"Dancing with Porcupines" to "Twirling a Hoe": Musical Labor Transformed in Sukumaland, Tanzania

From "Dancing with Porcupines" to "Twirling a Hoe": Musical Labor Transformed in Sukumaland, Tanzania

Frank Gunderson

Africa Today, Volume 48, Number 4, Winter 2001, pp. 3-25 (Article)

Published by Indiana University Press DOI: 10.1353/at.2001.0071

For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/at/summary/v048/48.4gunderson.html

Access Provided by Goteborgs universitet at 02/12/13 8:23PM GMT Though the transition from hunting labor to migrant porter and monocrop agricultural labor came about as a result of outside historical forces, the indigenization of late nineteenth- and twentieth-century Sukuma labor through music performance was a natural Sukuma response, consistent with their own historical trajectory. From “Dancing with Porcupines” to “Twirling a Hoe”: Musical Labor Transformed in Sukumaland, Tanzania Frank Gunderson

In the Sukuma area of northwest Tanzania, farmer-musicians, or farmers who compose and perform music, intro- duce themselves in public interactions ﬁ rst as farmers, with the phrase “I am a farmer, I hold a hoe,” and second as performers, with the phrase “I am also a dancer, I twirl a hoe.” Identiﬁ cation with music operates on many psycho- logical and cultural levels from childhood to old age, and is reinforced and expressed most cogently in their use of song during cotton farming. Cotton farming is a relatively recent chapter in Sukuma history, a result of (and creative response to) British colonial government requirements between the two world wars. A new farming class emerged, which drew on prior musical labor fraternities such as medicinal societies, hunting societies, porters, and military organizations for their personnel, musical repertory, and dance paraphernalia. The Sukuma made the imposition of long-distance migrant labor and cotton cropping their own by making these labors musical. The author discusses how Sukuma farmers developed musical farming from these prior musical labor practices, and provides several examples of this transformation.

Introduction

For little more than two months just after the onset of the ﬁ rst rains that routinely fall from late November to early February, the everyday rural soundscape of the Sukuma area1 is transformed from a state of tranquil- ity to one of cacophony by the intense competing drums in neighboring farms for as far as the ear can hear, by the rambunctious shouting and song of farmers, and by the thud and clang of hoes impacting the earth in rhythmic unison. On occasion, the farmers move on cue, one by one or in groups of twos and threes to abandon their work altogether, to throw their hoes into the air and catch them, or to twirl them to the beat in cho- elds cult to work parties work inHaiti, or coumbite ected upon. Working together with music is an important cover term signifying a variety of “musical labor” in order to avoid the conceptual

),in “clans” or KiSukuma, allocated labor according ective reception and compelling production of songs liation. The precolonial Sukuma age-grade farmers’ nganda luganda ve in the morning to get an early advantage on the heat of the (sing. similar were “reciprocal”the to Before the sweeping transformations brought about by the institu- I use the phrase nganda to hunter, agricultural, and magico-religious dance societies (Varkevisser The term 1971). social groupings to include one’s lineage or ancestral heritage one’s laboras wellgroup asaffi nganda tory but in some places of inclusive voluntary, women but in some places exclusive. As in other parts of Sub-Saharanculture is Africa, based on Sukuma-Nyamwezicooperative social networks that include beyond and kinship extend and age-grade systems. Ordinarily every puberty belongedindividual to one or severalpast such groups outside his own family to which he/she owed allegiance. These specialized associations, known as to, to, and constantly surrounded by call-and-response chorusesostinatosparticipantsenhancedmicvariation, theexperience withintense and rhyth- emotional euphoria and joy. colonial-era of tion cropping, mono farm laborinSukumaland accom- was plished by village age-gradeon a cultural societies. theme; found in These most places but societies not all, primarily were manda- a variation and community solidarity. It is the totality of these experiences of music at at experiences music thesetotality of theof is community andIt solidarity. refl the site, labor the laden with creative metaphors and evocative allusions to localthat realities,gives the participants such a rewarding aesthetic experience.bound withWhen the intense physicality and synchronizedtimesame the at bodilydurationsisthat long “performed” laborfor knowledge derived from load and transforms work into something more playful, but alsoperformsplayful,somethingtransforms into anda but more work load creatingconsciousness,angroupdynamic heightened creating andina role environment where everyday village discourserefl and and political commentaryenjoyed, encouraged, are becomes more than simply a technical means of establishinginsupport,mutual crucial closeness, accomplishing role a plays tural tasks; it agricul- ing labor where music is present, which include composition, performance, performance, composition, include which present, is about music where reservations My labor ing itself. text song and song the as well as transmission, calling Sukuma music is “work-song” further drawn from the Sukuma philosophy that sees musical labor as a to human and experiencedifferent from both labor, related a performative retaining behaviorsomehow but neither play, nor strict work performance neither strictlabor, nor music performance lightenswork only Music both. thethisaspects not asof such farmers’ associations of cotton farmers, beginwho their treks to the fi as early as fi equatorial midday sun. underpinningsthetermof has “work-song”asbeenit used in thepastand processesactivitiessurround-thoseandcontext the of to attentiondraw to reographed and rehearsed unison over their heads, through their legs, and around their chests and waists at lightning speed. It would be diffi avoid the engrossing soundscape and “musical labor” produced by these

africaTODAY 4 FROM “DANCING WITH PORCUPINES” TO “TWIRLING A HOE” africaTODAY 5 FRANK GUNDERSON

rst dance , allud- luganda

are about songs are pa in the the in pa Porcupine 3 bayeye bayeye bayeye - , , or “porcupine When they fi Bayeye 6 bayeye and thus a history 4 arrived as a variant and and bunuunguli that enjoyed popularity was Kisatu, who lived banuunguli and and banuunguli , or “those who have nothing nganda banuunguli s Society) and ’ banuunguli bayeye bayeye groups still exist, for all practical banuunguli , or “snake hunter’s society.” into separate bayeye societies were at one time the same asso- bashila tembe pa in southwestern Tanzania to the Tabora bayeye bayeye and competitions were the most renowned and antici- 5 banuunguli , and then and the (Porcupine Hunter 2 s Society) Musical Labor Associations ’ banuunguli and societies spread north throughout Sukumaland by workers eldslittle for payment. Joining voluntary a musical labor bushilombo bayeye The The breakaway founder of the Though Banuunguli rst Europeans (Baumann 1894:97) were the digging and laying track for the Mwanza-Tabora railroad. Mwanza-Tabora the for track laying and digging in Tabora and who brought the medicines and rituals mid-nineteenthfrom Ufi century (Ng’wana Mihumo 1995). During the late 1920s, banuunguli differences between teachers and prominent students medicines. over The time of the split up of the hunter’s hunter’s society,” regional porterage from Ufi region in the early 1800s (Abrahams 1967:64; Bosch n.d.). another. As with other dance group splits in Sukumaland, the the content between of the split about the stories teams is uncertain, but informants claim that it occurred toward the end nineteenththe of century (seealso Gunderson andBarz 2000:407). Several sources claim that both societies spread through migrant labor and inter- ciation, founded by a healer named Katabi in one tradition, Ndelema in (Snake Hunter in the Sukuma area for at least four generations before the arrivalfi of the recreational competition. To this day, similar in content, centered around the specialized of the occupationalsocieties, the natureins and outs of hunting, and their relationships with their totem animals. According share, to the mythology that both societies purposes they have abandoned their hunting practices for farming and but but mud to wear,” a parody name that originated with the ing to the group members’ poverty and their vigorous and dust-inducingacrobatic dancing, according to an article published in the newspaper who, interestinglyjoking relationshipsallwho, enough,have of contact among the Sukuma-Nyamwezi. By the mid-eighteenth century banuunguuli-bayeye andsnake-hunting dance societies beenhave elsewherenoted among Tan- zanian ethnic groups to include the Luguru, Kutu, Kwere, and Zaramo, Two Two of the older Sukuma musical labor The to the Kpelle societieswomen’s of Liberia, where members work on each other’sfi pated dancepated forms in the Sukuma-Nyamwezi areas (Abrahams 1967:64). moved moved into southern Sukumaland, the called initiation into adulthood in an African ceremonies. society without formal puberty such as the elephant hunters, porcupine hunters, or snake hunters was an to this bayeye Because porcupines 7 (He has fallen into the

, of the society would be ve to six days, whereupon they were were they whereupon days, six to ve societies’ professional duties were to drummers reply with a drum pattern on baba buheembababa rivals during competition with the follow- ciency of their medicines by dancing with Banuunguli banuunguli dancers to the horror and delight of the audience. These These audience. the of delight and horror the to dancers banuunguli-bayeye drum,emulating contoursspoken thesyllables the andpitch of #234 in April 1963. In some areas, members of the The The old Both porcupines and snakes are disoriented by loud repetitive percus-repetitive loud snakesdisorientedporcupinesareBothandby banuungul mbeha mbeha investigate the whereabouts of snakes and porcupines, to hunt them down,themsnakes hunt investigateporcupines,andwhereabouts of to the and to capture them. Porcupines were dangerous to crops, especially corn, and snakes were dangerous to humans and livestock. the nakubinzephrase,“Paga literallywhichlukunu”willmeans “I danc- keep ing in this fashion until ass!” bust I my mud, mud, my father!), or “Liku galagalaga litugije” (He has fallen down, he is not that intelligent). Lumuli with daytheir joke ing ritual exchange: “Wagwa mutembe unamuji!” ciations, and they brought with them their hunting skills and lore. Kandt puzzled over the actions of his porters’ “hedgehog whose club,” members animals organizedtheout themdrawhunt sing songsto to andthemselves hiding:of in entertaining ways during music performance. To animalsmy the witnessed when that began astonishment,gettingbeing around drumto used I music, they moved around stepping slowly and precisely to described the in beat,the nineteenth-century as German explorer Kandt’s seemingly unlikely description of a hedgehog found by his porters on the road. Many long-distance porters were recruited from the ranks of the hunting asso- brought out of their boxes and provoked to move in with competitive dances groups demonstrated the proﬁ poisonous snakes and allowing themselves to be bitten, whereupon other members applied the appropriate medicines. sive noises (like drumming), and therefore can be manipulated easily and there waiting as the hunters come out, and would ask: how “So, many are there? Five? Well, why can’t you bring them all out?” (Ngoya 1994). The captured porcupines were then eaten, as they displayedthey eat, or were while were still alive thepost-harvest at considered dance com- sweet to petitions. Snakes were captured by hand or by trap (Werther 1898:65), ﬁ and every removed teeth poisonous their these animals. Young men were organized and sent into the the burrowslight by of the moon, accompanied by drummers the who andhole performedgathered to give the hunters outside courage. The hunter who went insideimmobilized the creature with medicines into that face, its blew he hands.barehiswithNgoya spear or a creaturekilledwith the either he and recalled that the grandfathers, or and snakes often share the same holes and even live and coil up together, it it together, coiland up live snakesevenandand often share holes same the of aware be importantother the was trainedthosethator going afterin one the kinds of problems they would encounter if they met with either party. Farmers pooled their information and resources regarding how to capture

africaTODAY 6 FROM “DANCING WITH PORCUPINES” TO “TWIRLING A HOE” africaTODAY 7 FRANK GUNDERSON , esh. The hedge- The O, hedgehog. You erinaceus albiventr wagner drummer Ngoya, I was further surprised performances the pointthe hedge-at where Drummer’s response (x2) 9 bunuunguli mnemonic drum pattern, “Kalunguyeye tubiinage . . .” .” . . tubiinage “Kalunguyeye pattern, drum mnemonic Dance leader or chorus’s call (x2) ), people ofone 4my September. trapped Today a drum rhythm corresponds to the natural rhythm and banuunguli sic ( 8 shikiija Bunuunguli Nsassa The meaning seems approximately to be: us. to tamed,come be thing,Naughtyyourself let hog unrolled itself immediately, nodding the head in with time the song, and starts running around. Maybe somebody (should) attempt the same once with a German (Kandt 1904:55) hedgehog. Little unravel monster, yourself. The The Wanjamwesi knew immediately, the thing to do. They formed a circle around the hedgehog, clapped in time in the hands and sang: Leadsinger: The Choir: The Ohhedgehog. Little should you monster, compete/dance with me. hedgehog. I didn’t know, if it is because it rolled itself together and I could not see its ﬂ drum in a call-and-response fashion, or they may play the phrase druma nd pattern similarmnemonicquitethatis insyllabicform and ●HH●HH●●H● KA LU NGU YE YE TU BI I NA GE Muted hand tone. Bass pulse, played with hand or stick. “Little hedgehog come dance with us.” Figure 1. chorus with its associated trademark mnemonic phrase played on the lead shikiija without the cue at any point as a cross-rhythm, to the delight of the audience. The stress of the text, with the bass supporting tone the stressed syllables. to ﬁ to textual content to the song text documented by Kandt ninety years prior. The phrase, “Kalunguyeye (LittleTubiinage,” hedgehog, come dance with us) is a common dance leader’s cue (sung chorus) and children’s song that isintroduced into hogs are brought into the dance arena. Drummers may answer the cue or After having witnessed similar happenings on several occasions, my only explanationthatis theanimal confusedis drummingtheby andgoes into to as playingtheirso of tempodrummers thethe slighttrance,whilealter a thefollow animal’s predictable footsteps. While taking drumming lessons well-knownthewith H ●

bayeye bagiika songs songs are and 11 , is a typical boast: banuunguli hereand there. banuunguli and and bayeye ngoma. nished thirty rst cash earnerswage in East , myself, Bayeye Noise about me. banuunguli My deathMy will be wept (theThey mourners) I have ﬁ Bayeye

(Porter) Labor and groups dance in organized competitive musi- competitive organized in dance groups where reputations are won and lost. This is a a is This lost. and won are reputations where 10 , Bapagati I, Kasimbi, bayeye

bina if Even die, I ’ complex, and draw their ritual, medicinal, and esoteric m and bagaalu . Today, all competing musical labor associations, includingthe associations, labor musicalcompetingall Today, . - will really make some Nulu nucha, Lufu nulilwa lwane ngoma Bakanihoyelaga. by the Bayeye unene,Bayeye makumiadatu abanuunguli Kasimbi nene, Namalabanga makumiadatu Ikulekule. Banuunguli bagaalu bagiika ercely competitive relationship between two shamanistic healing soci- healing shamanistic two between relationship competitive ercely posed by Kasimbi, one of the early founders of of founders early the of one Kasimbi, by posed similar in content, centered around the specialized of the societies, occupationalthe ins and outs of hunting, nature their relationships with their totem animals, and slander between each other. The following text com- musical knowledge from these groups. ing the realm of a territory inter-regional established salt bearers by (Senior the 1966). hunter Porterage constituted associations one of and the most ancient and ﬁ massivethe were and forms 1978:11), of (Coquery-Vidrovitch labor migration in African history Africa (Beidelman Sukuma-Nyamwezi1982:614). men were sought above Sukuma-Nyamwezi Music in the Nineteenth Century With the onset of the ivory trade in East wezi Africa, men proved their young manhood Sukuma-Nyam-by taking journeys to the coast, extend- All of their songs contain short choruses, and for adoptedthe farmingby thisgroups as thosewell, by or reason have been asgroups farm double who labor groups today. and and of other the or side one with alignthemselves proudly farming associations, the song song duels and dance contests. Postharvest village competitions are the primaryforum performance music public of and popular entertainment in Sukumaland. During the German colonial era in Tanganyika (1884–1914),a ﬁ eties developed and eventually coalesced all labor existinggroups under Sukumatheir two respective musical organizations, known as cal events, called cal events, form of popular entertainment that includes musical performance such as

africaTODAY 8 FROM “DANCING WITH PORCUPINES” TO “TWIRLING A HOE” africaTODAY 9 FRANK GUNDERSON Porters 14 bells. nda í ngh and 13 gunshots, reveilles and fanfares, societies throughout western and 12 , drums omas ’ ng banuunguli kituumba liated by clan. Sukuma-Nyamwezi porters sang and bayeye Long-distance porterage represents an important transitory chapter Through music and “soundscape production” on the road porters Music styles and paraphernalia associated with the porters spread At a purelyAt functional the level, utility of nineteenth-century porter central Tanganyika (Illife 1979:80), to include songs, ritual practices, and portable instruments like the road with them for solace and entertainment 1909:389). (Weule in Sukuma music history, as it was hunting the songs morphed labor into realmtwentieth-century where farm precolonial labor. Portersthefarmingcoast up took theroad,creatingon not they were from when thefor also brought their songs composed on the road back to their duringhomes the farming season, performing them as accompaniement to their small- scale agricultural tasks, and, in turn, they brought their farming songs on maintained their dignity, subdued by and by the the naturerigors of of the theirlong march. employment the realm“Soundscape of production” humanly refersproduced music to and noises that occurred on vans cara- that included all-night and explorers; the pride they took in their profession; and their presumed greater capacity to carry loads for long distances (Roscoe 1921:25). Porter- age was thought by the Sukuma-Nyamwezi to be a test of supreme manli- takingkingsfound of (Burtonsons were nessthe 1860:35), indeedeven and part in this rite of passage. all others as porters of choice for caravan travel for reasons that included their experience as traders; their knowledge of the interlacustrine region that was the destination of so many ivory and slave traders, missionaries, associated with mixture of KiSukuma, KiNyamwezi, KiSwahili, and corrupt Arabic, and Arabic, and corrupt KiSwahili, mixture KiNyamwezi, of KiSukuma, theirsongs included the imitation of bird and animal calls (Simpson 1975: 14). Performance contexts associated with the these groups became commonplace. departure and arrival of Asquickly. alluded to in the previously mentioned anecdote about porters Sukumaroad, porterstheporcupines andspreadmaterialspractices on and served to establish enthusiastic camaraderie and courage ers among not strang- necessarily affi on the road to encourage each other, and to road (Roscoe Porters1921:67). break composed songs thein the evenings monotony in of order to the muster courage in the face of hostile territory, or to express concerns for being left behind in the wilderness (Hore Songs 1971:31). were sung in a much in the realm of work-related activity to be considered “carnival.” The The “carnival.”considered be to activity work-related realm of the in much caravanpressuresoundscapeunique worksite kinda functionedas of more release rather than as a Bakhtinian inversion of the social order (Abrams and Bauman 1972). music was to pace the group in regular steps over long distances. Music hummed tunes and marching rhythms,horns,and whistles.shouts, Although in many aspects the caravan andsound- the general clatter undoubtedlyscape was ofcarnival-like surrealin its bells, too was it multivalence, (agricul- 15 used or eldstoday, bwana shamba The stubbornThe Mr. Black have suffered. we People, fromTaken the go into the valleyTo to ed, such as the “Plant More Crops” campaign 16 cer) who held village seminars and made sure that farmers mountains, Banhutwaluha. mumalugulu,Kupejiwa kusilili,Kuja kulima maduta. farm cotton. Nchilu Blacka alitudanganya, deceives us, cers were sent to Mwanza to promote the local cotton crop. The eld offi eld Sung discourse, on the other hand, was a means that Sukumameansthatfarmers a was hand,other discourse,theSung on rstperson that comments thetravailson life of isfoundtheroadon sung and commence with monocrop cotton farming at the expense of traditional traditional of expense the at requirement farming for the Sukumacotton to drop huntingmonocrop and with small-scale agriculturecommence and food crop diversity. much more thanillegalrefusinginter-cropping, more to or soils, much poorplanting in sell their harvest to the export sector (Isaacman and Roberts 1995:37). useddealto with these issues.following The songtexta fromof the1930s documents a notorious local event, remembered by Kangw’iina Ng’wana Mihumo. This well-known song of complaint titled “Nchilu Blacka” (The Stubborn Mr. Black), complains about the British colonial government’s complied with the particulars of various programs and schemes. However, resistance to cotton colonialism was ambiguous and rarely amounted to tural tural fi duction from 1924 (Manyanda 1974:28) was the most pronounced. most crop-Asthe was (Manyandafrom1924duction 1974:28) intensifi campaigns growing every region1945, to more or had from one 1932 wider scale. After the post–World War I handoverProtectoratethetheI of widerto scale. War After post–World the British,the colonial government quickly became committed improvingto district agricul- sustainingand Augustearlyas1917, Asproduction. cotton tural offi local administration even resorted to closing mission schools duringharvesting peak and sowing seasons (Austen 1968:126). The rise in cotton pro- The Rise of the Sukuma Musical Associations Farming during the Colonial Era Although hand-woven cotton production existed on a small scale the before arrival of the Europeans (Burton 1860:318; farmersGrant at the turn1864:60), of the centuryGerman were responsible for its expansion on a own, transmittedown,varyingoriginaltheirin beyond contexts purposes. Thus, a nineteenth-century porcupine hunter’s song or a porter song sung in the fi earnestlyteenage by Sukuma farmers in work their at fi by the farmers’ dance societies as a “warm up” before going into competition. Sukuma individual multiple labor sites where, in many cases,corpus of the music was sameperformed and transmitted freely. Once this pattern transferenceof established, was takingof songs way hada lifea on theirof

africaTODAY 10 FROM “DANCING WITH PORCUPINES” TO “TWIRLING A HOE” africaTODAY 11 FRANK GUNDERSON

cer, nished 17 associa- ts of growing bwana bwana shamba bayeye , ne. and cotton, son of Ng’wandu, shambas bwana banuunguli In the month of November. of month the In feed them cotton.To was beatenHe seriously. wasHe given ﬁ a To farm cotton,To BritishThe should just Forced to cultivate NtemiNg’hwaya, He really tempted those God us. help cer’s insistence of Sukuma monocrop farm-Sukuma monocropinsistence of cer’s dance groups were harmless on the surface, wandu, . He stopped that activity return home. ’ religion; either.” shouldn’t have to work we ts were used to buy cattle. In tough years, cattle were were years,toughcattleIncattle. buy to used were ts bayeye hwaya, hwaya, ’ oma ’ cial (Mr. Black) a meal of beansseedsgarnishedcotton of withmeal a Black) (Mr.cial ng and wana Ng ’ weji gwa meli.weji ’ kukaya (x2). kulima mabuluba, Ng completely. Kubalishamabuluba. Akatulwa (x2). no Akaliwa mafaini. na koya Akoya Kuhadikijiwa Ng NtemiNg Kulima buluba, Mungu twambilijage. Bangereja bashoke Ubagema bawana shamba, bawana Ubagema

As the farming societies proliferated, elements within the colonial Eventually farmers began growing cash crops themselves so that banuunguli why why farmers who are not Christians cotton should farms on asSunday, not was the local requirement. have He thetold offi to work on their are“We the of The composer The praises local served who chief Ng’hwaya, visiting a colonial offi agricultural offiprotestingthemeans of a as ing during a particularly devastating famine. period,In the composer Funukianother explainssong to the hypotheticalfrom this thatmightharnessed be growingthe by andlob-independence movement, bied toward monitoring their movements. The German missionary Spelig wrote that the Sukuma musical farming to associations that were related order to deal collectively with the issuesnew facing them, and based their groups on the models provided by the tions. governmentbeganexpress to differing fac-One phenomenon. the on views tion felt that musical farming groups were dangerous sources of dissent in 1928, more Sukuma farmers were witnessing the marketingbenefiand theirinspiringowncottoncrops, abandonmigrantmanyto labor for the coast altogether (Rounce During1949:71). the world cotton depres- When growers. cottonSukumabecame more many 1930s the in sion high,profiprices were food.growingCottonas sold farmerstimeenabledearn have and to money for dancing. Sukuma farmers began to organize farming associations in they would not have to work on fi the was cotton railway plantations or Mwanza-Tabora After the migrate to the 1974:19). (Manyanda coast but but contained potentially dangerous elements of “secret oathing” (Spelig the termthe

, moved into who preceded who them, , or the newly formed have capturedhave atten-the

bakomyaluume bayeye omeone told me that me told omeone s , groups banuunguli and and elds, and cantSukuma contribution Tanza-to ts of the new economic system, such the rst began asking my friends about the ori- bagobogobo Bagobogobo bayeye . bagobogobo banuunguli like like 18 cantly diminished in most parts of Sukumaland, and bagobogobo (Skin Wearers) Musical Farming Associations Farming (Skin Musical Wearers) could not keep up with the demands for labor, so other startedsometimeslarge claimingandfood, as well ascash nganda nganda Gird up your loins, clean the fi Then even the European will be not angry. On the day get your you money, willyou what buy like, you cattle, or boots on. to put (Cory n.d.) The drumThe of the chief calls to plant cotton. nganda were signifi Once farmers began acquiring larger areas of land and individualis- Bagobogobo tion of many of tion Tanzanians throughout thegroups’ seventy-year andhistory, theirdances, like thosethe of ginsmeaningsand termthe of could have a hundred meanings. I think that what he meant was that the term brings to mind so many stories, impressions, and multiple histories, that to track down one true thread of origin would hardly be worthwhile. One of the newly formed farmers’ dance groups that stepped in as a result of of result a as in stepped that groups dance farmers’ formed newly the of One thisdemand was areconsidered manyby signifibea to nian national culture. When I fi operations and personnel and thus charge less for their labor then the age- grade groups, by the time of independence in the 1961, age-grade farming nganda members from those groups joining were the farmers’ new associations. The the Because void. these dance groups saw that they could streamline their the most part, he deemed them harmless (Cory n.d.[a]). He found instead composingSukumathat were timesongsdiscussedthat farmersthe at and negotiated the curses and benefi following by Mgakanzira: 1929:62). The government anthropologist Hans Cory was sent to investigate the subversive potential of these “secret societies.” Though he found that the groups had elaborate and lengthy periods of ritual seclusion, for sums of cash and large quantities of food from wealthy men. The age-gradecashlargesumsand of The quantities fromfoodwealthy men. of farming organizations that held the interests of young men and hunting-dancewomen, namely, cotton-farming groups tic cash cropping started, it no longer seemed appropriate for organizationthe village with its automatic membership to perform food its only. When people services moved away from the for dense villages to dispersed settlementsage-grade instart toorder village cash crop production,great a expansionthe theof Therefore, 1977:68). (Knudsen required was force labor farming

africaTODAY 12 FROM “DANCING WITH PORCUPINES” TO “TWIRLING A HOE” africaTODAY 13 FRANK GUNDERSON

, , 19 20 and two bak- wore nganda nganda ) as props, banuunguli nganda bakhonongo dance group groups did. such as foxes, lisuka bakhonongo did not consider beni Bagobogobo (Shingoma 1994). (Njiile 1995). members came from members were older older were members and really got going aroundgoingreallygot nganda bagobogobo bagobogobo banuunguli was a kind of nickname nickname of kind a was lumuuda or “corn” famine, named so bagobogobo bagobogobo bagobogobo famine the of 1949, bagobogobo banuunguli bagobogobo mandege bakhonongo LeguLegu bells previously associated with societies (Masuha 1963:31; Mihumo 1995). and the salt caravan societies (Kadelyia 1994). , , which means wearers“the of animal skins,” . It is unclear what the origins of this term are, dance groups organized themselves in the fashion bayeye hindu ’ bayeye ng ; thus, the term and bagobogobo bakhonongo groups adopted the prior associations’ short topical choruses, began to be used in reference to dance labor groups in Sukuma- bagobogobo bagobogobo associations, which created an ancillaryancreatedassociations, which primary the rhythmto dance group used these small hand-held hoes ( khonongo Early According to most sources, the original Sources agree that the early ranks of of ranks early the that agree Sources banuunguli bayeye pulse produced by group hoeing. of pseudo-military ranked as heirarchy, and 1938, 1938, around the same time as the because of the corn relief distributed by the By the Britishtime of the to subsequent all of the chiefs. called applied to anyone who became a trader in honongo hoes (Kilasa 1975). The as they continue to do to this In day. any case, the terms bagobogobo land in the late 1920s and early 1930s, especially in the Bulima and Ndag- areas.thatrememberedNtamanwaalu began as the but many believe that it originated in reference to a group of individuals migrating from Konongo, a linguistic group Nyamwezi related and to residing the just Sukumasouth of andNyamweziland. A related explana-tion is that those people occupying the area south of the Ugalla river (the Warungwa) had historically been famous andsmelters traders of iron hoes Nevertheless, I have attempted to track down the broader outline of where this genre has occurred. and more experienced farmers then the village age-grade farming and could do in two hours what took it the age-grade farming days to accomplish. Since they specialized in cotton farming, they could charge for their services. The age-grade farming They They drew their members from the mandatory age-grade farming and in their early history they drew severe criticism from elders reason. for this Nevertheless, by all accounts, hyenas, jackals, and leopards, decorated with porcupine quills (Cory 1954: 55), and the feathers of ostriches, known entireexceptfor bodythe cover to prepared as way theseThey skinsa suchin the head. The clothing they wore was a andjoke, drew spectators (Misuga 1995), as the skins were very dirty and unwashed.hoe handles They decorated with their was was given to members because of their manner of dress. Bagobogobo and their drums that were made by the same clan built of drumsdrum for the makers who The nickname group changed had resolutely name its to the the skins of hunted animals in the fashion of

, a , or bak- baringi, was was chal- hambu ’ batalalaga , bunuunguli n ) of the elsewhere, and and elsewhere, dance teacher, was Mang’ombe , or “dew steppers.” steppers.” “dew or , malamala to later compete with bugobogo , on the other hand, rarely bagobogobo bagobogobo were were known for their penchant have the power to invoke, forge, invoke, to power the have

bakomyaluume bagobogobo groups baringi bakomyaluume dancer, was seen by all as a natural friction or as Buseng’wa Ng’wana Bulahya put it, . “. . work is their work communication with dead ances- , s ’ rst-person narratives through the generations or or generations the through narratives rst-person composers is that, at some point in the 1940s and in the Mwanza region of Sukumaland bagobogobo bagobogobo groups as “the ones who step in the dew.” Kamegayi dew.” inthe step who ones groups“the as , elds before 5:00 in the morning; thus, they were nick- came along, people were just listening to the clanking baringi members continued the compositional practices of the the of practices compositional the continued members bunuunguli es troubadours, singers, composers, and scandal mongers. bagobogobo dance; thus, his split from bugobogobo bugobogobo bagobogobo banuunguli - are the dance conductor-leaders and organizers of the musical musical the of organizers and conductor-leaders dance the are bugobogobo An early composer associated An with associated early composer Bagobogobo bayeye Kusela, but little is known about him. What is theremembered early most about Kalugula, the ex- the Kalugula, consistent with Sukuma dance history (Dukiila 1994). midnight, returning at ten in the morning,”Julius a Ntamanwa, once told me. It was moonlight, theirinstead of sleeping, that reputation earned them of the moniker working by for farming in the evenings andstart cultivatingand about farm site earlythe at sleep andmorning go would “They hoursmoon. by the light of the transmitted through a composer’s dreams. composer’s a through transmitted early 1950s, Sagini Kamegayi, the supreme leader ( tors, who are the assumed source of power a new livingmusicaldeeds, ancestors,representatives of and compositions. words As their the through destroy and manipulate, transform, held in awe and fear by ordinary people. Songs, perceived as “conversations from the arepast,” important conduits of ancestral voices, either transmitted as fi of their hoes” (Bulahya 1994). prior musical labor groups as well. Their songs are composed by themselvesprofessional dance groups, and just sang short choruses among themselves in their farms Before dancer who saw an opportunity in trying out is thus credited to have popularized the dance(Nzwilendo 1994; Masalu original The 1995). throughoutdissenter Kabojatrained was Sukumaland in or “they who never The sleep.” made it out to the fi by named was challenged later by Kalugula Ndaki from Busumabu, a honongo tantaspect the of term that signifi Baringi labor groups. The term also has supernatural connotations, as an impor- lenged by Kaboja Majimbili of Ndagalu (Songoyi 1995) in strictdance forma rulesto a beerconsumption.andaway Kabojabroke then dispute over farming new the danceknownasgroup Like the

africaTODAY 14 FROM “DANCING WITH PORCUPINES” TO “TWIRLING A HOE” africaTODAY 15 FRANK GUNDERSON and ) went with went ) banuunguli then farming. leader and Ndaki leader. Photograph oma ’ bagobogobo ng 1956). “There was a huge bagobogobo bakomyaluume will not be suitable” (Royal Visit Baragumu groupsabandoned practicethewear- of omas ’ ng was was only temporary, lasting about ten years. were lazy and “anti-development” (citing their omas omas ’ bagobogobo bagobogobo ng bagobogobo dance groups, among others ( others among groups, dance bayeye seventygroups.withOur about celebration, group( our ‘dirty skins,’ and they just refused us, so we just returned and played in the villages” (Ntamanwa 1995). thisHowever, modernist unease about wearing skins old at Prior to independence, independence, to Prior Sukuma Musical Labor Associations Since Independence Contributingthis to period unease of government’s the new was suspicion like groups that disdain for tractors), and spent time more playing warning, however, that “some Announcement n.d.). She was greeted at the airport by ing animal skins, and began wearing uniformsinstead.Sources date this change visitRoyal Tanganyika to the1956 to made by of hemp and sisal PrincessMargaret England. of throughout out went theword Sukuma The arrival,bringareaperformersbest her to the thetogetherwith for available Figure 3. Sagini Kamegayi (right), early rival. Courtesy of the Sukuma Archives, Bujora Cultural Centre, Bujora- Kisesa, Tanzania, circa mid-1960s. Figure 2. Kalugula Ndaki courtesy (left), of the Sukuma early Archives, Bujora Cultural Centre, Bujora-Kisesa, Tanzania, circa mid-1960s.

- 24 cial and groups Mkutano 25 bagobogobo bagobogobo banuunguli style, into theirinto style, bagobogobo people. Nyerere. Bagobogobo Bagobogobo

and theand 21 During thewar against 26 wana Bomani,wana ’ banuunguli dances are now taught in Banuunguli Their recent revivalist move 1967). 22 persevere forever! roads. bagobogobo Indeed, Number One! (x2) Paulo Ng have brought us new You Indeed,Number One We have agreed,We choose theWe hoe. Kambaragi, Oh He has brought us the bayeye and and groups abandonedhave hunting andearn now from the point of view of the TANU/CCM 23 among the farmers! (x2) (x2) ! based in Dar Es Salaam began wearing khakis and (x2) ! bunuunguli, 27

text, popular at political rallies in the late 1960s and , banuunguli groups hagama! barabara. ga balimiya NyimbozaWanafunzi zaKisiasa He namba wani Paul Ng’wana Bomani, maendeleoWatwenhela Tuchagula igembe. nambaHe wani Kambaragi Nyerere. O Watwenhela buchaguzi. bise Banuunguli.Tozunya right to choose. the dancegroupsfoundthemselves have “validated through visibility” Bugobogobo Since the late 1960s, however, both however, 1960s,late Since the bunuunguli Mwanza Music Festival 1967). All public festivals with any ofﬁ liation were subject to censorship, “to make sure that all songs had to Similarly, most porcupinesperformedare about songs farmers.livelihoodold theirasTheir theirfarmson competitions,popularandinandarepublic more than ever. This revived, once again, for the multiparty electionsNyerere and of Paul Bomani 1995, praises Julius to readopt animal skins in their appropriationporcupinesnakeanddancing, of dance routines, and their streamlined public competitive dances, now contributes to a sense of national pride. nation” ( nation” Idi Amin in Uganda in the late banuunguli 1970s, noncompetitive acting out mock combat in their dance routines to inspire the troops and rally support for their effort (Janzen 1992:35). In the 1970s, heady days after independence in the 1960s, participants for one were expectedfestival to come up with songs praising the revolution, the nation, the Arusha Declaration, and the politics of self-determination ( wa afﬁ do with the history of the development of political consciousness in our primary schools, secondary schools, teacher training colleges, and at university. the The contemporary musical labor associations are enlisted the governmentby to disseminate information on various campaigns. In the card-carrying farmer: that that romanticizes the role of the peasant farmer. bayeye bayeye (Slobin 1992:11), because of a sustained national political consciousness are now praised because of the role they play in development, using limited resources to their fullest potential.

africaTODAY 16 FROM “DANCING WITH PORCUPINES” TO “TWIRLING A HOE” africaTODAY 17 FRANK GUNDERSON Kurecodi groups are kwasa kwasa. kwasa bagobogobo and y, and on y, radio spots contain- songwriting focused on campaigns campaigns on focused songwriting banuunguli but by NGOs like AMREF (Rwechun- 28 bagobogobo ) campaign designed to encourage farmers’ output, as well as 1988). From the late 1980s to the present, AIDS awareness song- Igembe Sabo Igembe government-sponsored like reforestation, eradication of the tsetse ﬂ ing development issues such as “health,” and “water,” “roads” ( Nyimbo writing campaigns vigorously were pushed, by the not government, which was increasingly short on funds, groups were at the forefront of a government-sponsored “Hoe is Wealth” ( to garner respect for farmers among the populace. In the 1970s and 1980s, gura 1995). Many composers from FigureSukuma 4. farmers’ musical labor asrepresented advertisementsby in the popular press (Sani 1994). Caption reads “When I am here with my farmerworkingis handleThe becomesverylight.”hoe the radio,’ ‘farmer’s popular a to early 1990s Congolese dance known style as composing songs that address this issue for public competitions, with the hopes of winning limited prize money. ing feet; feet; ing propen-uid farmsite). These sites, shamba responded with vitality to the These include “dispositions.” able xed locales (the hunting group, the I refer here not to narrativeto tropesto but not here refer I

bagobogobo materialsspreadtheirandmusicalideas nitygroupsto , transformed into entrepreneurial farming enterprises. uidly exchange several identifi several exchange uidly banuunguli With the introduction of cotton as a cash crop to Sukuma society, the Sukumasociety, to cashcrop a ascottonintroduction the of With Another factor contributing to the habitus of tradition is the imagina- the is tradition of habitus the to contributing factor Another All Sukuma specialized musical labor groups have had a fl a had have groups labor musical specialized Sukuma All dieu 1990:52). Group members draw on their intersocietal connec- Farming groups such as the to discernto inculture prominent,recurring,question overriding transformativeand an andthemes 1982), Sahlins 1990; Bourdieu 1934; (Benedict habits from the outset of this work has been to ask: What hasSukumaland,dancein and what is and music, the labor, betweenrelationship essence of the thatrelationship been historically? are How the cultural realms “music of Sukumalandinlabor”and troped? Conclusion Following a longstanding concern in anthropology and the social sciences and breathed and their presence(s) are both through invoked music. age-grade, mutual-aide, and, to some degree, the as thehunting societies such farm labor share several aspects, to include call-and-responseinclude to aspects,shareseveralantiphonalfarm labor or singing spread over wideout and evenly spaced distances; cajoling shouts, whistles, and hums; the echoing thuds or of rhythmically marching entrained and scuffl hoes impacting through the making while music working remind practitioners earth.the com-its of Memories worked once ancestors evoked where places the “sites”: variable these of monalities tion of place evoked in musical labor performance. In Sukuma social his- through evoked isplace” of working “sense and“musicking” tory, inlabor activity sites having both mobile and fi caravan, the search for medicines, and the enacted historically through labor and song amid the common geographi- cal area of rolling hills and granite boulders, share a common soundscape andhunting, caravantravel, of sounds The 1996:91). (Feld acoustemology or andcomposition-related medicines; musicalinstruments, dance costumes and paraphernalia; ideas about leadership and societal drumsrank; and the establishmentideas initiateof power, lore, and taboos;about and ideas about societal secrecy, dances, and song content, not to mention singing styles and song repertoire. tions with other affiotherwith tions around: through migration, breakaway rifts, innovation, andAs emulation. with other informational networks, such as the various “-scapes” discussed by Appadurai (1990) and echoed by Slobin (1992), these “dance- fl scapes” the belief systems underlying compositional practice, dance competition, cultural tropes of action and behavior (Fernandez 1991:6), common culturalcommon (Fernandez1991:6), behavior and action cultural of tropes patterns or likelihoods that are transmitted, repeated, and transformed in andmusic performance practice. “recycled” reconstellatedcommontransmissionor exchange of for and sity cultural elements, or what Bourdieu (Bour calls “transposable dispositions”

africaTODAY 18 FROM “DANCING WITH PORCUPINES” TO “TWIRLING A HOE” africaTODAY 19 FRANK GUNDERSON of expressive culture now bricolaging Nevertheless, the modernizingNevertheless,the cottonfarmingmonocropeffect of on Jeanand John Comaroff assert (1993) modernities that multiple exist cult to identify and trace, the manifestations of “post modernity” in about as a result of outside historical forces, the indigenization of late nine-indigenizationlate historicalthe forces,of outside of result a as about teenth and twentieth century Sukuma labor through music performance was a natural Sukuma response to modernizingtheir prior historical trajectory. forces, consistent with The introduction The cottonof production created economic new a framework for living, and was very much the day-to-day face of colonialism. Because cotton production was so demanding, restructured it the rhythm of every- affectedlife,anddayshort-term and long-termproduction and strategiesof religiousandimportant timing social events the of as from well consumption, as transition the as even But 1995:31). Roberts and (Isaacman ceremonies hunting labor to migrant porter and monocrop agricultural labor came generally associated with the global-reaching long been in postmodern operation by multiple generations of musicians moment at the village had inlevel the Sukuma region of northwest Tanzania, as had it in other parts of Africa (Piot 1999). the life ways of the Sukuma people cannot be understated or trivialized. Sub-Saharan Africa are even more so. The verdict is still out whether or not not or whether still out is verdict Sub-Saharan The so. more Africaeven are the postmodern era arrived in Africa with the “post-colonial” as a “space clearing gesture” (Appiah or 1995:119), whether the romantic association of the “postmodern” with the “premodern” postulated by Jameson (1991) even applies at all in sub-Saharan Africa. One thing clear from outlinedthe cases here is that the ongoing a charismatic leader, is still cut with medicines, learns a how song, to and“dream” learns the important foundational choruses particularsongs group. of his/her in sub-Saharan Africa, the result of interests a and claims. complex Further, mediation where the existence of of modernity competingmight be difﬁ musical labor groups being on the scene, ancestor-inspired dream composition is more prevalent than ever. Twentieth-century agriculturalsoci-musicallabor prior the ritualof thebehaviorretained aspectsmany of labor hasmaintainedandeties, ownprecolonial its ritual aspectof thatincludes a sense of treating farm labor as divine, enacted in order the to “activate” growth of crops. A novice in a modern music labor group is mentored by contradictions generated by the cotton economy in much the thatwitchcraft proliferatedpracticesthanhave rathersame decreased result a as way modernizingof forces throughout sub-Saharan Africa. Because manyso of

’ ” . . In , the refers utani is is bayeye ” bayeye to compete. x refers to an fi dancing the shoul- “ - pre bu erinaceus albiventr Wagner kushindana, “ kushindana, ‘ The ” dance,whereas joking joking relationship 1974). “ from – 96 and 1999. The author combined bayeye – 1892 ethnicity. “ O Igel! Der Chor: Du schlimmer! Lass dich ‘ Thetermdescribes wrigglingthe move- ” or ” wimeji. mashindano, Mafanyanga, Peter Massesa, and Elias Songoyi. composed by Salu Kadelyia. Performed by Salu or ” ” had reachedhad Sukumalandtimecomes fromthis by Der Igel rollte sich sofort auf, nickte mit dem Kopf im ’ ” people “ 989, 1993, 1994 989, 1993, es bupugu fi dancers to move away because they were disturbing his Chaniila “ is ” banuunguli to move like a snake.a likemove to porcupine. “ “ In reference to Sukuma dance groups such as the x x signi ” ), ), fi ), ), Kasimbi Nene . . . “ banuunguli - pre refers to a peculiar a combinationrefersfriendlinessto of antagonism and found ” ” eldwork done in 1 state of. ba “ piece nuunguli kuyeyeka . 1996 researchperiodWenner grantGrenFounda-from1996 theprovided a was by – joking relationship “ Nassa bayeye x tells us that these are the peoplethethethese aredo thatwho ustells x fi Diaire du poste de St. Michel de Msalala Mbuli Et which is done in opposition to the movement of their lower torsos. ” - pre - Heute fi ng Heuteeiner fi meiner Leute einen Igel. Ich wusste nicht ob es Joking relationship Joking Kadelyia,recorded by Frank Gunderson in his home in Isangidjo villageAugust 1995. on 11 Translated and corrected by Paulo Lusana, Elias Songoyi, and Frank Gunderson. See also Gunderson and Barz (2000). baendigen, Du schlimmer! Komme zu uns. puff-adders, red boomslang, and pythons. “ ist, da er sich zusammengerollt hatte und ich seinen Leib nicht sehen konnte. Die Wanjamwesi wussten gleich Rat. Sie bildeten um den Igel einen Kreis, klatschten im Takt in die Haende (sic) und sangen. Takte Takte des Liedes ng undan, fi umherzulaufen. Vielleicht versucht jemand dasselbe einmal mit einem Deutschen Igel. ba to the dance itself. asked had he that wrote who organization, Fathers White the of member a of entrydiary the a local chief to tell the sleep ( “ between some kin, clan, and ethnic groups. In KiSwahili, KiSukuma, abstract noun or ders, wezi, constituting nearly six million people, the largest culturally gratedand peoplelinguistically on inte-the Tanzanian mainland. Their homeland is an area Victoria-Nyanza. just south of Lake ments that the dancers make with their upper torsos, what they call 10. In KiSwahili, music competitions are called 11. From the Der Sinn scheint ungefaehr zu sein: Der Vorsaenger: Der Vorsaenger (sic): Kalungajeje! Der Chor: Kali nischinde! Kali kutukunja. 7. Dangerous snakes in northwestern Tanzania include spitting and water cobras, mambas, 8. Should be 9. 5. In KiSukuma, the 6. Humorousevidence thethat 4. 3. KiSukumaFrom ( 1. The BaSukuma belong to a Western Bantu language grouping known as Sukuma-Nyam- 2. From KiSukuma ( participant observation and music performance together with intensive interviews and historical researchin dozena archives and libraries located in Tanzania. All interviews were done in KiSwahili and KiSukuma. Interview transcriptions, subsequent translations, and song text corrections donewere by the author, M.J. Kalunde, Paulo 1994 Fundingthefor tion for Anthropological Research. NOTES This research is based on fi

africaTODAY 20 FROM “DANCING WITH PORCUPINES” TO “TWIRLING A HOE” africaTODAY 21 FRANK GUNDERSON

, ; s ” ’ is is aes- good wana ” ’ “ oma ’ wajiginya ng ’ the fools those who punk “ “ “ : bagobogobo those who ironthosewho “ : Konge Nyangumuni (Janzen1991:290). ” 1991). bachiluchilu , the wana Mihumo. Recorded Recorded Mihumo. wana ’ ; ” (many skins); bapigapasi ; composed by Nkuli Ng ”

” s government, and later he was ’ The SukumapeopleTheanimal wore Mangala ” wiina Ng wiina ’ 87). – whereoutlinedhe governmenthis ” ” , the the buttsthe the bad guys Letter of request “ “

: , , and took on humorous, risque, self-pro- (see matako bhubya thefuckers. ; “ Gombe Sugu ” ngobongobomangoboor i: banuunguli Culture is the essence and spirit of any nation. When dance phenomenon in East Africa, see Ranger (1975), “ (Nyerere 1967:186 1967). Another bragged that the villages in his district ” ArushaDeclaration, “ bugobogobo beni (skin); bajiing the ridiculed wana Makanga, recorded by Frank Gunderson in Ng ; and; “ ’ ngobo ” : ” Bise Enaba Tulimungwanahumbu . . . cial in the 1960s called the farm labor groups examples of because of “ ﬁ ” ? I have set up this new ministry to help us regain our pride in our own ) shaped like a small cone or boat, or double bells shaped like a bursted fruit. basekeleja piece ; Mkutano wa Viongozi the orphans ” “ : beni Mister Farmer. Lele Mama “ (see ; gololo ” á , or n bapina á Frank Gunderson at Isangidjo village on 20 December (see 1994 Gunderson).

ka never went hungry, . . . at onceat the.term . for.drum, wellasdrumming as orother musical instrumentation, sing- Kiduo their clothes Funuki. Performed by Ng village August 1995. on 17 thetic in the spirit of the boisterious moting,self-demeaningor names,as such heads kept in place with sticks, bored near the rim. ( “ ing, dancing, and the complex of constituent behavior and concepts culture. I want it to seek out the best of the traditions and customs of our tribes and make them a part of our national culture culture on national cultural consciousness: we were at school we were taught to sing the songs of the Europeans. Lots of us can play guitar, piano or other European instruments. But how many of you have been taught the songs of the Wanyamwezi or the Wahehe? Many of us have learned to dance the rhumba, rock and roll, and the twist, and even to dance the waltz and the foxtrot. But how many of us can dance or have even heard of the and Gunderson and Barz (2000). deliveredaroundthetimeof the newsocialist policies. Inan oft-quoted speech where Nyerere outlined his cultural policies for the new ministry of culture, he reminded his colleagues of the effects of colonialism the (the skin wearers). This term, at the time of its clothing. inception, traditional wearing by would values traditional uphold have meant skins up until the 1890s (Koponen 1988:254). by organizer who rose to prominence in the 1950s, after protesting the practices of middlemen middlemen of practices the protesting after 1950s, the in prominence to rose who organizer Hindi traders who cheated Sukuma farmers by not paying them enough for their cotton. Several songs were composed in his honor in the and 1950s 1960s. In the 1960s he was made Minister of Finance and Planning in Julius Nyerere appointed Tanzanian Ambassador to the United States, a post he held for twenty years. “ 15. Literally, 22. One government of 17. From the 18. These new entrepreneurial farming and self-help groups adopted a kind of 13. A term for any kind of small drum, made from anything from tin cans to small trees, with 14. kindbellsterm forany of cover legs,wornthe ona small bell smallThisa is ballwith a inside 16.Kang memory by recalledfrom unknown.Text Composer 12. A proto-Bantu institution widespread in Central, East, and Southern Africa, 20. For a detailed discussion of the 21.legitimizationcollectionthisPresidentNyerere JuliusTanzanianspeeches a to of by was Key 19. theKiSukumaFrom term 23. Paul Bomani was an early TANU leader, civil rights leader, and cotton farmers cooperative 2 2 Public Culture The Reversible World, The Post- Colonial Studies Studies Colonial The Post- composed and performed by

” in. fl n. New York: Routledge. fi . Munster:. Anthropos Bilbiothek. . Vol. 1 and 2. Hamburg:2.and 1 Friederichsen,Vol. . International Journal of African Historical Ethnographic Survey of East Central Africa, . New York: Harper and Brothers. . Berlin:. Dietrich Reimer. ths, and Helen Tif fi Afr Centr Orientale . Sukuma Archives, Bujora Cultural Centre, Tanzania. ’ . Stanford:. Stanford University Press. . New. York: Hougton Mif Kambaragi Kambaragi O Nyerere . . . “ 1994). groups have long made themselves available for noncompeti- Peuplede L

wana Mihumo. Recorded by Frank Gunderson in Isangidjo village, ’ piece piece s birthday, sometime before World War I (Iliffe 1979:238). ’ bayeye wa. 1994. Interview by author. Fumagila village, Mwanza District, 20 ’ ” 23. . New Haven: University Yale Press. – , ed. Steven Feld and Keith Basso. Sante Fe: School of American Research and Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle The Logic of Practice The Lake Regions of Central Africa DieNyamwezi: Gesellschaft Weltbildund 1939 Northwest Tanzania under German and British Rule; Colonial Policy and Tribal The Peoples of Greater Unyamwezi. Unyamwezi. Greater of Peoples The Patterns of Culture – bunuunguli bunuunguli Onyesho Maluum Kinship Organization, Clan na Mwami Ng ’ troupe to area schools, which performed songs and theater with AIDS-related Les Banyamwezi, , 15 (4):601, 15 , ed., Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Grif wii 24. ’ wana), Buseng – ’ banuunguli oma ’ Senses of Senses Place . 1956. East. 1956. African Newspapers Collection. University of Dar es Salaam, October. 15 . . . Makusudi ya ombi hili ni kwamba nyimbo hizi ni za kihistoria katika maendeleo ya kisiasa November. Society in Tanzania in the Nineteenth Century. Studies de Gruyter and Co. Press. materials ( Kang In ed. Roger Abrahams and Richard Bauman. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Reader part 17. London:part International 17. African Institute. shenanigans displayed before appreciative chiefs, and they reportedly danced at a celebra- a at danced reportedly they and chiefs, appreciative before displayed shenanigans tion of Kaiser Wilhelm ng Maguon 20 December 1994. “ na jamii ya taifa letu. tive and commercial dancing shows for the authorities. Blohm describes (1933) their snake (The Revolutionary Party) in 1977. Politics, 1889 (2):1

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