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A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa: 1968
A survey of race relations in South Africa: 1968 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.BOO19690000.042.000 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org A survey of race relations in South Africa: 1968 Author/Creator Horrell, Muriel Publisher South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg Date 1969-01 Resource type Reports Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa, South Africa, South Africa, South Africa, South Africa, Namibia Coverage (temporal) 1968 Source EG Malherbe Library Description A survey of race -
Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M. -
Maori and Aotearoa/New Zealand's 1981 Springbok Tour
Kunapipi Volume 23 Issue 1 Article 13 2001 ‘Almost the same, but not quite.... Almost the same, but not white’ : Maori and Aotearoa/New Zealand’s 1981 Springbok Tour Malcolm Maclean Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/kunapipi Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Maclean, Malcolm, ‘Almost the same, but not quite.... Almost the same, but not white’ : Maori and Aotearoa/New Zealand’s 1981 Springbok Tour, Kunapipi, 23(1), 2001. Available at:https://ro.uow.edu.au/kunapipi/vol23/iss1/13 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] ‘Almost the same, but not quite.... Almost the same, but not white’ : Maori and Aotearoa/New Zealand’s 1981 Springbok Tour Abstract The contradictions exposed by Maori responses to the 1981 Springbok rugby tour are clearly seen on the East Coast of New Zealand’s North Island, as they were in every other iwi.1 The Springboks were welcomed at Te Poho-o-Rawiri marae at the same time as other Ngati Porou, Rongowhakaata and other local Maori were spreading broken glass across the playing field at Gisborne’s Rugby Park — the visitors were told in no uncertain terms that they would not be welcomed again. Others from the region could not see the problem. Rugby great, George Nepia, said in 1985 ‘we have got what we wanted — the Maori in All Black teams that play in South Africa. I can’t make out why other teams can visit South Africa without all the fuss’ (Romanos 39). -
South Africa
Safrica Page 1 of 42 Recent Reports Support HRW About HRW Site Map May 1995 Vol. 7, No.3 SOUTH AFRICA THREATS TO A NEW DEMOCRACY Continuing Violence in KwaZulu-Natal INTRODUCTION For the last decade South Africa's KwaZulu-Natal region has been troubled by political violence. This conflict escalated during the four years of negotiations for a transition to democratic rule, and reached the status of a virtual civil war in the last months before the national elections of April 1994, significantly disrupting the election process. Although the first year of democratic government in South Africa has led to a decrease in the monthly death toll, the figures remain high enough to threaten the process of national reconstruction. In particular, violence may prevent the establishment of democratic local government structures in KwaZulu-Natal following further elections scheduled to be held on November 1, 1995. The basis of this violence remains the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC), now the leading party in the Government of National Unity, and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the majority party within the new region of KwaZulu-Natal that replaced the former white province of Natal and the black homeland of KwaZulu. Although the IFP abandoned a boycott of the negotiations process and election campaign in order to participate in the April 1994 poll, following last minute concessions to its position, neither this decision nor the election itself finally resolved the points at issue. While the ANC has argued during the year since the election that the final constitutional arrangements for South Africa should include a relatively centralized government and the introduction of elected government structures at all levels, the IFP has maintained instead that South Africa's regions should form a federal system, and that the colonial tribal government structures should remain in place in the former homelands. -
2013 Annual Report
Our evolution 1990 Mr Nelson Mandela is released after over 27 years in prison. 1994 Mr Mandela becomes South Africa’s first democratically elected president. 1999 Mr Mandela steps down as president. The Nelson Mandela Foundation is established and houses Mr Mandela’s personal office. It implements a wide range of development projects, including education and health infrastructure. 2002 The Nelson Mandela Foundation moves to its current premises. 2004 Mr Mandela retires and famously says, “Don’t call me, I’ll call you.” He inaugurates the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory project. The Nelson Mandela Foundation begins process of consolidation from project implementer to enabler and facilitator. 2008 Mr Mandela says at his 90th birthday concert in London, “It is time for new hands to lift the burdens. It is in your hands now.’’ 2009 The first Nelson Mandela Day is launched. The United Nations General Assembly declares, by unanimous resolution, 18 July as Nelson Mandela International Day. 2011 The Nelson Mandela Foundation enters the final phase of its transition; the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory becomes the Foundation’s physical home. Our vision Our core work Our spiral A society which remembers its pasts, listens The Nelson Mandela Foundation delivers The spiral, which in many ancient to all its voices, and pursues social justice. to the world an integrated and dynamic societies symbolised constant renewal, information resource on the life and times simultaneously represents the centring of of Nelson Mandela, and promotes the memory, disseminating of information and Our mission finding of sustainable solutions to critical widening impact in the world, which is at To contribute to the making of a just society social problems through memory-based the heart of our work. -
Episcopalciiuriimen
EPISCOPALCIIURIIMEN soUru VAFR[CA Room 1005 * 853 Broadway, New York, N . Y. 10003 • Phone : (212) 477-0066 , —For A free Southern Afilcu ' May 1982 MISSIONS MOVEMENTS NAMIBIA 'The U .S. 'overnment has become an agent in South Africa's "holy crusade" against Communism . ' - The Rev Dr Albertus Maasdorp, general secretary of the Council of Churches in Namibia, THE NEW YORK TIMES, 25 April 1982. It was a . mission of frustration and a harsh learning experience . Four Namibian churchmen made a month-long visit to Western nations to express their feelings about the unending, agonizing occupation of their country by the South African regime and the fruitless talks on a Namibian settlement which the .Western Contact Group - the USA, Britain, France ,West Germany and Canada - has staged for five long years . Anglican Bishop James Kauluma, presi- dent of the Council of Churches in Namibia ; Bishop Kleopas Du neni of the Evangelical Luth- eran Ovambokavango Church ; Pastor Albertus Maasdorp, general secretary of the CCN ;, and the, assistant to Bishop D,mmeni, Pastor Absalom Hasheela, were accompanied by a representative of the South African Council of Churches and the general secretary of the All Africa Coun- cil of Oburches which sponsored the trip . They visited France, Sweden, Britain and Canada, end terminated their journey in the United States . It was here that the Namibian pilgrims encountered the steely disregard for Namibian aspirations by functionaries of a major power mapped up in its geopolitical stratagems. They met with Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Chester .Crocker, whose time is primarily devoted to pursuing the mirage of a Pretorian agreement to the United Nations settlement plan for Namibia . -
REFERENCES to COLONIALISM, COLONIAL, and IMPERIALISM South Africa Truth Commission
REFERENCES TO COLONIALISM, COLONIAL, AND IMPERIALISM South Africa Truth Commission Abstract A list of references to colonialism, colonial, and imperialism in the South Africa Truth Commission. Chelsea Barranger Links to Data Visualization This section contains links to all data visualization for the South Africa report. Comparison Charts • References to Colonialism, Colonial, and Imperialism chart • References to Colonialism, Colonial, and Imperialism excel list Word Trees • Colonial • Colonialism • Imperialism References to Colonialism, Colonial, and Imperialism This section contains all references to colonialism, colonial, and imperialism from the South Africa report. <Files\\Truth Commission Reports\\Africa\\SouthAfrica.TRC_.Report-FULL> - § 64 references coded [0.13% Coverage] Reference 1 - 0.01% Coverage 1834 (when slavery was abolished). b The many wars of dispossession and colonial conquest dating from the first war against the Khoisan in 1659, through several so-called frontier conflicts as white settlers penetrated northwards, to the Bambatha uprising of 1906, the last attempt at armed defence by an indigenous grouping. c The systematic hunting and Reference 2 - 0.01% Coverage violation of shocking proportions.2 f The genocidal war in the early years of this century directed by the German colonial administration in South West Africa at the Herero people, which took them to the brink of extinction. 8 It is also important Reference 3 - 0.01% Coverage trees are stripped and leafless. 16 But if this was an act of wholesale dispossession and discrimination, so too was the 1909 South Africa Act which was passed, not by a South African legislature, but by the British Parliament. In terms of the South Africa Act, Britain’s four South African colonies were merged into one nation and granted juridical independence under a constitutional arrangement that transferred power in perpetuity to a minority of white voters. -
Designing the South African Nation from Nature to Culture
CHAPTER 3 Designing the South African Nation From Nature to Culture Jacques Lange and Jeanne van Eeden There is to date very little published research and writing about South African design history. One of the main obstacles has been dealing with the legacy of forty years of apartheid censorship (1950 to 1990) that banned and destroyed a vast array of visual culture in the interests of propaganda and national security, according to the Beacon for Freedom of Expression (http://search.beaconforfreedom.org/about_database/south%20africa.html). This paucity of material is aggravated by the general lack of archival and doc- umentary evidence, not just of the struggle against apartheid, but also of the wider domain of design in South Africa. Even mainstream designed mate- rial for the British imperialist and later apartheid government has been lost or neglected in the inadequate archival facilities of the State and influential organizations such as the South African Railways. Efforts to redress this are now appearing as scholars start to piece together fragments, not in order to write a definitive history of South African design, but rather to write histories of design in South Africa that recuperate neglected narratives or revise earlier historiographies. This chapter is accordingly an attempt to document a number of key moments in the creation of South African nationhood between 1910 and 2013 in which communication design played a part. Our point of departure is rooted in Zukin’s (1991: 16) belief that symbolic and material manifestations of power harbour the ideological needs of powerful institutions to manipulate class, gender and race relations, ultimately to serve the needs of capital (and governance). -
World Against Apartheid
World Against Apartheid http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nuun1971_09 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org World Against Apartheid Alternative title Notes and Documents - United Nations Centre Against ApartheidNo. 10/71 Author/Creator United Nations Centre against Apartheid Publisher Department of Political and Security Council Affairs Date 1971-03-00 Resource type Reports Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa, Zambia, Australia, Japan, New Zealand Coverage (temporal) 1971 Source Northwestern University Libraries Description CONTENTS. INTERNATIONAL. South Africa again excluded from Davis Cup. ISMUN Southern Africa campaign. World Council of Churches reaffirms support for programme to combat racism. -
Sport, Politics and Black Athletics in South Africa During the Apartheid Era Sociology Provides an Additional Dynamic Sub-Theme with Strong Contemporary Relevance
Pieter Labuschagne Professor and Head of SPORT, POLITICS AND BLACK Department, Department ATHLETICS IN SOUTH AFRICA of Political Sciences, University of South Africa. DURING THE APARTHEID ERA: [email protected] A POLITICAL-SOCIOLOGICAL DOI: https://dx.doi.org/ PERSPECTIVE 10.18820/24150509/ JCH41.v2.5 Abstract ISSN 0258-2422 (Print) ISSN 2415-0509 (Online) The article examines the relationship between sport and politics in Journal for South Africa from a political-sociological perspective, with a specific Contemporary History focus on the status of black athletics in apartheid South Africa. The 2016 41(2):82-104 narrower focus aims to outline how white civil society and the National © UV/UFS Party government utilised athletics as a mechanism to enforce the policy of separateness/apartheid in the South African society. In the process, white dominated political structures and centralised political processes were used to dominate and regulate black athletics in South Africa (1894-1976). The structures and dynamics of black athletics were, for more than a century, manipulated and dictated for political and related reasons. The manipulation took place in three broad identifiable periods, namely: 1884-1960 – the period of “informal” segregation, when the national body, provinces and clubs used race as a mechanism to enforce cleavages in society. The second period stretches from 1960- 1976, when the National Party adopted a more assertive direct role to enforce their sports policy. The last period, between 1976 and 1992, signified another direction change, when government stepped back and only set the broader framework for the regulation of athletics in South Africa. In each of the periods, the politics-sport power relationship will be explained in relation to the regulation of black athletics in the country. -
Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United -
The Free State, South Africa
Higher Education in Regional and City Development Higher Education in Regional and City Higher Education in Regional and City Development Development THE FREE STATE, SOUTH AFRICA The third largest of South Africa’s nine provinces, the Free State suffers from The Free State, unemployment, poverty and low skills. Only one-third of its working age adults are employed. 150 000 unemployed youth are outside of training and education. South Africa Centrally located and landlocked, the Free State lacks obvious regional assets and features a declining economy. Jaana Puukka, Patrick Dubarle, Holly McKiernan, How can the Free State develop a more inclusive labour market and education Jairam Reddy and Philip Wade. system? How can it address the long-term challenges of poverty, inequity and poor health? How can it turn the potential of its universities and FET-colleges into an active asset for regional development? This publication explores a range of helpful policy measures and institutional reforms to mobilise higher education for regional development. It is part of the series of the OECD reviews of Higher Education in Regional and City Development. These reviews help mobilise higher education institutions for economic, social and cultural development of cities and regions. They analyse how the higher education system T impacts upon regional and local development and bring together universities, other he Free State, South Africa higher education institutions and public and private agencies to identify strategic goals and to work towards them. CONTENTS Chapter 1. The Free State in context Chapter 2. Human capital and skills development in the Free State Chapter 3.