DOCSLIB.ORG

Book Reviews Summer 2009

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Book Reviews Summer 2009 Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 1, No. 1, 2009, 157-167 Book reviews Mark Donovan and Paolo Onofri (eds), Politica in Italia: I fatti dell’anno e le interpretazioni. Edizione 2008 , Bologna: Il Mulino, 2009, pp. 350. ISBN 978 88 15 12542 2. Fifteenth years into the so-called Second Republic, Italian politics is characterised by a sense of fatigue, disillusionment, and scepticism. This is the message that the editors convey in their introduction to this Politica in Italia volume that charts the events of the year 2007. Resisting the temptation to turn this edition of the annual series into an analysis of the making of Prodi’s eventual 2008 defeat, the editors and contributors to the volume turn their gaze to longer-term political developments and offer their own interpretation of these trends. Contingent choices and durable features blend in determining the onset of a general disillusionment about the possibility of a veritable renewal of Italian politics, even as the much longed-for alternation in government appears to gain a firm foothold. The keyword of the Introduction is ‘antipolitics’ – that ‘chronic dissatisfaction’ (p.57) that Italians harbour against their political system, whether of an ‘ideological’ or a ‘pragmatic’ nature. What had been thought to be the key to the solution of Italy’s short-lived and ineffective governments – alternation in government – appears ineffective against the overdrawn identity crisis of the Italian left and its incapacity to reconstitute a reformist-progressive position as a counterweight to the populist- personalist message proposed by Berlusconi. As we will learn, similar difficulties are experienced by the Italian right. It is thus up to a popular and politically engaged comedian, Beppe Grillo, to fill this void by using some of the same simplified language that Berlusconi uses (even though his blog and legislative initiatives are, according to the editors, far from comical). To explain the third electoral victory of Berlusconi and his eventual comeback at the helm of Italian government the authors must analyse the chequered reforms of the 2006-2008 Prodi government, the extreme fragmentation of the coalition supporting him, and the mistakes made during the first few months of his mandate. The contributors to the chapters of the first part of the volume – by Marc Lazar on the birth of the Democratic Party (PD), by Mark Donovan on the sources of fragmentation within the right-wing camp, by Duncan McDonnell on the 2007 local elections, by Gianfranco Baldini on the Bulletin of Italian Politics ISSN 1759 – 3077 www.gla.ac.uk/bip 157 Book reviews referendum campaign and electoral reform – analyse the reasons for the difficult creation of a bipolar political system. Lazar describes the peculiar ‘birth pangs’ of a new centre-left party (the PD) that apparently has fewer difficulties reconciling the confessional and non-confessional positions of the leftist fringe of the old Christian Democrats (DC) and the moderate fringe of the old Italian Communist Party, respectively, than in becoming a truly new political subject which is not just a collation of the old secretariats and the old members. Donovan detects similar difficulties in generating a new political subject within the right camp as this seeks to acquire a unitary identity (Partito delle Libertà) after having been a mere coalitional entente (Polo delle Libertà) and an instrumental cohabitation (Casa delle Libertà). Both alliances respond more to the need to join forces in order to defeat the opposite formation than to the desire to seek convergence towards a common programme and a future destiny. A disturbing element for both projects is the ambiguous position of the DC-splinter parties (UDC, UDEUR) still attempting to reconstitute a centre-party. And yet the contours of a different, more conventional political system can be gleaned also from the outcomes of the local elections, which seem to confirm the rule that the opposition parties tend to do better in ‘second-order elections’, be they local or European. These birth pangs take place ‘in the shadow’ of the electoral-law referendum, which some welcome as the only remedy for the ill effects of the 2005 electoral law – which managed to create an ‘all- Italian forced and fragmented bi-polarism’ (p.135), as Baldini dubs it – and some try to sidestep, without success, by forging a bi-partisan consensus on a German, or Spanish, or French electoral law. The second part of the volume is dedicated to several policies that preoccupied representatives of the Italian political system, and public opinion, in 2007. It includes a chapter on foreign policy, by James Walston, that describes the (moderately successful) attempt to find a new role for a medium-sized power like Italy; a chapter, by Lucia Quaglia, on the reform of the Bank of Italy designed to secure stricter financial controls; a chapter on the thwarted attempts at liberalisation, by Andrea Boitani; a chapter on fiscal federalism and local utility reforms, by Massimo Bordignon and Gilberto Turati; and a chapter on the social policies of the centre-left government, by Massimo Baldini and Paolo Bossi. Together, these chapters offer an analysis of the objective challenges facing Italy and the economic policy theories that could provide an answer to both right-wing and left- wing governments, and hence provide a narrative that spans well beyond the year 2007 and a sometimes sophisticated discussion of the economic and technical issues involved. The overall impression is that while ‘what needs to be done’ in most policy areas is unequivocally clear to both sides of the political spectrum, neither is willing to incur the political costs of carrying it out (with the partial exceptions of foreign policy and financial oversight reform, which are more shielded from public attention). So 158 liberalisation, local, and social policies prove a hard testing ground for both right- and left-wing governments. Finally, the third part of the volume is dedicated to two issues that particularly agitated Italian public opinion in 2007: unconventional family formats ( unioni di fatto ) and personal security. The chapter by Luigi Ceccarini on unconventional family formats – non-married and same-sex couples – constitutes an opportunity to discuss the new way in which the Catholic Church has been intervening in Italian political debate since the demise of Christian Democracy, in turn a testing ground for the new way in which the Church intends to be present in the global political debate by taking a stand on issues on the ‘bio-political agenda’ such as abortion, the day-after pill, in vitro fertilisation, stem-cell technology, living wills, euthanasia and human cloning. Laura Sartori discusses the widespread sense of personal insecurity, often rightly or wrongly associated with illegal migration and the problematic integration. In both cases, we discover that Italian public opinion is not so different from public opinion elsewhere, yet its cultural heritage constrains the official debate within narrower alternatives. All in all, this is a very informative and pleasant book to read which, however, changes ‘register’ several times – from the exquisitely political to the more technical, from the short- to the long-term perspective. The Italian political system changed also during 2007, but at a slower pace and with greater hesitation than Italians probably wished for themselves. Simona Piattoni University of Trento Arnaldo Forlani, Potere discreto: Cinquant’anni con la democrazia cristiana, a cura di Sandro Fontana e Nicola Guiso, Venezia: Marsilio, 2009, pp. 256. ISBN 8831796836. Arnaldo Forlani (1925- ) may not provoke the sinister feelings we sometimes associate with the name of Giulio Andreotti; nor has he shown the resolute attitude of Amintore Fanfani, or the intellectual subtleties of Aldo Moro. Within the Christian Democratic galaxy, however, he has played a crucial role, and at the heart of the party; in fifty years of militancy he has always been at the forefront, and often in key positions: he was twice political secretary (1969-72 and 1989-92), Minister of Defence (1974-76), Minister of Foreign Affairs (1976-79) and Prime Minister (1980-81). This book is framed as a long interview on the whole of his political experience, including the years following his involvement in the Tangentopoli scandal (1992) and his subsequent retirement from public life. 159 Book reviews The editors, Sandro Fontana and Nicola Guiso, are well-known Christian democratic journalists and intellectuals, whose public positions were already important in the final years of Forlani’s career. The interview starts with the ‘Epilogue’, which is devoted to Forlani’s dramatic exit from politics, within the context of the corruption scandals that overthrew the First Republic in 1992. The assessment of those events is still highly problematic and we cannot but register Forlani’s defence of his mandate as political secretary (pp. 27-29). If we leave aside for a while the much debated controversy between the main ruling parties and the judiciary in the early 1990s, we can more calmly appreciate the political significance of an interview which touches on all the main aspects of Italy’s contemporary history within the European and Atlantic framework. Moving on from the Resistance and the Cold War, Forlani’s measured answers deal with the age of the economic miracle, the subsequent descent into the ‘years of lead’, up to the rise of Craxi and eventually Berlusconi. More than the large variety of the issues discussed, what is here deeply striking is the centrality of the role of the Christian Democratic party ( Democrazia Cristiana , DC). There is no better guide than Forlani to the turning points, the key moments, and the main protagonists of its history. The party is omni-present, omni-pervasive, with its relentless dialectic within and without, its factions, wings, allies, opponents, and above all its gradual but restless evolution within the framework of Italian and European politics.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (Excepts)
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts) Citation: “Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts),” October 22, 1962, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Italian Senate Historical Archives [the Archivio Storico del Senato della Repubblica]. Translated by Leopoldo Nuti. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/115421 Summary: The few excerpts about Cuba are a good example of the importance of the diaries: not only do they make clear Fanfani’s sense of danger and his willingness to search for a peaceful solution of the crisis, but the bits about his exchanges with Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Carlo Russo, with the Italian Ambassador in London Pietro Quaroni, or with the USSR Presidium member Frol Kozlov, help frame the Italian position during the crisis in a broader context. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Italian Contents: English Translation The Amintore Fanfani Diaries 22 October Tonight at 20:45 [US Ambassador Frederick Reinhardt] delivers me a letter in which [US President] Kennedy announces that he must act with an embargo of strategic weapons against Cuba because he is threatened by missile bases. And he sends me two of the four parts of the speech which he will deliver at midnight [Rome time; 7 pm Washington time]. I reply to the ambassador wondering whether they may be falling into a trap which will have possible repercussions in Berlin and elsewhere. Nonetheless, caught by surprise, I decide to reply formally tomorrow. I immediately called [President of the Republic Antonio] Segni in Sassari and [Foreign Minister Attilio] Piccioni in Brussels recommending prudence and peace for tomorrow’s EEC [European Economic Community] meeting.
    [Show full text]
  • Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
    Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996).
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.Antonio Gramsci a Torino (1911-1922)
    Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana ISSN: 1315-5216 [email protected] Universidad del Zulia Venezuela Maffia, Gesualdo Antonio Gramsci a Torino (1911-1922) Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana, vol. 16, núm. 53, abril-junio, 2011, pp. 95-105 Universidad del Zulia Maracaibo, Venezuela Disponibile in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=27919220009 Come citare l'articolo Numero completo Sistema d'Informazione Scientifica Altro articolo Rete di Riviste Scientifiche dell'America Latina, i Caraibi, la Spagna e il Portogallo Home di rivista in redalyc.org Progetto accademico senza scopo di lucro, sviluppato sotto l'open acces initiative Antonio Gramsci in Turin (1911-1922) Gesualdo MAFFIA ipartimen to di Studi Politici, Universidad de Torino, Italia. La ciudad de Torino le ofrece a Antonio The city of Turin offered Antonio Gramsci un ambiente muy fecundo para su for- Gramsci a very fertile environment for his politi- mación política e intelectual, gracias a la presti- cal and intellectual development, thanks to its giosa tradición universitaria y a su rápido desa- prestigious university tradition and rapid indus- rrollo industrial. Gramsci, abandona sus estudios trial development. Gramsci abandonded his uni- universitarios, se dedica al periodismo político, versity studies and dedicated himself to political renovando la difusión del socialismo, ofrece un journalism, renewing the diffusion of socialism, ejemplo de periodismo crítico, atento a los he- offering an example of critical journalism, aware chos y a las contradicciones de la sociedad liberal
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Life of Sydney Sonnino Between Biography and Local History
    Francesco Fusi. Il «deputato della nazione» Sidney Sonnino e il suo collegio elettorale (1880-1900). Segrate: Le Monnier, 2019. xii + 268 pp. EUR 34.00, paper, ISBN 978-88-00-74985-5. Reviewed by Marzia Maccaferri (Goldsmiths, University of London) Published on H-Italy (June, 2020) Commissioned by Matteo Pretelli (University of Naples "L'Orientale") A Neglected History? The Political Life of Sydney Sonnino between Biography and Local History This dense book by Francesco Fusi on the ear‐ times, noticeably in the Foreign Office during ly stages of the long career of the Italian states‐ World War I and, with the Italian prime minister man Sydney Sonnino is a welcome addition to the Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, represented Italy at recent literature on Italy’s liberal age. Based on the the Paris Conference in 1919. Intellectually com‐ author’s PhD thesis discussed at the University of mitted to universal suffrage and, at the same time, Pisa, the book adopts an interesting approach to a traditional liberalism that considered govern‐ combining biography, local, and political history. ment as the neutral institutional instrument of the As accurately stressed in the introduction, the fig‐ constitutional representation of the general inter‐ ure of the Tuscan parliamentarian is analyzed ests of the nation, Sonnino advocated the creation through the particular prism of the relationship of an organized political party while the leader‐ with his constituency, San Casciano Val di Pesa ship, especially Giovanni Giolitti, preferred the (near Florence), in the period between the first idea of politics as administration. Famous for his widening of electoral suffrage and the new centu‐ article in the Nuova Antologia “Torniamo allo ry.
    [Show full text]
  • ICRC President in Italy…
    INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE RED CROSS ICRC President in Italy... The President of the ICRC, Mr. Alexandre Hay, was in Italy from 15 to 20 June for an official visit. He was accompanied by Mr. Sergio Nessi, head of the Financing Division, and Mr. Melchior Borsinger, delegate-general for Europe and North America. The purpose of the visit was to contact the Italian authorities, to give them a detailed account of the ICRC role and function and to obtain greater moral and material support from them. The first day of the visit was mainly devoted to discussions with the leaders of the National Red Cross Society and a tour of the Society's principal installations. On the same day Mr. Hay was received by the President of the Republic, Mr. Sandro Pertini. Other discussions with government officials enabled the ICRC delegation to explain all aspects of current ICRC activities throughout the world. Mr. Hay's interlocutors were Mr. Filippo Maria Pandolfi, Minister of Finance; Mr. Aldo Aniasi, Minister of Health; Mrs. Nilde Iotti, Chairman of the Chamber of Deputies; Mr. Amintore Fanfani, President of the Senate; Mr. Paulo Emilio Taviani, Chairman of the Chamber of Deputies' Foreign Affairs Commission and Mr. Giulio Andreotti, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Affairs Commission. Discussions were held also with the leaders of the Italian main political parties. On 20 June President Hay, Mr. Nessi and Mr. Borsinger were received in audience by H.H. Pope John-Paul II, after conferring with H.E. Cardinal Casaroli, the Vatican Secretary of State, and H.E. Cardinal Gantin, Chairman of the "Cor Unum" Pontifical Council and of the pontifical Justice and Peace Commission.
    [Show full text]
  • Download the History Book In
    GHELLA Five Generations of Explorers and Dreamers Eugenio Occorsio in collaboration with Salvatore Giuffrida 1 2 Ghella, Five Generations of Explorers and Dreamers chapter one 1837 DOMENICO GHELLA The forefather Milan, June 1837. At that time around 500,000 people live in At the head of the city there is a new mayor, Milan, including the suburbs in the peripheral belt. Gabrio Casati. One of these is Noviglio, a rural hamlet in the south of the city. He was appointed on 2 January, the same day that Alessandro Manzoni married his second wife Teresa Borri, following the death of Enrichetta Blondel. The cholera epidemic of one year ago, which caused It is here, that on June 26 1837 Domenico Ghella more than 1,500 deaths, is over and the city is getting is born. Far away from the centre, from political life back onto its feet. In February, Emperor Ferdinand and the salon culture of the aristocracy, Noviglio is I of Austria gives the go-ahead to build a railway known for farmsteads, rice weeders, and storks which linking Milan with Venice, while in the city everyone come to nest on the church steeples from May to is busy talking about the arrival of Honoré de Balzac. July. A rural snapshot of a few hundred souls, living He is moving into the Milanese capital following an on the margins of a great city. Here Dominico spends inheritance and apparently, to also escape debts his childhood years, then at the age of 13 he goes to accumulated in Paris. France, to Marseille, where he will spend ten long years working as a miner.
    [Show full text]
  • Italy Report
    Country Report Italy Tina Magazzini November 2019 This Country Report offers a detailed assessment of religious diversity and violent religious radicalisation in the above-named state. It is part of a series Covering 23 countries (listed below) on four Continents. More basiC information about religious affiliation and state-religion relations in these states is available in our Country Profiles series. This report was produCed by GREASE, an EU-funded research project investigating religious diversity, seCularism and religiously inspired radiCalisation. Countries covered in this series: Albania, Australia, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Egypt, FranCe, Germany, Greece, Italy, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Lebanon, Lithuania, Malaysia, Morocco, Russia, Slovakia, Spain, Tunisia, Turkey and the United Kingdom. http://grease.eui.eu The GREASE projeCt has reCeived funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement number 770640 Italy Country Report GREASE The EU-Funded GREASE project looks to Asia for insights on governing religious diversity and preventing radicalisation. Involving researChers from Europe, North AfriCa, the Middle East, Asia and OCeania, GREASE is investigating how religious diversity is governed in over 20 Countries. Our work foCuses on Comparing norms, laws and praCtiCes that may (or may not) prove useful in preventing religious radiCalisation. Our researCh also sheds light on how different soCieties Cope with the Challenge of integrating religious minorities and migrants. The aim is to deepen our understanding of how religious diversity Can be governed suCCessfully, with an emphasis on countering radiCalisation trends. While exploring religious governanCe models in other parts of the world, GREASE also attempts to unravel the European paradox of religious radiCalisation despite growing seCularisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Documento Scaricato Dal Sito Mininterno.Net - Il Portale Per La Preparazione Ai Concorsi Pubblici - Esercitati GRATIS On-Line! N
    N. Domanda A B C D 1 Dove si trova il Darfur, regione in cui Somalia Uganda Sudan Eritrea nel 2003 è iniziato un drammatico conflitto? 2 A quale partito è appartenuto Oscar Partito Repubblicano Partito Socialista Partito Democratico Democrazia Cristiana Luigi Scalfaro? 3 Quale dei seguenti politici italiani è Gianni Letta Raffaele Fitto Graziano Delrio Filippo Patroni Griffi stato sottosegretario alla Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri, nei governi Berlusconi? 4 Il 6/1/1980 venne ucciso dalla mafia Presidente della Presidente della Segretario della Sindaco di Palermo Piersanti Mattarella: quale carica Commissione Regione Siciliana Democrazia Cristiana ricopriva? antimafia 5 Alla storia recente di quale paese è Messico Bolivia Venezuela Colombia legata principalmente la figura di Hugo Chavez? 6 Alla storia recente di quale paese è Bielorussia Georgia Russia Ucraina legata principalmente la figura di Julija Tymosenko? 7 Quale incarico ha ricoperto Emma Ministro per gli affari Ministro degli esteri Vicepresidente del Ministro per i rapporti Bonino nel governo Letta europei Consiglio col Parlamento (2013-2014)? 8 Alla storia recente di quale paese è Costa Rica Messico Cuba Venezuela legata principalmente la figura del "subcomandante Marcos"? 9 Nel 2012 è sorta fra Italia e India una La MCS Melody La Exxon Valdez L'Enrica Lexie La Sirius Star controversia internazionale in merito all'arresto di due marò italiani imbarcati, come nuclei militari di protezione, a bordo di quale nave? 10 Quale carica ha ricoperto Yanis Ministro delle finanze
    [Show full text]
  • The Schengen Agreements and Their Impact on Euro- Mediterranean Relations the Case of Italy and the Maghreb
    125 The Schengen Agreements and their Impact on Euro- Mediterranean Relations The Case of Italy and the Maghreb Simone PAOLI What were the main reasons that, between the mid-1980s and the early 1990s, a group of member states of the European Community (EC) agreed to abolish internal border controls while, simultaneously, building up external border controls? Why did they act outside the framework of the EC and initially exclude the Southern members of the Community? What were the reactions of both Northern and Southern Mediter- ranean countries to these intergovernmental accords, known as the Schengen agree- ments? What was their impact on both European and Euro-Mediterranean relations? And what were the implications of the accession of Southern members of the EC to said agreements in terms of relations with third Mediterranean countries? The present article cannot, of course, give a comprehensive answer to all these complex questions. It has nonetheless the ambition of throwing a new light on the origins of the Schengen agreements. In particular, by reconstructing the five-year long process through which Italy entered the Schengen Agreement and the Conven- tion implementing the Schengen Agreement, it will contribute towards the reinter- pretation of: the motives behind the Schengen agreements; migration relations be- tween Northern and Southern members of the EC in the 1980s; and migration relations between the EC, especially its Southern members, and third Mediterranean countries in the same decade. The article is divided into three parts. The first examines the historical background of the Schengen agreements, by placing them within the context of Euro-Mediter- ranean migration relations; it, also, presents the main arguments.
    [Show full text]
  • Amadeo Bordiga and the Myth of Antonio Gramsci
    AMADEO BORDIGA AND THE MYTH OF ANTONIO GRAMSCI John Chiaradia PREFACE A fruitful contribution to the renaissance of Marxism requires a purely historical treatment of the twenties as a period of the revolutionary working class movement which is now entirely closed. This is the only way to make its experiences and lessons properly relevant to the essentially new phase of the present. Gyorgy Lukács, 1967 Marxism has been the greatest fantasy of our century. Leszek Kolakowski When I began this commentary, both the USSR and the PCI (the Italian Communist Party) had disappeared. Basing myself on earlier archival work and supplementary readings, I set out to show that the change signified by the rise of Antonio Gramsci to leadership (1924-1926) had, contrary to nearly all extant commentary on that event, a profoundly negative impact on Italian Communism. As a result and in time, the very essence of the party was drained, and it was derailed from its original intent, namely, that of class revolution. As a consequence of these changes, the party would play an altogether different role from the one it had been intended for. By way of evidence, my intention was to establish two points and draw the connecting straight line. They were: one, developments in the Soviet party; two, the tandem echo in the Italian party led by Gramsci, with the connecting line being the ideology and practices associated at the time with Stalin, which I label Center communism. Hence, from the time of Gramsci’s return from the USSR in 1924, there had been a parental relationship between the two parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Elezione a Presidente Del Senato
    SENATO DELLA REPUBBLICA VIII LEGISLATURA 530a SEDUTA PUBBLICA RESOCONTO STENOGRAFICO GIOVEDI" 9 DICEMBRE 1982 Presidenza del vice presidente MORLINO, indi del vice presidente OSSICINI e del presidente MORLINO INDICE CALENDARIO DEI LAVORI DELL'ASSEM- Votazione Pag. 10 BLEA . Pag. 4 Insediamento del Presidente 11 . CONGEDI 3 ENTI PUBBLICI CONSIGLIO D'EUROPA Trasmissione di documenti 18 Elezione di vice presidente della delega- zione italiana . .. o..... 14 GOVERNO CORTE COSTITUZIONALE Accettazione delle dimissioni del secondo Governo Spadolini e composizione del Ordinanze emesse da autorità giurisdizioo quinto Governo Fanfani S nali per il giudizio di legittimità 18 Trasmissione di documenti . 16 Trasmissione di sentenze 19 DISEGNI DI LEGGE ORDINE DEL GIORNO PER LE SEDUTE DI VENERDI' 10 DICEMBRE 1982 . 19 Annunzio di presentazione 14 Assegnazione . 14 PARLAMENTO EUROPEO Nuova classificazione . 14 Trasmissione di risoluzioni 18 Presentazione di relazioni . 15 Trasmissione dalla Camera dei deputati 14 PROCEDIMENTI D'ACCUSA Trasmissione di ordinanze da parte della DOMANDE DI AUTORIZZAZIONE A PRO- CEDERE IN GIUDIZIO Commissione parlamentare . 3 Deferimento 18 SENATO, UFFICIO DI PRESIDENZA ELEZIONE DEL PRESIDENTE Cessazione dalla carica del presidente Fan- fani e del vice presidente Ferralasco: PRESIDENTE . 8, 9 SPADACCIA(Misto-PR) . 8 PRESIDENTE............. 7 TIPOGRAFIA DEL SENATO (1200) ~ 4 Senato della Repubblica ~ 8 ~ VIII Legislatura 530a SEDUTA ASSEMBLEA - RESOCONTO STENOGRAFICO 9 DICEMBRE1982 Con la sua comunicazione il presidente funzionari del Senato per l'amichevole, af- Fanfani scandisce un momento significativo fettuosa collaborazione manifestata nei miei della sua biografia umana e politica ed un riguardi anche in momenti per me partico- momento importante nella vita del Senato larmente difficili. della Repubblica. Voglia gradire, signor Vice Presidente, j Es,primo a !I1ome di tutti i senatori e mio miei più deferenti ossequi.
    [Show full text]
  • Consolati Di Carriera Ed Onorari Esteri in Italia
    MINISTERO DEGLI AFFARI ESTERI E DELLA COOPERAZIONE INTERNAZIONALE CERIMONIALE DIPLOMATICO DELLA REPUBBLICA ─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────── CONSOLATI DI CARRIERA ED ONORARI ESTERI IN ITALIA Roma, 31 gennaio 2019 ——————————————————————————————————————————————————— PREMESSA La Lista Consolare degli uffici consolari di carriera ed onorari in Italia è predisposta dal Cerimoniale Diplomatico della Repubblica, Ufficio II ed elenca i nomi dei funzionari consolari dei Consolati di carriera ed onorari stranieri nel nostro Paese. I funzionari consolari sono, a norma di quanto previsto dalla Convenzione di Vienna sulle relazioni consolari del 24 aprile 1963, tutte le persone incaricate d’esercitare le funzioni consolari. Esse godono delle immunità funzionali previste dalla Convenzione summenzionata. I principali articoli della Convenzione di Vienna che definiscono lo status consolare sono quelli contenuti nella Sezione II. La Lista Consolare, che viene regolarmente aggiornata dal Cerimoniale Diplomatico della Repubblica, si modifica quotidianamente. Sono pertanto possibili involontari errori che potranno essere segnalati al Cerimoniale Diplomatico della Repubblica – Uff. II - tel. 06 3691 4301/5081, fax 06 3235806 – ove dovrà altresì essere comunicata ogni variazione nel frattempo intervenuta rispetto ai dati riportati in questa pubblicazione. La data riportata accanto al nome del titolare del Consolato si riferisce al giorno della concessione dell’Exequatur (autorizzazione del Governo italiano a svolgere le
    [Show full text]