomination to discipline. The tension between framed her political actions in terms the Deputy Presidency of the ANC the moral position of Winnie as of liberation, and she has always in December 1997, she remains Mandela's wife and her militant seen herself as a loyal ANC member. President of the ANC Women's independence was at its height Not that the issue of loyalty has been League, a member of the ANC during the late 1980s. This altogether unproblematic. For Win National Executive Committee and article attempts to explore how the nie also viewed herself, during the an ANC Member of Parliament. interrelationship of the private world apartheid years, as having the re How are we to understand her of wife and mother and the public sponsibility of being the most public unique power and position? The life of political activist created the representative of her husband. This 14 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ______'W}W]JlliJ1liJ1@0 0 ______created tensions between her and worker and wife of a national leader. She became a political figure in her the organization's leadership, who, This education came in the form own right, though silenced by her as we will see below , preferred most of constant police harassment and banning order. Politically in the often to interpret her role in narrow violation of her privacy, as well limelight, her banning at the same symbolic terms rather than in a.c- as detention for her activities in time limited any discussion about tive political ones. To this have been the women's anti-pass campaign in her political stance, or any collec added other, more recent, sources of 1958. Mandela also encouraged her tive relationship she might have be tension, also explored below , that to participate in the ANC Women's gun to develop with other political further exemplify the dynamics of League, the appropriate place for activists. Mandela's final arrest and the on-going transformation in Win- w1ves. imprisonment, first for four years, nie Madikizela Mandela's political Once Nelson Mandela was de- then in 1964 for life, cast Winnie position - while raising a host of tained in 1961, Winnie entered the Mandela as the lonely and vulner questions about the nature of lead- second stage when she became, as able political wife. ership in South Africa in the post- his wife, Mandela's spokesperson. The reverence she is accorded as apartheid period.t And here the first inkling of the am- victim of the apartheid state, which ~----~~------ceaselessly abused her natural rights by detaining her, banning her, cast ing her out of her community, and generally making her life a misery is well-deserved. Emma Gilbey's biog raphy sympathetically draws out the terrible conditions of merciless ha ro u rassment Winnie was subjected to. :E Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 15 0 0 ______wwn~~~®------~---- Solitary confinement, lack of hy a role she might not have been able Her political independence and gienic washing facilities, poor food to assume so easily had she not been leadership role was also developing and physical assault combined to the mother of the Ma.ndela children . in this context, however. Gradually, undermine the mental and physical Parental roles became politicized in she established a rapport with lo health of the detainees. These were the wake of police action against cals , especiall y young people, man to become commonplace for most children. The BPA raised funds, aging to politicize what would nor political detainees. Winnie was no organized burials, and mediated mally be conventional, private ac exception and after days of sleep de between students and authorities tivities. She set up a creche, a privation and continuous interroga in schools. Winnie visited police clinic and feeding schemes for the tion, the police broke her as they did stations, and harangued the police. children of Brandfort, with the as everybody. Remarkably, she refused She helped organize meetings and sistance of Dr. Abu Baker Asvat to cooperate with the court process, she spent hours with bereaved (in whose death she was later al ' and wouldn't enter a plea. The out parents. She also recruited students legedly implicated). In the pro come was acquittal after a bizarre into the ANC and helped them to cess, she also offered political edu charade of being tried under two sep leave the country. But her activities cation. Her home became both a arate laws which counsel for the de were cut short by arrest and school and a refuge, particularly for fence showed to be illegal. detention. The police meanwhile young children. (More problemati Politics in the 1970s changed detained hundreds of students who cally, it seems to )1ave become the the relationship between the state were tortured for information about locus of a particularly violent form of and the oppressed. Black Con who was behind the protests. Many discipline. Justified by her position sciousness (BC) had emerged as of the students reported that the as mother of her household, this was a powerful movement amongst the police tried to implicate Winnie as also an ominous foretaste of things youth, which spawned both the the main force behind the uprising. to come.) South African Students Organiza From this time Winnie's authority In 1980 Winnie's political pro tion (SASO), led by Steve Biko and as a political figure began to grow file began to change as the AN C others, and the Black People's Con and laid the basis for her renown as launched the "Release Mandela" vention. Trade union militancy also the "Mother of the Nation." Campaign - even as the tension, resurfaced. Winnie was on the edge On 16 May 1977, Winnie was mentioned earlier, between her sym of these developments, hampered by banished to a dusty Afrikaner bolic and active political roles also banning, police harassment and pe dominated town in the Free State became most problematic. Because riods of imprisonment for breaking where she was unceremoniously of her independence, the ANC had her banning orders. dumped at house 802 with her some reservations in choosing to Surprisingly, for a brief period youngest daughter, Zinzi. There was draw Winnie in, but the movement in 1975 Winnie's banning order no running water, no electricity, and felt that her symboli c role was im was not reimposed. She used the house had no floors or ceilings. portant. Certainly the ANC par her freedom from restraint to The town was hostile, and the ticipated actively in the creation of attend meetings with BC leaders, people spoke mainly Sotho, Tswana the myth of Winnie as the "Mother to identify with their cause by or Afrikaans, and hardly any Xhosa, of the Nation," even as her ban attending their trials and to make which was Winnie's home language. ishment to Brandfort reinforced the fiery speeches. She warned that Winnie took a provocative stance, legendary status as national sym black people were impatient and and would spend hours in the white bolic icon that gained her so much resentful. Her words were prescient. shops goading the shop-keepers. political status in the liberation The 1976 Soweto uprisings provided Her life was lonely, however. Her movement. Winnie with a strategic opportunity youngest daughter was sent away The campaign substantially al to place herself in an open leadership to study, whilst her oldest daughter tered the material aspects of Win position. She urged the parents had married a Swazi Prince and nie's desolate and depressing exis of protesting children to organize moved to America. Helen Suzman tence as international media atten themselves in the newly formed captured the isolation when she tion fo cused on her li ving conditions. Black Parents Association (BPA). wrote that Winnie waited outside But ANC leaders also had begun to the local telephone booth between find that they were unable to contain Militant motherhood, 1976- 10 am and 4 pm waiting for calls her words and actions. This was a 1989 from friends and relations. But tension that would be exacerbated By casting her activities within the when friends, like Helen Joseph, with the emergence in the 1980s symbolic role of motherhood in the Barbara Waite, Ilona Kleinschmidt, of an alternative internal political Black Parents Association, Winnie and others came to visit her in movement, the United Democratic was able to establish a powerful Brandfort, they were harassed and Front (UDF), which espoused the moral and political leadership role, often taken to court and imprisoned. objectives of the Freedom Charter 16 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ______WW~llilllil~® ______ and thus presented itself as the le the turbu"lence of militant student these were calls for retaliation and gitimate representative of an under activity, a state of emergency, and elimination of the enemy. At the ground ANC in the popular imag the invasion of townships by the time, with the country in a state ination. The claim to be the au army and police, her home became of civil unrest, the ANC in exile thoritative voice of the ANC inside one of many loci of refuge. It distanced itself from her statements the country had become a source of was also an environment of mutual and reprimanded her. And Winnie, contestation. And Winnie's contro suspicion and fear, and competition clearly fee ling herself to be more in versial statements were to prove an for power. The discourse of touch with events inside the country acute embarrassment for both the the protection of motherhood and than were the exiled AN C leaders, ANC and the UDF, particularly as family li fe cloaked the reality that paid li ttle heed to these pleas. r the need to maintain a united posi in that context the conventional Back in Soweto, political rivalry ' tion was a priority. Public dissent notions of childhood did not exist. between different factions was prob has never been easily managed by Children were themselves political ably the reason for a raid on Win the ANC. actors. Winnie perceived her role nie's Orlando house by a group of 1983 formed a turning point in in terms of providing a disciplined, angry students in February 1987 and the struggle for liberation in South controlled framework within which again in July 1988 when it was Africa with the emergence of the those children would pursue their burned to the ground. It may also United Democratic Front (UDF). lives. She fed and clothed them, be one of the reasons for the tragic In the same year Mandela was she sent them to school, but she events which occurred at the end transferred to Pollsmoor Prison, on also used them as errand-boys for of 1988 when youths were abducted the mainland in Cape Town. A her political activities. For the from the Methodist Manse and the year later troops were patrolli ng the former she won both respect and priest, Paul Verryn, was accused by townships. The ANC Kabwe confer power in the township. When Winnie of sodomizing youths in his ence in 1985 believed that the con the authority she wielded over the care. Verryn was a popular figure ditions for a People's War were at youth in the MUFC assumed a more in the township whose house was a hand. Winnie Mandela's house in violent form, she also became feared refuge for young activists. It was a Brandfort was burned down in Au by some township residents. time of great paranoia, and some of gust whilst she was away visiting The role of the MUFC has the youths at the Manse- in partic her doctor in Johannesburg. She been much debated in South Africa, ular Stompie Seipei - were accused never returned. Instead, she took in the courts, in the press, and of being spies. Publicly, this reason advantage of changed circumstances most recently in the Truth and was given for their abduction. But to stay in Johannesburg. In Novem Reconciliation Commission (TRC). privately senior members of the Cri ber 1985 , Mandela became ill and Its members behaved like war-lords sis Committee, set up at the behest the first discussions about his re and thugs in the strife-torn wards of the imprisoned Nelson Mandela lease began to take place. Winnie's that made up Soweto. They to deal with the "hostages" held in own restrictions were relaxed in De were not, however, the only group Winnie's house, believed that Paul cember but she was still arrested operating in Soweto, and some of Verryn was framed by Xoliswa Fe for breaking the terms of her ban the violence derived from rivalry and lati and Winnie. ning and, in early 1986, was charged power struggles between gangs. But The accounts of these events are for refusing to ·leave Johannesburg. it is the role of Winnie Mandela in by now well known, and will not An international uproar ensued and the violence in Soweto, and in that be repeated here. What is of sig some months later Winnie's case was which occurred in her own backyard, nificance for our purposes, how shelved. that has been the subject of court ever, is the way that the develop The Mandela United Football cases and of particular concern to ments crystallized the ambiguities Club the TRC. and problems embedded in Win It was then, during those twilight Much was also made of the two nie's position. The issues con years of apartheid from 1985 to incendiary speeches which Winnie cern the relationship between un 1989 , that Winnie Mandela turned Mandela made in April 1986. In derground operatives working in J from victim to alleged perpetrator one, she called for an end to the side the country, the AN C in ex of atrocities. For she was seen tears of mourning, and in the other, ile, and the internal opposition, par at least to condone, at worst to at Munsieville, she called for stones, ticularly its leadership. The out lead, the youth who lived on her matches and petrol: "Together, come indicated the enormous sym property - a group known from hand in hand, with our boxes of bolic and moral power held by Win its formation in January, 1986, matches and our necklaces we shall nie Mandela. Nelson Mandela from a:;; the Manclela United Football liberate our country." At the prison issued orders to Winnie to Club (MUFC) - in a supposed war TRC hearings and earlier, during release the youths. She simply ig against impimpis and informers. In her trial in 199 1, she denied that nored him. Neither Church lead- Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 17 ______WW~llilllil~ @------ ers like Bishop Storey, head of the the possibility. She steadfastly P erson al an d political survival: Methodist Church in South Africa, ignored their warnings and placed 1990-1998 nor Reverend Frank Chikane, head her faith in the very man whose of the South African Council of activities were most undermining For all the enormous publicity Churches, nor Dr. Nthatho Mot her political credibility. One can and sensationalism about Winnie lana, the family's personal physi argue that the notion of motherhood Madikizela Mandela's public and cian, friend and Soweto civic leader, had been taken to its political private life, she remained an enigma. nor leaders of the UDF, appeared extremes in the life and death Catapulted, as we have seen into able to insist on the release of the struggles in the war-torn township Mandela's political life when he was youths, despite grave concern for where Winnie lived. Conventional banned and on trial for treason, her their very lives. Storey felt that to morality had been usurped by codes experiences created a well of pain invade her back rooms might bring of war in which normal processes and bitterness which, combined with not only the internal opposition of law and order no longer held. anger and rage, created a "dark movement into disrepute, but might But the fact remains that amidst side." At the same time her damage the Methodist Church itself. the rather murky ambiguities about suffering enabled her to emp~thize No one was prepared to call Winnie who had the authority to give with the oppressed in general. She Mandela's bluff, and challenge her orders in the name of the ANC herself has written and spoken authority. Winnie's power went unchallenged: about the experience of torture and The police did not intervene The morality of a just war seemed, psychological disintegration which either. It emerged in the TRC too, to give carte blanche for accompanied her detention in 1969. hearings that Jerry Richardson, who leaders to punish those who broke She maintained that it hardened her played a key role in the assaults and faith and became informers. Her "It is in fact what changed me: murders which occurred at the end own power had become almost What brutalized me so much that I of 1988, was a police informer. The unassailable in its moral symbolism knew what it is to hate." UDF had suspected that the MUFC of "militant motherhood," as the That hatred bred a leader of had been infiltrated by the police paralysis which attacked the Crisis great courage during the apartheid and had tried to warn Winnie about Committee attests. years. In the post-apartheid after- ro u ~ At the TRC hearing on the activities of the Mandela United Football Club 18 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ______wwn~~n® ______math, Winnie's extraordinary polit litical fortunes were at their lowest ing her position to foster the in ical survival was also based on a ebb, or so it seemed. terests of her daughter, and using combination of astute political in But in 1993 Winnie made a state vehicles without authority. At stinct and almost sexual personal remarkable comeback when she was the same time questions of financial charisma. t For a chronology of Win elected President of the ANCWL. mismanagement and malpractice in nie's activities during the eight years In December 1993 the ground swell the League led to the resignation from 1990-1998 does provide evi of support for Winnie surprised and of eleven executive members. The dence of quite remarkable political shocked the ANCWL and the ANC. ANC suspended all funding to the resilience in the face of personal With personal disaster staring her in League. Rumours of fraudulent ac crises and political scandals that the face, she lambasted the ANC for quisition offunds for one of Winnie's evoked strong opposition inside the being out of touch with the people. private projects, the Coordinated AN C itself. This was not new, as This won her support and leadership Anti-Poverty Programme, also cir we have seen. But once Mandela of the ANCWL against the "other" culated. Then in August 1994 Nel was released from prison his sup mother of the nation, Albertina. son Mandela announced that he was port, for a time, cast a long protec Sisulu. Winnie's participation in divorcing Winnie. Media reports tive shadow over what would for oth the ANCWL appeared to many about Winnie were salacious and ers have been a political nemesis. to be one of political expediency damning, although for her support In August 1990, Winnie was ap rather than one of a commitment ers this merely served to reinforce their perception that she was being pointed head of the Welfare Depart to women's issues. But this reading persecuted. ment of the ANC, in charge of repa misses the significance of the nature triating exiles. Welfare NGOs peti of her support. She symbolized the Winnie's response was to attack tioned the ANC against her appoint experience and suffering of many the ANC and the government for ment. Even the ANC National Ex women whose family life had been lack of delivery on its promises, par ecutive Committee tried to remove virtually destroyed by the apartheid ticularly with respect to the poor. her. But Mandela blocked these at system. Alone she had faced the She criticized the movement for its tempts personally. In 1991 he came state, with two little girls to bring growing elitism, its nepotism, its to her trial and conviction for kid up, and little means for doing so. deafness to COSATU's criticisms of napping. Then in 1992 she was Though this symbolism of "Mother the government's economic policies, accused of misappropriating funds of the Nation" now appeared to have and its electoral system. Once more, from her department. Public scan crumbled, Winnie's position as long her role as champion of the rights dal was accompanied by personal suffering wife now came to the fore. and demands of ordinary people en scandal, including a squabble with Winnie Mandela was now a hanced her popular appeal. Xoliswa Felati and evidence of an af Woman Wronged. She was wronged In April 1997, she was again fair. Mandela's problems in his pri by her husband, by her own voted in as President of the League vate life threatened to derail his po organization, the ANC, as well as by at its Conference, despite efforts of litical credibility and ability to lead the system. Her political, if not her the ANC to support a rival candi the ANC. He waB forced to declare personal, fortunes began to rise. She date. But the League was much his marriage at an end in April 1992, now showed an acute opportunism weaker than it had been before. following which Winnie resigned all in fostering a political support base Many of its branches had become her positions in the ANC. Her po- of her own amongst the poor, moribund. The leadership struggle Her great beauty gave Winnie especially women. The timing of had been divisive, in spite of pub Mandela a sexual power which few this show of support and solidarity lic pronouncements of unity. Yet women in public possessed. Her at the ANCWL Conference meant the League was the first to submit sexual liaisons l1ave been the basis that the ANC could not ignore her a nomination for the Deputy Pres of salacious reporting, and point when it came to drawing up the ident of the ANC: Winnie Madik to t;he existence of a moral double election list in December 1993. She izela Mandela. This time, how standard when it comes to women wa.s rewarded with the position of ever, the ANC moved to ensure leaders. The sexual aspect of Winnie's Deputy Minister of Arts, Culture, that Winnie's chances of acquiring a power has been less explored, however, Science and Technology in the leadership position were diminished. and needs to be more thorouglJly first post-apartheid Government of Because nominations had to come researched. More generally, this may National Unity. through ANC structures, her nomi require an analysis which accounts for But in power Winnie showed nation was rejected on the constitu the gendered dimensio11s of political less political wisdom as she began tional ground that the League was leadership, including the intersection to abuse her position. She was autonm:nous. Her only chance now between sexuality and power in women sacked in disgrace from her post for rested with the nomination proce leaders, but this is beyond the scope of a range of misdemeanours, includ dure at the up-coming ANC Con tl1e present article. ing an unauthorized trip abroad, us- ference in December 1997. Prepara- Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 19 ______WW~TillTill~@ ______tions for this conference were elab Tshwete, a senior NEC member, and on television. Special reports orate for this was the first since and Minister of Sport. He rebuked daily record ed the allegations of the ANC had been in government, her for being a populist leader of witnesses and survivors against her. and also the last before the 1999 little substance. She had little Winnie, beautifully groomed, sat elections. There were two prepara respect for rules and regulations, calm and mostly impassive next to tory policy conferences. Winnie be and since the ANC had been in her lawyer throughout the three gan her own campaign outside ANC government she had made not a weeks of damning indictments. Ae structures to garner support. Her single contribution to debate in the the end she accused the TRC of strategy was once more to attack the ANC, sitting silently in discussions. conducting a witch-hunt against leadership for failing the people. He criticized her for refusing to take her, and conmvmg to destroy responsibility, as other ANC leaders her political career. Archbishop The ANC responded that she had, for abuse of human rights Desmond Tutu literally begged her had every right to seek nomination by the movement during apartheid. at least to admit that "things and to challenge the organization. Her populism, he suggested, was went horribly wrong." Hesitatingly, This was healthy debate. But in undermining the revolution. (The she mouthed his words. In the October 1997 she went too far. Star, 20 November 1997). immediate aftermath, she found She accused the ANC of being soft A few days after this attack, that much of her moral support had on crime and called for the death the TRC hearings into the MUFC disappeared. penalty. Winnie received a stinging began. The events of 1988 and 1989 When the ANC Conference rebuke in the press from Steve were replayed in the press, on radio opened on 16 December 1997 , spec ulation about her chances was at the forefront of media interest. Crowds of youth and older women greeted her arrival each day, sporting tee shirts and scarves depicting her im age. But this noisy support did not translate into numbers at the moment of nomination. Although Winnie tried to consult with "struc tures," the Chairman, newly elected ANC President Thabo Mbeki , re fused to allow this. She was forced to withdraw her nomination. While Winnie was subsequently elected to the NEC, her support was substantially reduced. I was at the Conference and when the results of the elections were announced in the early hours of the morning, Winnie seemed to be in a state of near coll apse. She could barely walk up to the stage and she was helped by some of the delegates. ~ There was such an air of dejection ~ and lifelessness about her that one <( really wondered whether she would ~ survive. A few months later, ~ however, she spoke at the South B African Press Club, and gave a ~ strong speech lambasting the way 1 the press dealt with the changed :;: political environment. Ever the ~ survivor, Winnie was fighting fit. ~ We have not seen the last of her as ~ a powerful political force in South ~ Africa. At ANC 50th Conf erence, acknowledging supporters 20 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ro c z0 ro c ~ .....Q) c Qj Ol c ..... a..0 0 _J The 182 metre-high J( atse Dam when it was under construction All Wet The World Bank and the Lesotho Dam BY LORI POTTINGER therefore one of the most important ronmentally and socially controver Lori Pottinger is the Southern Africa issues in the region today. sial, and could even set back efforts to further reduce water use. campaigns director for International South Africa has taken a num Rivers Network in Berkeley, California. ber of innovative steps in the man Next year, construction is sched More information on this project and agement of its water resources, in uled to begin on the second of IRN's other Southern Africa campaigns cluding clearing thirsty alien vege five dams that comprise the massive is available at: www.irn.org. tation from watersheds, implement Lesotho Highlands Water Project ing urban water conservation pilot (LHWP), which will transport Water, or a lack of it, is a key projects that cut lo cal water use Lesotho's water, called "white gold" issue for southern Africa's future up to 30 per cent, and adopting a by project developers, to South development and even its political new water law that, among other Africa's industrial Gauteng province and social stability. The region now things, outlaws private ownership of (Johannesburg area). The entire faces chronic shortages, and conflict water resources and recognizes envi project has been mired in contro over shared water sources threatens ronmental needs for water as well as versy since South Africa's apart to intensify in the coming decades human ones. At the same time how heid government and Lesotho's mil if current trends are any indication. ever, the government has mov~d for itary regime signed the project Sustainable water management is ward with new dams that are envi- treaty in 1986, however. At that Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 21 ______®IDWli~©IDlliill®ID~------~--- time, the World Bank, an influential on June 4 approved a loan for measures that conserve water, such project funder, circumvented apart Mohale Dam. The LHWP has as installing water-conserving toi heid sanctions by making Lesotho - also received funding from European lets and shower heads, incremen which would have been too poor to export credit agencies, international tally increasing penalties for higher qualify for such a loan - the recipi and South African banks and levels of consumption, and imple ent of the funds, a debt that South various bilateral donors, including menting policies to reduce waste by Africa was responsible to repay. French, British and German donor the biggest consumers like large agencies. scale agriculture (which accounts for The Bank IS an important Contradictory water strategy 50 per cent of South Africa's water funder of the second dam as use) . well, lending legitimacy to the Many believe the project's enormous controversial project and claiming costs will reduce South Africa's Building the project prematurely to "add value" to the project by ability to address other pressing could also jeopardize water conser lending only to mitigate social and water problems. Topping the list vation efforts by altering the finan environmental problems. On June of urgent social needs is to increase cial picture for Rand Water. Ac 4, its board of directors approved a the number of South Africans with cording to a water conservation ex US$45 million loan for this project, access to water. Currently, millions pert in South Africa who wishes to the Mohale Dam. of South Africans are without remain anonymous, "The tremen reliable, safe water: in 1995, an dous price increase from the LHWP Although the battle lines have is undermining Rand Water's de shifted somewhat from the first dam estimated 18 per cent of the nation's urban population lacked adequate mand management programs by to the second, controversy continues making them not cost-effective. In to swirl around Africa's largest water supply. Supplying Gauteng's waterless poor would require just 5 fact, they will find it necessary to infrastructure project - and around subtly support wasteful water-use the Bank's role in promoting large, per cent of the water used by middle income South Africans on gardens. practices in order to generate the destructive infrastructure projects revenues to fund Mohale." Rand over sound water management and The biggest obstacle to solving Water could be forced to sell more conservation measures. While this problem is not increasing sup water, not less, to pay its portion of the first dam, the 182-metre ply, however. Instead, the biggest the project's capital costs, thus un high Katse Dam, was controversial obstacle is finding the money to pay dermining its own efforts to put into primarily for the unresolved social for the infrastructure. According to place stricter demand-management and environmental problems it left water officials, up to 50 per cent measures. in its wake, the 145-metre Mohale of Soweto's water is lost through Dam may not be needed at all. poor-quality infrastructure, for ex The LHWP's costly dams will Even project promoters like the ample. According to George Con mean higher-priced water for South World Bank admit its water will stantinides, the demand manager African consumers, a burden which not be required until the year for Rand Water, spending 1 billion will hit poor township dwellers the 2010, perhaps not until 2018, by Rand retrofitting less efficient appli hardest. In the past year alone, which time better solutions to South ances and fixing leaky pipes would the price of water for Rand Water Africa's growing water-management save 3 billion Rand in consumption. (serving Gauteng) consumers almost doubled because of the cost of crisis may be found. Water Constantinides stated in March conservation experts contend that capital investments, primarily for of this year that conservation mea the LHWP. building the dam now will send the sures could reduce demand by 40 per wrong message to South Africans cent and thereby delay the R6 .7 bil Local impact just beginning to grapple with the lion Mohale Dam "by years." Other Some township residents have been need for increased conservation and water experts concurred. "We can working to slow the project until better water planning. get significant savings from delay demand-management measures and Controversy over the possibility ing schemes," suggested Guy Pre other alternatives are examined. that the project could be delayed by ston, head of the water conserva They believe that fixing the leaks years pushed back the loan approval tion program for the Department in the townships should be a by half a year, but ultimately of Water Affairs and Forestry. De higher priority than building new Bank staff convinced its Board of laying Mohale Dam would mean a supply. To that end, in May, some Directors that it is less costly to "conservative" R800 million savings residents of Alexandra township build Mohale now, even if the per year, including operating costs. fil ed a claim with the World Bank water is not needed for many "We can put that money into other, Inspection Panel, the independent years. Despite the controversy more important social things," Pre body charged With investigating and possibly in violation of its ston said. The two have been propo claims brought forth by project own policies, the World Bank nents of "demand side management" affected people of Bank policy 22 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT · violations. While their efforts did not 1;esult in a project delay, the concerns they raised will be evaluated by the inspection panel in coming months. World Bank policies mandate the examination of alternatives to projects such as the LHWP. Its pol icy on dams states that "(d] esign of investment programs for supply ing water or energy should con sider demand management as well as supply options." But internal project documents imply such poli cies have been set aside in planning the LHWP. "(A]s important as de mand side management in the water sector is," states the April 30, 1998 Project Appraisal Document, "there is no specific reference in the project to such measures, nor is there a le gal requirement in the loan for the RSA (Republic of South Africa] to implement such policies, since this is a loan to (Lesotho-based project authorities] LHDA." Nonetheless, without a touch of irony, the Bank appraisal report states that "the LHWP is one of the very few successfully implemented projects in the world aimed at regional water management." But water planners in the region see ~ rc it as the wrong approach at the "0 wrong time. Steve Rothert, a v > 0 water resources specialist working in u Botswana for International Rivers Network , says, "The Bank is supporting a project that is not needed for many years, which sends This Cheiftainess fj her entire Lesotho Highlands village will be displaced a message that it supports supply by the waters if the M ohale Dam is built driven water resources management, into cash - except water. Indeed, experienced significant disruption, even in one of the most arid regions Lesotho is now almost totally depen and a project delay would just in the world." dent on royalties from the LHWP to add to their woes. A local NGO Lesotho NGOs monitoring the earn foreign exchange, which brings representative said in June that project's social problems recently in some 40 million US dollars a "houses have already been destroyed backed down from efforts to delay year. "If you delay the project even by the blasting at the quarry site. the next dam, however. Political by one year ... it'll knock six per Fields have already been greatly pressure to support the dam, "the cent off Lesotho's GDP (gross do affected by the road construction only development game in town" has mestic product] this year," said John and installation of power poles. undoubtedly been intense. Perenni Roome, the LHWP project man Some have already given away their ally ranked by the United Nations ager for the Bank. "They're going fields." to need to be compensated for this among the world's poorest countries, The dam revenues contribute to somehow." Lesotho has a 50 per cent unem the troubled Development Fund, in ployment rate and almost no nat In addition, people living in tended to alleviate poverty in the ru ural resources that can be turned the Mohale area have already ral Highlands areas where the dams Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 23 ro u ~ <( 1- w z ~ .....::J n:u Q; c c Q) I are built. Highlands communities Bank. Furthermore, suggests Horta, The group rc;cently had its have benefited from some aspects of "The LHWP is likely to overwhelm first meeting, and is expected project construction, such as roads Lesotho and determine its political to issue its final report in June that now connect the rural High economy for generations to come. 2000. Dam critics believe that the lands to the capital of Maseru. Tem The sheer size of the project diverts establishment of the Commission porary jobs from the project have attention from any other possible de vindicates their claims that large been provided to some local people. velopment programs for Lesotho." dams have had massively negative social, environmental and economic But important aspects of the N o compen sation project's poverty alleviation pro impacts. These groups have grams remain unsuccessful or The restoration of livelihoods l1as demanded that aid agencies and bogged down in bureaucracy. Ac been a failure in nearly all cases governments declare a moratorium cording to Korinna Horta, an envi where significant numbers of people on the building of large dams until ronmental economist with the US lose their homes and lands to the commission's work is done. based Environmental Defense Fund, dams, and has been a key point of "No more big dams should be the Development Fund has been contention in the worldwide struggle built until just reparations have termed "the sick man" of the project against large dams. As many been provided to all those who by experts working on compensa as 60 million people have been have been affected by dams and evicted for the world's 40,000 large tion issues, and the project require until ruined environments have ment of restoring or improving the dams. The world's large dams been restored," says Sadi Baron, lot of project-affected people has yet have also inundated 400,000 square Executive Coordinator of Brazil 's to be realized. Project authori kilometres, an area larger than Movement of People Affected by Zimbabwe. ties have made sweeping cl aims that Dams (MAB). Thus far, this call has they have learned how to avoid the There are three more dams in the not been heeded. social problems caused by the first LHWP scheme, so the controversy dam, although many of those prob over the project promises to con As the case of the LHWP shows, lems are still unresolved. tinue for years to come. The find the identification of "those affected" Income-restoration for the thou ings of a new group whose mandate might need to be expanded beyond sands of people affected by the first is to assess the international record those people forcibly relocated for dam has been ponderously slow . In of large dams may change the de the project, to include township the beginning, the project empha bate considerably. This independent dwellers being asked to pay higher sized training in vocational skills body, called the World Commission water bills than they can , afford; that. were virtuaJly unneeded in on Dams, is an unusual coalition those whose pipes remain leaky as Lesotho. The program has since from both sides of the dam debate, public funds for water projects dries shifted to small-enterprise develop chaired by South Africa's head water up or who must wait even longer ment skills. But with Lesotho's minister, Kader Asmal, who previ to get water supply to their homes; high unemployment and low per ously was an opponent of the LHWP and those whose "better ideas" for capita income, the goal of creat and is now an avid proponent. The water management have taken a ing a new entrepreneurial class from commission includes representatives back seat to a massive engineering the farmers displaced by the project from dam-affected people's groups, works whose time has not yet come. seems highly unlikely - even within environmental NGOs, and the dam the generous 15 years set by the building industry. 24 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ______@@@~~@ ______Their Hegemony or Ours? Schild Replies to Barker BY VERONICA SCHILD the "widespread real acceptance of Indeed, for many disenchanted Veronica Schild teaches in the Depart a set of ideas," and for him "even Left intellectuals the idea of civil ment of Political Science at the Univer this usage evades the crucial ques society has come to replace older sity of Western Ontario. tion: by what political process and preoccupations with determinants of under what rules of discussion and political action like the state, par what distribution of power is that ties, and class-based organizations The key issue in the exchange be acceptance achieved?" This is not in work about cross-class organiza tween Colin Leys and Jonathan Gramsci's special notion of hege tions. It is true that the voices of Barker carried out in the pages of mony, however, but simply a variant subordinate peoples were often not this magazine (April 1996, Vol. 11 , of the dominant ideology thesis. In heard in many of the old-style dis No. 3, pp. 17-21 and September fact, Barker's argument suffers as a cussions on the Left, especially the 1997, Vol. 12, No. 4, pp. 20-23) is result of his mishandling of Gramsci. voices of women, who, we may add, what should the tasks be for Left in Leys answers Barker effectively on were almost always silenced. And tellectuals in these neo-liberal times. the question of counter-hegemony: yet the celebration of multiple voices Should intellectuals make a distinc unless a counter-hegemonic project in which Barker partakes is coter tive contribution to the urgent "task emerges, local resistances are likely minous today with a perverse, even of analyzing globalization, alerting to be easily outflanked and, in any willful, forgetting of the centrality of our society to its real meaning, and case, very far from empha:sis upon the state and thus of the need to en working out and propagating a new such a project being inherently to gage with it. I consider this kind of post-capitalist social project"? This talitarian there is no good reason historical amnesia among Left intel is what Leys suggests. Or, should why counter-hegemony cannot be lectuals (as I will now demonstrate) they abandon a self-ascribed priv developed and sustained democrat to be an abdication of our role, and ileged perspective and rely on the ically. one I find increasingly morally rep "analysis, information, and moral rehensible. thought" offered by activist groups Equally important, however, is The Chilean case already engaged in countering the the fact that a more fine-grained effects of capitalist fundamentalism, sense of, precisely, the nature of I have studied the travails of popular as Barker suggests? Furthermore, hegemony might have led Barker to organizations in Chile, specifically without denying the negative dimen locate his own discussion of "the poor and working-class women's or sions of capitalist restructuring Leys local" a little differently. For the ganizations, for the past twelve highlights in his text, Barker sug primary question preceding Barker's years. The transformations these gests that markets are not at all bad own "crucial" question is one of who myriad local initiatives have under for democratic p~litics for they bring sets the rules and under what con gone have led me to wonder what people together in non-hierarchical ditions. This needs to be tackled, has happened to th:e activism which ways and get them talking. What's and I will seek to do so - cutting I, like Barker, found so promising needed is controlling the market, against the thrust of Barker's own from the point of view of democra and "even on an international scale analysis - through a discussion of tizing democracy. These last eight it is worth thinking about the ways the way in which grassroots initia years of civilian rule, with Pinochet market power can be balanced and tives and struggles in Chile have and the armed forces still hovering supervised by social and political been transformed into cultural re over the manacled democracy they controls." But who should do this sources for the neo-liberal state. As made possible, have witnessed sig thinking, and what form should it I shall show, this is another way nificant changes in the aims, and take? of critiquing the assumption, im the discourse of popular organiza Barker dismisses Leys' appeal to plicit in the celebration of the lo tions. In fact , the expertise of what he calls the "special Gramscian cal to which Barker subscribes, that "grassroots" activism and of the notion of hegemony," and counter "civil society" (taken to be a free supporting NGOs (with their cadre hegemony, as not only not useful standing realm) is what matters of "organic" intellectuals) - the un but also "totalitarian." For Barker, for understanding meaningful demo sung but oh so pivotal element in the notion of hegemony amounts to cratic possibilities. most, if not all, grassroots initia- Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 25 ______@®@~~@------~--- grams inviting inhabitants of poor communities (read here, as usual , mostly women) to participate in community self-development. This == transfer of expertise has also in volved the migration of "experts," both from NGOs and from the pop ular organizations themselves, into those government agencies and pri vate foundations (e.g., party and church-based) in charge of develop ing and implementing neo-liberal so cial policy agendas. Committed Left intellectuals engaged in action re search during the dictatorship, much of it funded by agencies from abroad, have found a new home in govern ment. So have mai)Y of their "foot soldiers": working-class people, pre dominantly women, who were al ways the direct link between these NGO professionals and their clients, the popular organizations. With the turn to civili an gov ernment, most international fund ing agencies and solidarity NGOs shifted the bulk of their funds to other "needier" parts of the globe - a story repeated in other coun tries of Latin America. Those funds still available are now channelled through the government with the ~~~~~~~fslij~ » purpose of strengthening "civil soci- ~ ety." Their real purpose, however, :::J is to make the model of capitalist ~~~~~, ~ accumulation imposed by Pinochet's ~::.z.;.;..!_~~F~\~;~~!!f:~~~.~~l!~~~~~.;;.l~ ~ dictatorship politically sustainable ...... ,...... ,.... ac _j As a result, many NGOs were shut clown, and those that survived did so tives which many of us insist on state protection of capital and sav by turning themselves into private rendering invisible or in collapsing age "fl exibilization" of labour - po corporations and consulting firms. with the grassroots - is being har litically sustainable. Similar trans Today they compete with each other nessed for projects which have lit formations are also taking place in to supply the government, and the tle to do with genuine autonomy the rest of Latin America's South private charity world, with techni and local democracy. Popular orga ern Cone, and I gather also in South cal expertise on topics ranging from nizing is contributing important re Africa, with parallels in other parts popular education, gender sensitive sources to what the government and of Africa and in Eastern Europe. international agencies for develop analysis, and innovative urban plan ning to community health. Others ment (e.g., the World Bank) and for A good example of this trans specialize in developing and evalu cooperation (e.g., solidarity NGOs) fer of capacity from grassroots orga ating government social programs, are doing with "the poor" in the nizing to the state is the new, in and yet others have become "exec names both of sustainable develop novative social programmes aiming utive agents" for many of the gov ment, and of decentralization and lo to "help the poor help themselves." ernment's newfangled, decentralized cal empowerment. It becomes, in These include a panoply of initia social programs. fact, part of a formula designed to tives including technical and finan make a profoundly inequitable eco cia.! support for micro-enterprises, Working-class people, mean nomic system - still premised on skills training, and a range of pro- while, are busily engaged in projects 26 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ______@@@~~@ ______ of "self-development," most of which a meaningful democracy, for empow values highly, depends on a series of they have to compete for from erment and autonomy, on the whole rules, regulations, permits, and fees an array of fondos concursables not resisting this appropriation of controlling who can use the space (competition-based funds), made their initiatives for other ends? to sell goods, when, and for how available by private foundations, lo What is clear to me from these much. These enabling structures cal governments, ministries, and so transformations underway in Chile (and the hegemonic framework they cial agencies. According to these is that the agencies and practices of provide) may tend to get lost from programs, "the poor" take respon neo-liberal states are deeply impli view (and from analysis) in the hus sibility for their own development cated in the constitution of a com tle and bustle of people going about by complementing with their free mon discursive framework, including their daily business, but must we labour the offer of funds made by the grammar which enables women also ignore them? It was Antonio various levels of government. This and men to talk and to struggle for Gramsci who reminded us that civil work takes many forms. Micro a better life. Whether or not peo society is inconceivable without the empresas (micro-enterprises), for ex ple "believe" the line about auton state, that civil society and the state ample, are very widespread. Vast omy and empowerment pushed by are two sides of the same coin, and numbers of people are making a go of private and public sector agencies that both are implicated in hege them, typically recruiting the whole peddling much needed resources, as monic projects. Their hegemony, or family, including children as young sistance, and work opportunities is ours? It is impossible to sweep that as five or six, and hiring friends and beside the point. The real point question aside. Today, perhaps more neighbours to help with the chores. is that, by and large, these new than at any other time in this twen Government-sponsored community terms of participation are not chang tieth century, Gramsci's culturally self-development projects are the ing the very material and cultural rich notion of hegemony is crucial most celebrated. Men and women contexts in which people's lives and to helping us grasp the magnitude are volunteering their free labour struggles are framed. To return to of the transformations afoot m our for projects designed to improve the Barker's image of markets, the very world. quality of life in their own neigh existence of such spaces, which he bourhoods: paving streets, creat ing green areas and soccer fields , and building community and day care centres. It goes without saying More than 200 titles that they have to manage these ac tivities on weeknights and weekends, to choose from! when they are not at work improv The most comprehensive subscription catalogue of ing the neighbourhoods of the better Canadian magazines is now available. Treat family, friends, off. co-workers or yourself to the latest information on everything from home decor to current affairs or indulge Why? yourself with any of our 48 literaries. The handy address What few people want to do when directory also makes it a useful reference tool for anyone talking about these changes taking who wants to know more about Canadian publications. place in Chile in the name of ''mod ernization" and s'elf-development, of To receive a copy of the catalogue, send in your complet ed coupon along with $5 (includes GST, shipping and autonomy and empowerment of the handling). We also accept VISA or MasterCard orders by poor, is to ask the question: Why? fax or phone. Why must poor communities sub sidize their own development while V: f Send me Great Canadian Magazines 1998. I others do not? Why is the govern 1 eS am enclosing mr cheque or credit card information ment, with the support of foreign • for $5 (GST. postage and handling are included). donors, and increasingly the World Name Bank, so keen on promoting so much Address effort in exchange for such meagre City Prov resources? Why are so many com mitted professionals, formerly of the Postal Code Telephone NGOs and presently engaged with 0 Cheque Enclosed 0 Visa 0 MasterCard the agencies of the state, so enthu # Expiry Date siastically supportive of these initia tives? And lastly, why are poor and Signature working-class people, who aimed so Thank you for subscribing! SAR high with their efforts to organize for Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 27 BEST: OF~HE ALTERNATIVE P.RESS Looking for an With over 25 years of journalistic ARTICHOKE is Western Canada's visual adventure in your experience, ALTERNATIVES is the arts magazine an d winner of the 1996 most wi dely-read environmental Western Magazine of the Year Award for magazine reading? journal in Canada. Thought-provoking editorial excellence. 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For over Insightful, informative, inspiring, THE COUNTRY CONNECTION winning magazine, providing an 30 years, CANADIAN DIMENSION has CANADIAN WOMAN STUDIES is an illuminates country life through heritage, alternative view on issues and events been a place where activists can debate indispensable resource for the feminist cultural, artistic, pro-nature and outdoor in Canada and the worl d. Essential issues, share information, reco unt our rea der. We publish material that bridges themes . Stories, maps and photography reading for activists interested in victories, eval uate our strategies for social academia arid grassroots activism . are dedicated to the restoration of natural politics, unions, the environment, change . Our pages are open to all Women's diverse voices from across ecosystems, the preservation of heritage women's rights and international progressive voices- debate makes the Canada are featured in each thematic bu ildings, and the nurturing of low affairs. We publish articles the movement stronger. issue. Upcoming : Women and Education, impact lifestyles. A great see-and-do guide mainstream media won't touch. And it makes fo r lively reading! Mothers and Daughters, and a 20th for nature lovers and rura l adventurers. Ten times a year. anniversary issue. Vegan friendly. FUSE MAGAZINE provides a door to GEIST is home to the Honourary Canadian You're going to love HERIZONS, the An indispensable news source and cutting-edge activities in the art and Awards, the Trans-Canada Phrase Book, Canadian feminist magazine that delivers Canada's foremost femin ist newspaper, cultural communities shaping our world. the Canadian Mall Writing Competition, the scoop on issues inside the Canadian KINESIS takes you where the dailies don 't Investigating why the work is being the Who the Hell is Peter Gzowski survey, women's movement today. The latest legal bother going . Through investigative produced, FUSE covers visual art, and the very best in story, picture, essay, rulings affecti ng women, provocative reports, timely interviews, cultural affairs performance, film/video, mu ltimedia and memoir, crossword, toon, and little-known interviews, health, new issues and and national/international news, KINESIS more. It explores the political aspects of fact. In print since 1990. "A publication debates. HERIZONS has it all. Plus satire, provides a fresh look at what women are art making and the ways art fits that is, in this country, inimitable." tons of reviews, an d plenty of news at a th inking- and doing - about their lives. into our lives! - Toronto Star glance . Join us. 28 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT ...... ,..:-..., ... .,.,...... , .. ,.~,.~u., ... :s-.,... "'"'~""'"'..,. --"~'"""',...""'' ~..,.,.,.,.,.,..~"""o<->0,.., 0.,.,... "'"'"""""""' News with an edge from Indian Country NATURAL LIFE is Canada's alternative Who's being exploited? How should we POV is Canada's cutting-edge magazine "' and traditional knowledge from the newsmagazine- in print and on the live? Who will save the Earth? Find out on the culture, politics, art and business source. The award-winning magazine THE Internet at (; order, please: •~ ~~~~your • : 1 I Indicate the magazlne(s) you wish to receive. • Alternatives Artichoke • Briarpatch Economic crisis sweeps Asia. General Each issue of SUB-TERRAIN is a • Canadian Woman Studies strikes challenge the cuts in Ontario. stimulating fusion of fiction, poetry, • Canadian Dimension Country Connection Unemployed workers demonstrate in commentary and visual art from Canada • Fuse Geist Herizons Paris. The world has become a terrain of and abroad . Voted one of the two "Best • Kinesis Natural Ute The Nation crisis and struggle. 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And you get its world readership and representation, • only (no orders), e-mail [email protected] or award-winning investigative journalism and grou nd-breaking research on women's • that the mainstream won't touch. glo bal and community realities. • fax:(604) 875-1403. • ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 29 0 ------~~®\Wn®ww~ ------Faith, Hope and Clarity The History of TCCR A REVIEW BY LINDA Pratt's account of the Task FREEMAN force 's experience has rightly been called "a primer for others wish Linda Freeman is the author of the ing to engage in similar strug recent bestseller, The Ambiguous gles." She was centrally placed Champion: Canada and South to write the history, a. task she Africa in the Trudeau and Mulroney took on with a "sense of grati Years. tude" that she had lived to see the Renate Pratt. In Good Faith day that Mandela walked free. - Canadian Churches Against Her active engagement began Apartheid. Waterloo: Wilfrid in the early 1970s with her con Laurier Press for the Canadian tribution to a. YWCA of Canada Corporation for Studies in Reli study of Canadian economic links gion, 1997, xii and 366 pp. ISBN with South Africa, Investment in 0-88920-280-X Oppression. Two years later she Some of the finest memories of the began an eleven year stint a.s the anti-apartheid struggle in Can first coordinator of TCCR. ada come from the Taskforce It is no exaggeration to say on the Churches and Corporate that the detailed primary research Responsibility (TCCR). Year in which she helped co-ordinate on and year out, Renate Pratt, Bill the Canadian state as well as Davis, Moira Hutchinson, and private sector activity in South a range of church and other Africa. provided a treasure trove leaders braved annual meetings second to none for the anti of Canadian banks and corpora apartheid movement, the press tions, pressing the case for dis and even, at times, for the investment or a halt to loans in ment in the struggle against apart Canadian government to draw upon. the face of abuse, condescension and heid. In particular, a second church The richness of In Good Faith ridicule. coalition, the Inter-Church Coali also lies in the detail - the accounts tion on Africa (ICCAF) also liaised of private encounters with corporate It was the persistence that was closely with African churches and executives which varied "between awesome; this ecumenical coali conducted broad development edu tense hostility and condescending tion (which included the Angli cation work on this issue in Canada. bonhomie"; and the meeting upon can, Catholic, Lutheran, Presby tedious meeting with officials from terian and United churches) kept However, a third church or the Department of External Affairs. coming back. Indeed, the impor ganization, the Confederation of Her deconstruction of the ap tance of maintaining church com Church and Business People, was on proach in Ottawa is devastating. mitment "even through periods of the other side. Composed largely With a few exceptions, government public disinterest, government indif of senior business and even some officials knew less about sanctions ference and corporate hostility" is church leaders, the Confederation and South Africa than Taskforce one of the lessons for social action was established in 1977 to neutral representatives, and tried to fob from Renate Pratt's In Good Faith - ize TCCR. It claimed that Taskforce them off with evasive, misleading, Canadian Churches Against Apart activities were not representative of poorly-researched and contradictory heid. mainstream church views. There responses. Indeed, for a brief period fore, the Taskforce was scrupulous to in 1985, the Mulroney government A slight demur on the title: this confine its initiatives to those man looked to the Taskforce, rather than study focuses exclusively on TCCR, dated by its member churches, so to its own officials, for detailed pro and leaves out the broader spec as not to be dismissed as fringe ac posals when policy on South Africa trum of Canadian church involve- tivists. began to change. 30 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT 0 ------~®wn®~~------ TCCR's prominence meant that the private sector and white liberals for sanctions "an indulgence in from time to time, it became th~ in South Africa was fundamental self-righteousness." After popular recipient of intelligence from inside· in motivating the decision of the struggle, she concludes, "economic the state - with government doc Mulroney .government to impose sanctions were the most important uments arriving anonymously and sanctwns, JUst as their subsequent reason why that resistance led to the a source close to the Privy Coun retreat on reform moved Mulroney negotiations that ended apartheid." cil Office offering a private brief to stall on sanctions from 1987 on. While there is no question ing. However, its most impor that sanctions played their part tant sources, by far, came from its Once the South African state regained control in the mid-1980s in raising the cost of apartheid, close links with Canadian churches, the fundamental structural crisis their South African counterparts, bullying white "reformers" bacl~ into line, Pratt's Privy Council within apartheid itself, its sheer and with South Africa's black ma unworkability, must be factored in jority. source confirmed that the Canadian state became extremely pessimistic along with the fiscal crisis of th~ In terms of the last, it added about change, envisaging a long and South African state, changes in the greatly to have a young woman bloody struggle ahead. region , the en d of the Cold War, and from South Africa's Crossroads the transformation of the state and settlement drop into the Taskforce However, at this point, no-one in National Party under de Klerk . offi ce to describe the way Massey senior policy-making circles in Can ada was prepared to follow through However, this is small stuff Ferguson bulldozers levelled her compared to my general respect squatter camp. South African and on the logic of sanctions or to ally wholeheartedly with the black ma and admiration for the Taskforce's Namibian workers affected directly activity and now its record. It by Canadian companies joined the jority. Although Mulroney had promised in 1985 that, unless the is somehow a fitting, if perverse Taskforce in meetings with the tribute that the Liberal government Canadian private sector. Pratt apartheid state began to reform, Canada would impose total eco would not include Renate Pratt on herself visited South Africa in the Canadian team to observe the J anuary 1986 as a member of nomic and diplomatic sanctions, the reality was that his government 1994 elections which formally ended a church delegation under the the apartheid state. sponsorship of the Southern African stopped further action once things Catholics Bishops' Conference. became worse. Finally, one is left with some sad ness that the Taskforce's commit No .wonder the Taskforce came This understanding of the polit ical analysis behind shifts in the of ment to the struggle of the South up with such a different analysis African majority ended with the col than the Canadian government and ficial approach in Ottawa on South ~ apse of apartheid. For many, life private sector who relied, for far Africa is a useful addition to the range of other forces - both external m South Afnca became more dan too long, on the white elite in gerous in the transition, and the South Africa as their sources of and internal - which came to bear as the policy evolved . post-1994 years have not been easy. information. While the struggle for economic and Indeed, this account pulls out Indeed , there is little within this social rights is a much more complex and emphasizes the significance, for study with which to disagree. At phenomenon than the struggle for Mulroney's South Africa policy, of the end, perhaps, Pratt overstates basic civ il and political rights who changing reformist inclinations in the case in her desire to have is better placed than the churches to South Africa's white community. In the last word with those who take it on? Pratt's view, the call for reform by had found the Taskforce's campaign " ... a ringing account of how one group in Canada In Good Faith struggled to galvanise Canadian public opinion to Canadian Churches pressure business and government to take a moral Against Apartheid stand against apartheid." - from the Preface by Renate Pratt The Most Reverend Desmond M. Tutu Comparative Ethics, Volume 4 Paper $29.95 • ISBN o-8892o-2BO·X "A significant recent contribution, Renate Pratt's In Wilfrid Laurier University Good Faith ... describes how the Task Force on Press ~hurches and Corporate Responsibility used ethical mvestment strategies to help bring about the end of ~ apartheid in South Africa." -Globe & Mail Te~e : 519-884.0710 ext 6124 • Fax : 519·725·1 399 Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 31 0 ------~®\Wn®ww~------Under the Tongue A New Novel from Zimbabwe A REVIEW BY JULIE CAIRNIE Julie Cairnie, whose doctoral thesis is titled 'Imperialists in Broken Boots': Poor Whites and Philanthropy in Southern African Life Writing, studies in the English Department at Toronto's York University. Yvonne Vera. Under the Tongue. Harare: Baobab Books, 1996. 113 pp. ISBN 0-908311-93-1 In October 1997 I travelled by bus from Johannesburg, where I was doing doctoral research, to Bulawayo, where I would visit an old friend from university. This would be my first time in Zimbabwe since 1989, when I taught English in Mutorashanga, a chrome mining community north of Harare. It would also be the first time I had seen Yvonne Vera since she left Canada in 1995. Yvonne is currently director of the National Gallery of Zimbabwe in Bulawayo and, most recently, recipient of the Commonwealth Writers' Prize for Best Book in the Africa Region. The book which won her such acclaim is Under the Tongue, her fourth and most compelling book to date. I looked forward to reaching my destination, to hearing Yvonne's reflections on these exciting changes in her life. Little did I know that the bus journey would be not only a memorable experience in itself, but that it would prepare me to read Yvonne's innovative and daring book. The bus passengers were a. microcosm of Southern African society in the 1990s: there were two white women, a mother and a. daughter, anxious to return home in time to join their bridge club; a migrant worker and his family from Durban following the promise of a job in the mines across the border; several Zimbabweans returning from shopping trips in South Africa.; laughed during different segments especially, by the depth of some a few South Africans en route to of "Addams Family Values," the of our conversations. Victoria Falls; and me, a foreign film our hostess played for our As soon as I sat down a soli scholar doing research in Southern entertainment), I was struck by tary man from Kimberley, on Africa. While we were a diverse our comraderie when confronted his way to the Falls, tapped me group (a diversity highlighted when we with border bureaucracy, and, on the shoulder. "Are you a 32 august 1998 Southern Africa REPORT 0 ------~®\W n ®ww~ ------tourist?," he inquired. I replied that by her father. The book conveys Conditions. Both are written I was travelling to Bulawayo to visit emotional depth rather than action, by young, educated Zimbabwean a friend and that I was in the region and this is largely what makes women, and both fo cus on the psy doing research for my dissertation on it such a challenging read. The chology of young women in a tran Southern African literature. "Ah," reader is invited to immerse herself sitional period, personal and politi he exclaimed, "I prefer literature in Zhizha's emotional experience, cal. Yvonne, however, eschews the to fiction." Intrigued, I asked an unpleasant immersion given that conventions of realism in favour of him to explain the difference. He Zhizha is struggling towards an the subtlety of lyricism. Although J told me that "literature encourages articulation of her rape. At Zhizha moves towards voice, that you to think; fiction doesn't expect least one critic has expressed anger voice is cracked, fissured; there is, you to think at all." While towards the writer for drawing the book makes clear, no way of his distinction seemed somewhat him into such a horror story. matching exactly the experience of elitist (he used canonical European There is no room for readerly incest to language. In this respect, texts as examples of literature), passivity or objectivity in Under Under the Tongue most closely re his emphasis on thinking, with the Tongue; complete emotional sembles the works of Dambudzo the expectation of intellectual and involvement is required. The Marechera. Marechera, who died in emotional effort on the part of the grandmother, however, provides 1987, defies authority in his writing reader, resonated when I came to balance, helps Zhizha, and the - the authority of realism, the au read Under the Tongue. But that reader, cope with the horrifying thority of political regimes. And, was still in the future. discovery of incest. Zhizha learns like Yvonne, he challenges taboos, After fifteen hours of travel and that she is not alone. quite often sexual taboos. The dif border inspection, we finally arrived Relationships between women ference, however, is that Yvonne is in Bulawayo. I remembered, then, are presented as healing relation primarily concerned with women - the wide avenues and blooming ships, while relationships between throughout her oeuvre - and is far j acarandas which characterize that women and men are often abu more interested in establishing com small, neat city. I remembered, sive. Zhizha is not the only vic munity, in being responsible to a too, Yvonne's penchant for striking tim of male violence: grandmother community of readers, than the dis colours when I spotted her at the is cruelly taunted by grandfather for turbingly solipsistic Marechera. bus stop, dressed in vibrant pinks failing to produce a healthy male Under the Tongue redefines re and purples. Her hair was different: child and Zhizha's mother is im lationships - between grandmother she now wears it in dreads - prisoned for murdering her daugh and granddaughter, between writer particularly unusual for a woman in ter's rapist. The book proposes and reader - to include reciprocal sleepy, conservative Bulawayo. Our that language and communication ity, exchange. Many readers of the greeting was prolonged, the greeting facilitate healing from such violence. book describe the experience of be of friends eager to communicate a It revises Freud's "talking therapy" two years' absence. Over the next to include reciprocality, particularly ing pulled in, of being forced into a relationship with Zhizha and her few days Yvonne took me to places between women: grandmother, for that meant a great deal to her: the example, tells her life story to en grandmother. This experience mir gallery where she works, Matopos, able Zhizha to tell her own life rors Zhizha's own experience of find ing her voice with the help of her and, perhaps most importantly, story. Furthermore, this healing her grandmothei·'s house in the is not solely personal, but politi grandmother. The writer manages township. Yvonne is close to her cal as well. In the end, the reader to make readers think, to process grandmother, and I appreciated the learns, Zhizha's abuse occurred at emotional and intellectual experi depth of her gesture to bring us the moment of Zimbabwe's indepen ence, a requisite for (good) litera together. Neither of us spoke the dence from Britain. There is an ture according to the man on the other's language, but we managed implicit correspondence between a bus. Yvonne does not speak ex to communicate through Yvonne. broken personal promise, the im clusively to an educated audience, Relationships - chosen and familial, plicit promise that a parent will care but she does have high expectations and especially between women - are for a child, and a broken political for her readers. They, like Zhizha, have to work hard to discover mean central to Yvonne's life and to her promise, the promise of something most recent novel. better after the demise of the colo ing in relationships, in language, and in broken promises. And, again Under the Tongue is the story nial regime. like Zhizha, Yvonne finds her own of how young Zhizha finds her While making\ its own unique voice in Under the Tongue, a voice voice and reckons with her past. contribution, Under the Tongue fits which promises to be with readers The plot is simple: Zhizha is into a pattern of Zimbabwean writ ing. It is tempting to draw com of Southern African literature for a reticent, until her grandmother's long time. love and compassion enables her to parisons between Yvonne's novel divulge that she has been raped and Tsitsi Dangarembga's Nervous Southern Africa REPORT august 1998 33 /~ lobal corporations are the \./1 main beneficiaries of the trade agreements being negotiated by our government today. • MAl (Multilateral Agreement on Investment) • APEC (Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation) • FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas) All are driven by a narrow trade and investment agenda. They are strong on corporate rights but show a marked deficit when it comes to labour, environment and social protections. hat can we do to make sure these trade agreements include our agenda? WGet informed! Become active in organizations fighting to put labour, environment and social rights on the negotiating table. There are alternatives to competitive globalization. ''Wr/ dYr/ umvin~cl thdt thr/ AMr/Yic...d~ dor/~ not n~d fYr/r/ fvddr/. It n~d~ fdiY fydclr/, Yr/gldtr/d inv~trYtf/nt dnd d c...on~c...iov~ c...on~VrYir/Y ~fydtr/5--~· ··'' Final Declaration, Peoples Summit of the Americas Santiago, Chile, April 1998 Steelworkers Humanity Fund 234 Eglinton Avenue East , Toronto, ONT M4P 1K7 phone: (416) 487-1571 fax: (416) 487-1473 email: [email protected]