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Colombia: Current and Future Political, Economic and Security Trends
Colombia: Current and Future Political, Economic and Security Trends By Stephen J. Randall, FRSC Fellow of the Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute and Director, Institute for United States Policy Research Jillian Dowding, MA Assistant Director, Institute for United States Policy Research December 2006 Prepared for the Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute 1600, 530 – 8th Avenue S.W., Calgary, AB T2P 3S8 www.cdfai.org © Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute Introduction For some analysts Colombia is seen to be at a crossroads, with the capacity to move beyond more than thirty years of internal conflict and realize its potential, especially in the economic sector. This paper outlines the current political, economic and security situation in the country and explores some of the possible scenarios for the next five to ten year period.1 The authors suggest that it is critically important to examine the ways in which the political and strategic environment has evolved over the past decade in order to understand the current situation and predict where the country will likely move in the near future. Most analysts of Colombia concur that Colombia has not realized its economic potential in the past fifty years because of the internal conflict, a conflict that has its roots in both ideological differences as well as socio-economic inequalities, but which have been greatly exacerbated since the emergence of the narcotics industry in the 1970s. That internal conflict has defeated government after government in its effort to develop a broader vision of the role that Colombia could play in inter-American relations or economically to move into the developed world. -
Sustainability of Colombian Military/Strategic Support for "Democratic Security"
SUSTAINABILITY OF COLOMBIAN MILITARY/STRATEGIC SUPPORT FOR “DEMOCRATIC SECURITY” Thomas A. Marks July 2005 Visit our website for other free publication downloads http://www.carlisle.army.mil/ssi To rate this publication click here. ***** The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. This report is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. ***** Comments pertaining to this report are invited and should be forwarded to: Director, Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 122 Forbes Ave, Carlisle, PA 17013-5244. ***** All Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) monographs are available on the SSI Homepage for electronic dissemination. Hard copies of this report also may be ordered from our Homepage. SSI’s Homepage address is: http://www.carlisle.army. mil/ssi/ ***** The Strategic Studies Institute publishes a monthly e-mail newsletter to update the national security community on the research of our analysts, recent and forthcoming publications, and upcoming conferences sponsored by the Institute. Each newsletter also provides a strategic commentary by one of our research analysts. If you are interested in receiving this newsletter, please subscribe on our homepage at http://www.carlisle.army.mil/ssi/newsletter.cfm. ISBN 1-58487-212-8 ii FOREWORD A sea-change has occurred in troubled Colombia, as detailed in this monograph. For the first time in 40 years, cautious optimism pervades discussions of Bogota’s seemingly intractable situation. Drugs, terrorism, and insurgency continue in their explosive mix, but the current government of President Alvaro Uribe has fashioned a counterinsurgency approach that holds the strategic initiative and has a chance of negating a long-standing security threat to the state. -
Colombia Collisions with “Unforeseeable Events,” and in Terms of Economic Opportunities Lost to Rivals Who Are Consistently Pursuing Winning Strategies
FUERTH system, a networked approach to the management of complex priorities, and a formal feedback system to help it learn from experience. The consequences are visible in terms of an increasing number of Colombia collisions with “unforeseeable events,” and in terms of economic opportunities lost to rivals who are consistently pursuing winning strategies. This pattern is feeding an increasing conviction at home and abroad that the United States is in irreversible decline. Such a conviction feeds on itself and becomes a Updating the Mission? negative force in and of itself. The truth is hard to face. For decades, we have acted as if American primacy was the natural order of things rather than a legacy built on the vision and the sacrifices of our predecessors. We have been encour- aged to think of ourselves as fortune’s favored children, and the sad consequences of that are all too appar- BY CARLOS ALBERTO OSPINA OVALLE ent. We must now learn to govern ourselves more intelligently. The first step is to accept that, in a complex universe, the only true constants are surprise and change. Success goes to those who anticipate. PRISM The author acknowledges the work of Evan Faber, whose substantive expertise, critical comments, and organizational skill were of great value in the preparation of this article. ith the emergence of the so-called new threats, the world’s perspective on the use of force has changed, and new challenges have developed. Alternative roles for the Notes military have been proposed, and even new philosophies have been developed with 1 W The term anticipatory governance first came to the author’s attention when it was used in an email written concepts such as population-centric warfare and network-centric warfare. -
Education for Reconciliation in the Local Context – Three Case Studies from Colombia International Dialogues on Education, 2018, Volume 5, Number 1, Pp
Meier & Páez: Education for Reconciliation in the Local Context – Three Case Studies from Colombia International Dialogues on Education, 2018, Volume 5, Number 1, pp. 87-110 ISSN 2198-5944 Markus D. Meier & Manuel Páez (Colombia) Education for Reconciliation in the Local Context – Three Case Studies from Colombia Abstract: The Colombian Peace process has come to a formal end with the signing of the Treaty of Havanna in 2016. The article gives a short introduction of the developments since then, focusing on the plebiscite before reporting the results of our visits to three different municipalities, where we talked with victims and victimizers, carried out various pedagogical exercises and received a feed-back concerning measures implemented to compensate victims and reintegrate former victimizers. Keywords: Colombia, peace education, field work, reintegration, compensation, Interlacing 概要 (Markus D. Meier & Manuel Páez: 在当地语境下的和解教育 – 哥伦比亚的三个案例研究): 随着 2016年哈瓦那条约的签署,哥伦比亚和平进程正式结束。文章简要介绍了自那时起的一些发展状况, 着眼于在汇报我们对三个不同直辖市的访问结果之前的全民公决,在那里我们与受害者和危害人进行 了交谈,开展了各种教学活动,并收到了为补偿受害者以及曾经的危害人重新融入社会而采取措施的 一些反馈。 关键词: 哥伦比亚,和平教育,实地工作,重新融入,赔偿,联系 Abstract (Markus D. Meier & Manuel Páez: Bildung zur Versöhnung im lokalen Kontext - drei Fallstudien aus Kolumbien): Der kolumbianische Friedensprozess ist mit der Unterzeichnung des Vertrags von Havanna im Jahr 2016 zu einem formalen Ende gekommen. Die Autoren geben eine kurze Einführung in die seitdem geschehenen Entwicklungen, wobei sie den Schwerpunkt auf die Volksabstimmung legen. Danach berichten sie über die Ergebnisse ihrer Besuche in drei verschiedenen Gemeinden, in welchen sie 87 mit Opfern und Tätern gesprochen, verschiedene pädagogische Übungen durchgeführt haben und ein Feedback zu Maßnahmen zur Entschädigung von Opfern und zur Wiedereingliederung von Tätern erhalten haben. Schlüsselwörter: Kolumbien, Friedenserziehung, Feldforschung, Re-Integration, Entschädigung, Vernetzung Pезюме (Маркус Д. -
A Comparison of the Democratic Security Policy in Colombia and Provincial Reconstruction Teams in Iraq
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive DSpace Repository Theses and Dissertations 1. Thesis and Dissertation Collection, all items 2009-09 A comparison of the Democratic Security Policy in Colombia and Provincial Reconstruction Teams in Iraq Walker, James A. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/4597 Downloaded from NPS Archive: Calhoun NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS A COMPARISON OF THE DEMOCRATIC SECURITY POLICY IN COLOMBIA AND PROVINCIAL RECONSTRUCTION TEAMS IN IRAQ by James A. Walker September 2009 Thesis Co-Advisors: Douglas Porch Sophal Ear Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED September 2009 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE A Comparison of the Democratic Security Policy in 5. FUNDING NUMBERS Colombia and Provincial Reconstruction Teams in Iraq 6. AUTHOR(S) James A. Walker 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. -
Colombia's New Armed Groups
COLOMBIA’S NEW ARMED GROUPS Latin America Report N°20 – 10 May 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. MORE THAN CRIMINAL GANGS?.......................................................................... 2 A. THE AUC AS PREDECESSOR ..................................................................................................3 B. THE NEW ILLEGAL ARMED GROUPS ......................................................................................6 III. CASE STUDIES.............................................................................................................. 8 A. NORTE DE SANTANDER .........................................................................................................8 1. AUC history in the region..........................................................................................8 2. Presence of new illegal armed groups and criminal organisations ..............................8 3. Conflict dynamics....................................................................................................10 4. Conclusion ...............................................................................................................11 B. NARIÑO ..............................................................................................................................11 1. AUC history in the region........................................................................................11 -
Mexico Is Not Colombia Alternative Historical Analogies for Responding to the Challenge of Violent Drug-Trafficking Organizations
CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Security Research Division View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This report is part of the RAND Corporation research report series. RAND reports present research findings and objective analysis that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND reports undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for re- search quality and objectivity. Supporting Case Studies Christopher Paul, Colin P. Clarke, Chad C. Serena C O R P O R A T I O N NATIONAL SECURITY RESEARCH DIVISION Mexico Is Not Colombia Alternative Historical Analogies for Responding to the Challenge of Violent Drug-Trafficking Organizations Supporting Case Studies Christopher Paul, Colin P. -
WOLA Colombia Monitor
WOLA Colombia Monitor JULY 2002 A WOLA BRIEFING SERIES Produced by the Washington Office on Colombia Cracks Down Latin America, the Colombia Monitor n May 26, Alvaro Uribe Vélez earned the Colombian presidency in a re- combines timely analysis sounding first-round victory. This edition of the Colombia Monitor provides of policy dynamics in Obackground on the history of Colombian elections, a review of this year’s Washington with on-the- March congressional and May presidential elections, and an assessment of the chal- ground monitoring of lenges awaiting, and concerns about, the Uribe administration, which assumes office on the impact of U.S. policy August 7. It also outlines the unfolding debate about Colombia in Washington, particu- in the Andean region. The larly around the emergency supplemental appropriations bill that will, among other intent of this briefing things, alter the U.S. mission in Colombia to include involvement in series is to broaden and counterinsurgency operations. inform the public and policy debates about how to strengthen Democracy and Elections in Colombian History democracy, human rights, The Conservative and Liberal parties are pillars of Colombian political history. Their and prospects for peace. nineteenth-century origins are some of the oldest in Latin America and one scholar has called them the “functional equivalent of subcultures.”1 Until the late 1950s, the parties did This issue provides an more than represent social cleavages in Colombia: they were the social cleavage. Indeed, the analysis of the Colombian infamous la violencia (“the violence”), a civil war lasting from the 1940s until the 1960s, presidential election and largely stemmed from land disputes and the “hereditary hatreds” of familial party loyalties. -
Erasing the Lines Trends in U.S
Erasing the Lines Trends in U.S. military programs with Latin America ast year, we published a report, “Blurring elected leaders who openly criticize U.S. policies, and the Lines,” which discussed the confusion of the growth of populist movements. Lmilitary and policing roles in Latin America amid weakening civilian oversight of U.S. military assistance programs. A year later, these trends are intensifying. 1. The Defense Department makes a play for The Defense Department continues to expand its control over foreign military training programs that greater control over foreign military programs were once the exclusive province of the Department A little-noticed but significant attempt to change U.S. of State, lessening congressional oversight and security policy occurred early in 2005 and resurfaced weakening the relation of military assistance to overall again at the end of the legislative session; though foreign policy goals. In Central America, the U.S. initially unsuccessful, it remains before Congress and government is encouraging military involvement in new warrants close monitoring. In March, the Pentagon internal missions—including policing functions—by requested broad new authority to train and equip accompanying a regional realignment of military roles in response to “emerging” threats. Training by Budget Source, 1999, 2001-2004 The year also saw human rights groups carrying out an intense effort to apply conditions in the law Defense budget programs Foreign aid and budget programs (sales excluded) governing military aid to Colombia, as well as a Bush Administration attempt to lift a fifteen-year- 25000 old ban on military aid to Guatemala. The most widespread challenge to the region’s military aid, however, came from conservative U.S. -
Colombia's “Territorial-Peace” Approach and the City
Geogr. Helv., 75, 285–306, 2020 https://doi.org/10.5194/gh-75-285-2020 © Author(s) 2020. This work is distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. supported by (Re)claiming territory: Colombia’s “territorial-peace” approach and the city Angela Stienen Institute of Research and Development, University of Education, Bern, Switzerland Correspondence: Angela Stienen ([email protected]) Received: 17 July 2018 – Revised: 14 July 2020 – Accepted: 21 July 2020 – Published: 14 September 2020 Abstract. This article observes the Latin American debate on “territory” through the lens of the “territorial- peace” approach agreed in the peace accord between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas in 2016. It explores the different notions of territory entailed in this concept and shows that the territorial-peace approach builds on a political-programmatic understanding of territory due to its rural focus. An ethnographic analysis of the urban renewal programme PRIMED, implemented at the disputed urban periphery of Colombia’s second city, Medellín, in the 1990s, demonstrates how this programme anticipated the idea of territorial peace in a conflictive urban context. The ethnography reveals the ambiguities and inconsistencies of the production of urban territory, both as state space and as the space of subaltern social groups, through territorial peacebuilding. The discussion why PRIMED challenges the political-programmatic understanding of territory in the territorial- peace debate concludes with highlighting why it makes a difference approaching territorial peace as a “political project to be achieved” or as an unpredictable process of territorialisation and why this distinction matters if the territorial-peace approach is to be extended to urban contexts. -
The Uses of the Historical Method in Conflicted Societies Through the Work of Historical Clarification Commissions (HCC) As State-Sponsored Bodies of Inquiry
The Uses of the Historical Method in Conflicted Societies: Understanding Historical Clarification Commissions Cira Pallí-Asperó, B.A., MSc. Transitional Justice Institute, Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences, Ulster University Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy February 2020 I confirm that the word count of this thesis is less than 100,000 A l’ àvia, qui em va ensenyar que, amb esforç, constància i dedicació, puc aconseguir tot el que em proposi. To my Nanna, who taught me that, with effort, perseverance and dedication, I could achieve anything. 5 Table of Contents Table of Figures............................................................................................................... 9 Note on Access to Contents ......................................................................................... 11 Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................ 13 Abstract ......................................................................................................................... 15 List of Acronyms ........................................................................................................... 17 Chapter 1.- Introduction ........................................................................................... 19 1.4.- Overview of the Argument .............................................................................. 24 1.5.- Thesis Outlined ................................................................................................ -
GAO-12-824, COUNTERNARCOTICS ASSISTANCE: U.S. Agencies Have Allotted Billions in Andean Countries, but DOD Should Improve Its Re
United States Government Accountability Office Report to the Subcommittee on the GAO Western Hemisphere, Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives July 2012 COUNTERNARCOTICS ASSISTANCE U.S. Agencies Have Allotted Billions in Andean Countries, but DOD Should Improve Its Reporting of Results GAO-12-824 June 2012 COUNTERNARCOTICS ASSISTANCE U.S. Agencies Have Allotted Billions in Andean Countries, but DOD Should Improve Its Reporting of Results Highlights of GAO-12-824, a report to the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives Why GAO Did This Study What GAO Found Hundreds of metric tons of cocaine No single U.S. counternarcotics strategy exists for the Andean region. In each flow annually from South America to country—Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela—the U.S. embassy’s the United States, threatening the mission strategic resource plan, developed in consultation with the country’s security and well-being of U.S. citizens. government, guides counternarcotics assistance provided by U.S. agencies. South American cocaine production Department of State (State) officials told GAO that these plans incorporate high- and trafficking is centered in the five level guidance from the Office of National Drug Control Policy’s (ONDCP) annual countries in the Andean region. State, National Drug Control Strategy. USAID, DOD, and DEA provide counternarcotics assistance to stem In fiscal years 2006 through 2011, estimated allotments for counternarcotics production and trafficking of narcotics assistance to the Andean countries by U.S. agencies—State, the U.S. Agency for in these countries. ONDCP oversees International Development (USAID), the Department of Defense (DOD), and the and coordinates this assistance.