Hubris Syndrome’{ Gerald Russell1
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RIDDLE, MYSTERY and ENIGMA[1]
ADVANCE INFORMATION SHEET / HAUS PUBLISHING RIDDLE, MYSTERY, AND ENIGMA Two Hundred Years of British-Russian Relations DAVID OWEN £20 18 October 2021 History ISBN 978-1-913368-39-5 Hardback | Royal, 234x153mm | 304 pp • Former Foreign Secretary David Owen has written widely on diplomatic history and geopolitics. Henry Kissinger described his book on the diplomatic prelude to the First World War, The Hidden Perspective, as ‘essential reading for contemporary statesmen’. • The book comes at a time when relations between Putin’s Russia and Britain are at a historic low, after the Salisbury poisoning and as Russia seeks to reassert its power on the world stage. • Exploring military, geopolitical, and diplomatic history, Riddle, Mystery, and Enigma is the first full account of the historical relationship between Britain and Russia. Britain’s relationship with the giant on the edge of the continent, Russia, are surprisingly under explored. In a panorama spanning two hundred years, former foreign secretary David Owen reveals how relations between the two countries have ebbed and flowed – and why they have seemingly reached a new low in recent years. When the two countries formed a cautiously pragmatic alliance with the French and fought alongside one another at Navarino in 1827 – a battle that ultimately swung the balance of the Greek War of Independence – it was overwhelmingly the work of one man: the prime minister, George Canning. His death shortly before the battle brought about a volte-face that would see the countries fight on opposing sides in the Crimea and marked a freeze in relations as the countries jostled for power during the decades of the Great Game. -
Sir Alan Campbell Interviewed by Jane Barder 19/1/96 Typed by Jeremy Wiltshire 10/6/96
Contents of interview Entry to Foreign Office, 1946. p 2 Service under Lord Killearn, Singapore; marriage, 1947-48. pp 2-4 Private Secretary to PUS William Strang, 1950-53. pp 5-6 Head of Chancery, Rome, 1952-55: Trieste problem; pp 6-8 Communist threat. Head of Chancery, Peking, 1955-57: role of Head of Chancery; pp 8-12 relations with Chinese; recognition problem; anti-British demonstrations at time of Suez; schooling of children. Imperial Defence College, 1958. pp 12-13 News Department, 1958-60; comments on Selwyn Lloyd, pp 13-17 Hoyer-Millar, Macmillan and aftermath of Suez. Counsellor and Head of Chancery, New York (UN), 1961-65; pp 17-23 death of Hammarskjold; anti-Imperialist feeling; Lord Caradon (political appointees to diplomatic posts). Comments on Alec Douglas-Home. p 23 Western European Department at FO, 1965-67. pp 23-24 Counsellor and Head of Chancery, Paris, 1967-69; appointment pp 24-25 to post; EEC. Ambassador to Addis Ababa, 1969-72; Haile Selassie; Idi Amin; pp 25-28 growth of sedition in Ethiopia. Deputy Under-Secretary, FO, 1974-76; effective “Political pp 28-32 Director”; foreign policy talks with other EEC members; commercial competition with EEC states; co-ordination of EEC foreign policy. Concluding comments on: international civil servants; women pp 32-35 in diplomatic service; merger of CRO and FO; spending cuts in late 1970’s; David Owen as Foreign Secretary. 1 Sir Alan Campbell Interviewed by Jane Barder 19/1/96 Typed by Jeremy Wiltshire 10/6/96 An interview between Sir Alan Campbell and Jane Barder, at his flat in London. -
Public Inquiries and the Limits of Justice in Northern Ireland
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 26, Issue 4 2002 Article 10 The Government of Memory: Public Inquiries and the Limits of Justice in Northern Ireland Angela Hegarty∗ ∗ Copyright c 2002 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj The Government of Memory: Public Inquiries and the Limits of Justice in Northern Ireland Angela Hegarty Abstract The purpose of this Article is to examine the exercise and the usefulness of the public inquiry model, in the Northern Ireland conflict. This Article examines its role as both an accountability mechanism and a truth process, and in doing so I consider the proposition that public inquiries are employed by governments not as a tool to find truth and establish accountability for human rights violations, but as a way of deflecting criticism and avoiding blame. THE GOVERNMENT OF MEMORY: PUBLIC INQUIRIES AND THE LIMITS OF JUSTICE IN NORTHERN IRELAND Angela Hegarty* INTRODUCTION That States commit violations of human rights is an undeni- able, if much denied, truth. These violations are often not offi- cially acknowledged until some time after they have been carried out, and the complete account of such violations may not emerge until the regime responsible has been removed from power. The events and the acts complained of are often denied by the State responsible until it is obliged, sometimes as a result of a political settlement, to submit to an investigation. Much of the dialogue about how to address such violations has therefore been in the context of transitional justice or of societies emerg- ing from conflict. -
Individual Responsibility of Ministers: an Outline of the Issues
The Individual Responsibility of Ministers: An Outline of the Issues Research Paper 96/27 21 February 1996 The individual responsibility of ministers is a vital aspect of accountable and democratic Parliamentary government, yet it is a 'convention' which is difficult to define with certainty and which, to a large degree, depends on the circumstances of each individual case. This Paper seeks to explore, in general terms, the subject as a whole and several interesting examples from the era of Crichel Down in 1954 onwards to illustrate the issue. It does not seek to provide a comprehensive analysis of ministerial responsibility (including collective responsibility) or Parliamentary accountability. Barry K Winetrobe Janet Seaton Home Affairs Section Reference and Reader Services Section House of Commons Library Summary Individual ministerial responsibility is an important if complex constitutional issue. It is often described as a constitutional convention, and this Paper examines its nature in that context, and in relation to collective responsibility and in the light of developments such as the growth of select committees, the development of Next Steps agencies and quangos, and the publication in 1992 of Questions of procedure for Ministers. The nature of individual responsibility in action is described briefly, including aspects short of a ministerial resignation or dismissal. The interesting, if short, debate on ministerial responsibility on 12 February 1996 is considered. A number of modern examples of situations where individual responsibility could be said to have arisen are examined, purely to illustrate various aspects of the 'convention'. It is not intended to be a comprehensive list. It covers significant episodes such as Crichel Down in 1954 (in which Sir David Maxwell Fyfe set out what is often regarded as the classic statement of the traditional doctrine), the Falklands (1982) and Westland (1986), and includes instances where resignation demands were successfully restricted such as Court Line (1975) and the Maze Prison escape (1983). -
Austerity, Affluence and Discontent: Britain, 1951-1979
Austerity, Affluence and Discontent: britain, 1951-1979 Part 5: “The civilised society” - changing attitudes to authority in the 1950s and 1960s Source 1: Striking workers at the British Leyland car plant, Oxford, in the 1970s 2 Austerity, Affluence and Discontent 1951-1979: Part 5 Did the UK become a more ‘permissive society’ during the 1950s and 1960s? Attitudes towards authority The 1968 film If… showed the strict and traditional workings of a boys’ boarding school. Unlike earlier films which used this as the setting for a story about how great the UK had been in the past, the film’s director Lindsay Anderson intended to convey a different message. The climax of the film features a rebel group of boys attacking the school’s Founder’s Day assembly with machine guns and hand grenades. This reflects a change in people’s attitudes towards the elite who ran the country during the 1950s and 1960s – many stopped taking their leaders so seriously and began to question whether or not they were making the right decisions for the people of the UK. 1) What was ‘The Establishment’? ‘The Establishment’ were the privileged elite in UK society who shared similar public school backgrounds or went to Oxbridge. This was sometimes called the ‘old school tie’ network. They were the aristocracy, barristers and High Court judges, high-ranking civil servants and diplomats, Anglican bishops and officers in the Armed Forces. Members of this elite group dominated the Conservative governments of the 1950s and 1960s. Harold Macmillan’s Cabinet included six titled aristocrats and Alec Douglas-Home’s Cabinet had ten Etonians, and out of twenty-three ministers, only three had not been to a public school.1 The old class system based on wealth and inherited titles, defending old-fashioned ideas like imperialism or the importance of the arts rather than science and technology, seemed much less relevant to the UK in the 1950s. -
Eu Social Market and Social Policy
EU SOCIAL MARKET AND SOCIAL POLICY The SMF at twenty -one Rt Hon Lord Owen CH Copyright © Social Market Foundation, 2010 EU SOCIAL MARKET AND SOCIAL POLICY The SMF at twenty -one Rt Hon Lord Owen CH FIRST PUBLISHED BY The Social Market Foundation, March 2010 11 Tufton Street, London SW1P 3QB Copyright © The Social Market Foundation, 2010 The moral right of the authors has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. THE SOCIAL MARKET FOUNDATION The Foundation’s main activity is to commission and publish original papers by independent academic and other experts on key topics in the economic and social fields, with a view to stimulating public discussion on the performance of markets and the social framework within which they operate. The Foundation is a registered charity and a company limited by guarantee. It is independent of any political party or group and is financed by the sale of publications and by voluntary donations from individuals, organisations and companies. The views expressed in publications are those of the authors and do not represent a corporate opinion of the Foundation. CHAIRMAN David Lipsey (Lord Lipsey of Tooting Bec) DIRECTOR Ian Mulheirn MEMB ERS OF THE BOARD Viscount (Tom) Chandos Gavyn Davies Daniel Franklin Martin Ivens Graham Mather Brian Pomeroy ABOUT THE AUTHOR RT HON LORD OWEN CH David Owen was a Member of Parliament for 26 years from 1966-92. -
Members of Parliament Disqualified Since 1900 This Document Provides Information About Members of Parliament Who Have Been Disqu
Members of Parliament Disqualified since 1900 This document provides information about Members of Parliament who have been disqualified since 1900. It is impossible to provide an entirely exhaustive list, as in many cases, the disqualification of a Member is not directly recorded in the Journal. For example, in the case of Members being appointed 5 to an office of profit under the Crown, it has only recently become practice to record the appointment of a Member to such an office in the Journal. Prior to this, disqualification can only be inferred from the writ moved for the resulting by-election. It is possible that in some circumstances, an election could have occurred before the writ was moved, in which case there would be no record from which to infer the disqualification, however this is likely to have been a rare occurrence. This list is based on 10 the writs issued following disqualification and the reason given, such as appointments to an office of profit under the Crown; appointments to judicial office; election court rulings and expulsion. Appointment of a Member to an office of profit under the Crown in the Chiltern Hundreds or the Manor of Northstead is a device used to allow Members to resign their seats, as it is not possible to simply resign as a Member of Parliament, once elected. This is by far the most common means of 15 disqualification. There are a number of Members disqualified in the early part of the twentieth century for taking up Ministerial Office. Until the passage of the Re-Election of Ministers Act 1919, Members appointed to Ministerial Offices were disqualified and had to seek re-election. -
John Profumo
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1 the Afluent Society, 1951–1964
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-57308-6 — A/AS Level History for AQA The Making of Modern Britain, 1951–2007 Student Book David Dutton , Lucien Jenkins , Richard Kerridge , Edited by Michael Fordham , David Smith Excerpt More Information PART 1: BUILDING A NEW BRITAIN, 1951–1979 1 The Afluent Society, 1951–1964 In this section we will study the developing afluence of British society between 1951 and 1964. We will look into: • Conservative governments and reasons for their political dominance: Churchill, Eden, Macmillan and Douglas-Home as political leaders; domestic policies; internal Labour divisions; reasons for Conservatives’ fall from power. • Economic developments: post-war boom; balance of payments issues and ‘stop- go’ policies. • Social developments: rising living standards; the impact of afluence and consumerism; changing social attitudes and tensions; class and ‘the Establishment’; the position of women; attitudes to immigration; racial violence; the emergence of the 'teenager' and youth culture. • Foreign relations: EFTA and attempts to join the EEC; relations with, and policies towards, USA and USSR; debates over the nuclear deterrent; Korean War; Suez; the ‘Winds of Change’ and decolonisation. 1 © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-57308-6 — A/AS Level History for AQA The Making of Modern Britain, 1951–2007 Student Book David Dutton , Lucien Jenkins , Richard Kerridge , Edited by Michael Fordham , David Smith Excerpt More Information A/AS Level History for AQA: The Making of Modern Britain, 1951–2007 Conservative governments and reasons for political dominance Churchill, Eden, Macmillan and Douglas-Home as political leaders Electoral Politics ACTIVITY 1.1 At first sight the general election of October 1951 ofered a slender foundation for 13 years of Conservative rule. -
A Glider Pilot Bold... Wally Kahn a Glider Pilot Bold
A Glider Pilot Bold.. f ttom % fRfltng liBttattg of A Glider Pilot Bold... Wally Kahn A Glider Pilot Bold... Wally Kahn First edition published by Jardine Publishers 1998 Second edition published by Airplan Flight Equipment Ltd Copyright ©2008 Third edition published by Walter Kahn 2011 Copyright ©WALTER KAHN (1998 & 2008) and Airplan Flight Equipment (2008) WALTER KAHN 2011 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher, except by a reviewer who wishes to quote brief passages in connection with a review written for inclusion in a newspaper, magazine, or radio or television broadcast. Every effort has been made by the author and the publishers to trace owners of copyright material. The events described have been cross-checked wherever possible and the author apologises for any errors or omissions which may have arisen. Cover photograph courtesy Neil Lawson. White Planes Co A Glider Pilot Bold... 1st Edition original cover Contents Another bite of the cherry .................................................................................9 Chapter 1 The early days and Oerlinghausen ..........................................15 Chapter 2 More Oerlinghausen.................................................................19 Chapter 3 Mindeheide and Scharfholdendorf ...........................................29 Chapter 4 Dunstable and Redhill -
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Over the past decade, relations among the major powers have deteriorated, while strategic risks and mistrust among nuclear powers have increased. Key factors have been the near-total erosion of arms control, and new complexities and risks arising within nuclear and strategic conventional modernisation, including the imminent arrival of artificial intelligence and machine learning in the military-strategic domain. These developments, and the fiftieth anniversary of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty’s entry-into-force, are stark reminders of the risks stemming from nuclear weapons. Meanwhile, the Covid-19 pandemic has shown the need for more international cooperation to recover from the global health crisis, as states continue to place blame on each other’s lack of transparency or belated decisions. In the run-up to the tenth NPT review conference, the P5 states (China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, the United States), have stopped short of delivering nuclear reductions. Both the P5 and non-nuclear-weapon states have a joint obligation to move towards disarmament under NPT Article VI. The progress that the P5 have made on Article VI has slowed in part due to persisting mistrust about each other’s intentions, stemming from allegations of non- compliance with arms control agreements and claims that the nuclear force modernisations of some states contradict their rhetoric. As a result, nuclear-weapon states have hardened their nuclear postures in response to threat perception instead of cutting arsenals. At this critical time, therefore, we call upon the P5 states to reduce nuclear weapons risks through several concrete measures. Committing to a regular, sustained and open-ended P5 dialogue on strategic risk reduction through a dedicated working group could be the first step towards concerted efforts to this end by the established nuclear powers. -
An Affair of State: the Profumo Case And
Also by Phillip Knightley THE SECOND OLDEST PROFESSION AN AFFAIR The Spy as Bureaucrat, Patriot, Fantasist and Whore THE FIRST CASUALTY From the Crimea to Vietnam, OF STATE the War Correspondent as Hero, Propagandist and Myth-maker THE PROFUMO CASE THE VESTEY AFFAIR AND THE THE DEATH OF VENICE FRAMING- OF STEPHEN WARD (co-author) SUFFER THE CHILDREN The Story of Thalidomide (co-author) Phillip Knightley THE SECRET LIVES OF LAWRENCE OF ARABIA and (co-author) Caroline Kennedy PHILBY THE SPY WHO BETRAYED A GENERATION (co-author) JONATHAN CAPE THIRTY-TWO BEDFORD SQUARE LONDON CONTENTS For Elisar, Mayumi, Jasmine, Aliya, Marisa and Kim - Introduction and for Stephen Ward Acknowledgments Scandal in High Places 2 The Crusading Osteopath 3 Ward Cracks the Social Scene 4 A Magnet for Girls 5 A Rising Star in the Tory Party 33 6 The Waif and the Crooked Businessman 37 7 Delightful Days at Cliveden 46 8 The Promiscuous Showgirl 53 9 Living Together 58 to The Artist and the Royals 61 I Enter Ivanov, Soviet Spy 67 12 Mandy and Christine Run Riot 78 13 Astor's Summer Swimming Party 84 14 Playing International Politics 90 15 Wigg Seeks Revenge 93 16 The FBI and the London Call Girl 97 First published 1987 17 The New York Caper Too Copyright © 1987 by Phillip Knightley and Caroline Kennedy 18 Cooling the Cuban Missile Crisis 1os Jonathan Cape Ltd, 32 Bedford Square, London acts JEL 19 Problems with Profumo 113 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data 20 A Knife Fight in Soho 117 21 A Shooting in Marylebone 121 Knightley, Phillip An affair of state: the Profumo case and zz Ward Stops the Presses 129 the framing of Stephen Ward 23 The Police Show Interest 138 1.