Balkanologie, Vol. XIII, N° 1-2 | 2011 from Stratum Culture to National Culture : Integration Processes and National
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Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires Vol. XIII, n° 1-2 | 2011 Volume XIII Numéro 1-2 From Stratum Culture to National Culture : Integration Processes and National Resignification in 19th century Plovdiv Andreas Lyberatos Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/balkanologie/2274 DOI : 10.4000/balkanologie.2274 ISSN : 1965-0582 Éditeur Association française d'études sur les Balkans (Afebalk) Référence électronique Andreas Lyberatos, « From Stratum Culture to National Culture : Integration Processes and National Resignification in 19th century Plovdiv », Balkanologie [En ligne], Vol. XIII, n° 1-2 | 2011, mis en ligne le 09 janvier 2012, consulté le 17 décembre 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/balkanologie/ 2274 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/balkanologie.2274 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 17 décembre 2020. © Tous droits réservés From Stratum Culture to National Culture : Integration Processes and National... 1 From Stratum Culture to National Culture : Integration Processes and National Resignification in 19th century Plovdiv Andreas Lyberatos 1 In April 1850, a group of notables of Bulgarian descent addressed a letter to the Orthodox archbishop and their fellow Orthodox citizens of Plovdiv (in Greek Philippoupolis, in Turkish Filibe) demanding the introduction of the teaching of Bulgarian language in the central high school of the city. Bulgarian was the language spoken by the overwhelming majority of the rural Orthodox population of Plovdiv’s hinterland and its teaching was, they argued, equally important to that of Ottoman Turkish (the language of the administration) and certainly more important than that of French, the two languages specially taught in the high school apart of Greek, the main language of instruction. On the one hand, as they argumented, the Greek-speaking inhabitants of a city « lively because of its trade » would benefit greatly from the knowledge of Bulgarian in their commercial contacts with the hinterland. On the other, the notables of the prospering Bulgarian villages of the countryside would be content to send their children to nearby Plovdiv to learn their Slavic language, instead of sending them abroad, where they would spend much more money and run the danger to have their mores “changed” and become “alien” to their fatherland1. While the latter, political part of the argument, alluding to the increasing Russian influence among the Ottoman Slavs, points to the importance and international dimensions of a matter that seemed at first place a local one, the former, economic part of it, points to the dynamics of regional integration which provided the ground for this remarkable claim for cultural integration between the city of Plovdiv and its countryside. 2 Integration processes lie at the heart of Norbert Elias’s nonfunctionalist and nonteleological conception of nation-state formation2. These processes do not usually run smoothly and untroubled ; neither have a guaranteed integrative outcome. The Balkanologie, Vol. XIII, n° 1-2 | 2011 From Stratum Culture to National Culture : Integration Processes and National... 2 spurts, Elias argued, towards greater interdependence, towards closer integration of human groups previously independent or less dependent, normally run « through a series of integration tensions and conflicts, of balance of power struggles which are not accidental but structural concomitants of these spurts »3. The letter of the Bulgarian notables referred to one of those integration conflicts, albeit one with an adverse, disintegrative outcome. Their demand was declined by the majority of the Greek- speaking notables of Plovdiv and they consequently decided to establish the first Bulgarian high school in the city, a major urban centre of northern Thrace. The establishment of the new school was, in turn, the first serious step towards the break- up of the Orthodox community of Plovdiv along national lines effected a decade later (1861) after a protracted and violent struggle concerning the introduction of the Bulgarian language in divine liturgy and the control of the city’s churches by the rival national parties4. Its significance, moreover, transcended the local level, as it occasioned the first public confrontation, in the pages of the Constantinople press, between the two rival Balkan nationalist discourses. 3 The temporal priority of this episode within the overall Greek-Bulgarian nationalist rivalry in the Ottoman Balkans constitutes an adequate — but not the only one — reason to examine it more closely. Several of its features give it the appearance of a matrix of this rivalry ; features related not only to its political and cultural parameters but also to the integration processes noted above which enabled it. Therefore, before proceeding to the analysis of this model discursive clash, before meeting its agents, unravelling their arguments and following the reception they found, we will briefly sketch the social prehistory of the conflict. The reversal of integration dynamics 4 The transformation of the city of Filibe (Plovdiv) from a medium-sized provincial town, heavily dependent on its fertile agricultural hinterland, as travelers depict it during the first centuries of Ottoman rule5, to one of the most significant manufacturing and commercial centers of the Ottoman Balkans in the 18th and early 19 th centuries was related to the dynamic osmosis of long-distance trade and local woolen cloth manufacturing6. The expansion of trade between the Ottoman lands and Central Europe during the 18th century benefited considerably to cities such as the ancient Philippoupolis, situated on the Roman Via Militaris, the main axis connecting Istanbul to Sofia, Belgrade and Vienna7. Yet, it was the eastern trade and the above-mentioned osmosis of trade and manufacture which accounted for the economic boom of the city : the famous aba of Plovdiv, a kind of coarse woolen cloth, and the şayak, its finer variation, were traded from Vienna in the West to the Anatolian and Middle Eastern provinces of the Ottoman Empire in the East, and as far as Indian Calcutta, where a thriving Greek Orthodox merchant community was established in the 18th century8. 5 The dynamic economic development of the city during the 17th and 18th centuries, the new opportunities and the concomitant tensions it generated among its predominantly non-Muslim agents were “contained” and managed within the political and institutional framework of the Ottoman ancien régime. The peculiarities of this framework, first and foremost the strength of the urban guilds, the support they received as instruments of economic and social control from the Ottoman state and its local agents, and the pivotal role they played in regulating the spheres of both Balkanologie, Vol. XIII, n° 1-2 | 2011 From Stratum Culture to National Culture : Integration Processes and National... 3 production and distribution, enabled the endurance of a particular social and spatial division of labor and balance of power until the demise of the Ottoman ancien régime during the first decades of the 19th century9. On the one hand, the thriving guilds of Plovdiv, especially that of the aba cloth makers, functioned as poles of attraction for rural artisans and apprentices, a trend that acquired further momentum during the period of decentralization (1780-1810) and the Kırcalı raids, which caused the destruction of many of Plovdiv’s hinterland settlements10. They, moreover, managed throughout the period to control the potential antagonism of rural industry and keep the guilds of the lesser settlements in a subordinate position. On the other hand, the urban guilds functioned as loci of gradual social ascent, transition – in the most successful cases – to the world of big trade and acculturation to its Greek culture, dominant within the Orthodox millet of the Ottoman Empire11. 6 Much has been written on the mounting influence and integrative role of the Greek language and culture within the Orthodox millet of the late Ottoman Empire and several important contributions have traced its main social and political parameters12. Alongside the commercial networks of the “conquering Orthodox merchant” using Greek as their lingua franca and the networks of the Orthodox Church of Constantinople, which was reinvigorated during the 18th century, recent research has stressed the importance of the direct participation of Christian Constantinopolitan elites in Ottoman governance for the enhancement of the integrative power and hegemonic appeal of the Greek language and culture for the multiethnic Orthodox subjects of the sultan13. The ascendancy of the Phanariots to the governance of the semi-autonomous Danubian Principalities in early 18th century offered Greek language and culture the air of a “court culture”, much more “real” than the substitute offered hitherto by the ecclesiastical court of the Constantinople Patriarchate, although it was inextricably intertwined with it. It was, in this way, enhancing its symbolic power potential and distinction capacity. Being formally distinct, the above-mentioned “Greek-cultured” socioeconomic, ecclesiastical and political patronage networks were in reality interlinked, to a degree and with implications that have not yet been empirically reconstituted adequately, nor theoretically appraised14. 7 The vantage point of a major provincial centre, such as 18th century Plovdiv, provides a simpler and clearer version of these interrelations and lucidly reveals the specific role ascribed to Greek