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Militarism in Tajikistan: Realities of Post-Soviet Nation

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Militarism in Tajikistan: Realities of Post-Soviet Nation MILITARISM IN TAJIKISTAN: REALITIES OF POST-SOVIET NATION BUILDING by DOUGLAS WAYLAND FOSTER A DISSERTATION Presented to the Department of Geography and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2015 DISSERTATION APPROVAL PAGE Student: Douglas Wayland Foster Title: Militarism in Tajikistan: Realities of Post-Soviet Nation Building This dissertation has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in the Department of Geography by: Alexander B. Murphy Chairperson Shaul Cohen Core Member Daniel Buck Core Member Julie Hessler Institutional Representative and Scott L. Pratt Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded September 2015 ii © Douglas Wayland Foster iii DISSERTATION ABSTRACT Douglas Wayland Foster Doctor of Philosophy Department of Geography September 2015 Title: Militarism in Tajikistan: Realities of Post-Soviet Nation Building Shortly after the breakup of the Soviet Union, the newly independent Central Asian republic of Tajikistan fell into a brutal civil war (1992-97) that exacerbated internal divisions based on ethno-regional groupings. In the following decade, the new government formed its own armed forces while maintaining the presence of the Russian 201st Motorized Rifle Division in the country. This made Tajikistan the only former Soviet republic that did not inherit the Soviet units located within its territory; thus, Tajikistan formed its own national military. This dissertation examines the effect of military service on the development of national sentiments in the Tajikistan, focusing on three main points: 1)the practice of military recruitment, 2) the conditions within the national military, and 3) the available option for Tajikistan nationals to serve in active military units of the Russian Federation. The autocratic Tajikistan government’s state symbolism is associated with the importance and glory of the military. However, the population has shown a strong distaste for service in this military, and the state’s approach to recruitment is both a iv response to this aversion and a contributor to it. I show that military recruiters’ use of an illegal but tacitly accepted practice of impressment called “oblava” (Russian: roundup) during bi-annual conscription drives has negative consequences for the development of national sentiments and state legitimacy. This conscription method is coupled with a lack of pay, training, adequate food, and health care during a member’s service. The conditions within the Tajikistan military stand in contrast to those within the Russian military, which has units based in Tajikistan and into which Tajikistan nationals may enlist as contract soldiers. I conclude by conceptualizing the majority of military service in Tajikistan as the state use of biopower to control young males in a territory with a rapid population growth rate but few economic opportunities while relying on the Russian Federation for its existential defense. v CURRICULUM VITAE NAME OF AUTHOR: Douglas Wayland Foster GRADUATE AND UNDERGRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED: University of Oregon, Eugene University of Delaware, Newark West Virginia University, Morgantown DEGREES AWARDED: Doctor of Philosophy, Geography, 2015, University of Oregon Master of Arts, Geography, 2015, University of Delaware Bachelor of Arts, International Studies, 1990, West Virginia University AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST: Russian language and culture International affairs PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE: Graduate teaching fellow, University of Oregon, Department of Geography and Map Library Instructor, Clackamas Community College, Oregon City, OR, Department of Social Science Instructor, Clark College, Vancouver, WA, Department of Social Science Instructor, Art Institute of Portland, Portland, OR, General Studies Instructor, Linfield College, McMinnville, OR, Adult Degree Program Instructor, University of Delaware, Department of Geography Associate Planner, Delaware State Housing Authority, Dover, DE Research Assistant, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, DC, Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, Subcommittee on Economic Stabilization Field Coordinator, The Population Institute, Washington, DC vi GRANTS, AWARDS, AND HONORS: IREX, Individual Advanced Research Opportunities Program (IARO). 2013-2014. Fellowship to fund dissertation research fieldwork in Tajikistan. $15,500 plus travel expenses. Department of Geography, University of Oregon. Summer Research Funding. Grant to assist in fieldwork. June, 2014. $300.00 Department of Geography, University of Oregon. Summer Research Funding. Grant to assist in fieldwork. June, 2013. $500.00 Department of Geography, University of Oregon. Summer Research Funding. Grant to assist in fieldwork. June, 2011. $500.00 U.S. Department of State, Foreign Service Written Exam Qualifier 1998 PUBLICATIONS: Foster, D. W. “Hegemonic Turning Points: Vietnam, Iraq and the All-Volunteer Force.” Antipode. Submitted September 2014 Foster, D. W. “Tajikistan in the Gap: The Geopolitics of Neoliberal Integration.” Geopolitics. Submitted May 2014 vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION ............................................. 1 Background Considerations ................................ 11 Chapter Summaries ........................................ 20 II. BROADER HISTORICAL AND CONCEPTUAL CONTEXT ............... 26 The Legacy of Soviet Delineation and Nation Building ..... 27 Nationalism and Delineation ........................... 27 Ethnogenesis .......................................... 30 The Tajik Civil War ...................................... 39 Ethno-Regionalism in Tajikistan ....................... 47 Unrest in Dushanbe .................................... 53 Kolkhozes in Flames ................................... 56 The Nationalism, Identity, and Militarism Nexus .......... 65 Critical Geographies of Militarism .................... 65 National Identity and Military Service ................ 73 The U.S. Experience ................................... 74 The Israeli Experience ................................ 77 Afghanistan and the Soviet Union/Russian Federation ... 81 Conclusion ............................................ 89 III. CRITICAL MILITARY GEOGRAPHIES IN TAJIKISTAN: CONCEPTUAL AND METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES ......................... 92 Critically Situating Tajikistan’s Military Geographies ... 92 Study Parameters ......................................... 97 Qualitative Fieldwork in an Autocratic Environment ....... 99 Encounters with the Security Apparatus ................ 100 viii Chapter Page Electronic Communication Security ................... 103 Effects of Closure on My Research Methods ........... 104 Methods .................................................. 105 Research Assistant .................................... 107 Semi-Structured Interviews ............................ 108 Identifying and Recruiting Participants ............. 109 Interview Process ................................... 112 Secondary Sources ..................................... 114 Media Analysis ........................................ 116 Participant Observation ............................... 120 Conclusion ............................................... 122 IV. GEOPOLITICAL IMAGINATIONS OF TAJIKISTAN ................. 125 Eurasian Grand Narratives ................................ 127 New Grand Narratives ..................................... 132 Orientalism Revisited .................................... 135 Geo-economic Contradictions .............................. 138 The Migrant Economy ...................................... 144 Radical Islam ............................................ 150 Regional Threats ......................................... 154 Conclusion ............................................... 156 V. CONSCRIPTION AND OBLAVA IN THE REPUBLIC OF TAJIKISTAN .... 158 Introduction: Conscription, Conditions and National Sentiments ............................................... 158 The Structure of the Armed Forces of Tajikistan .......... 160 ix Chapter Page Universal Conscription and the Culture of Oblava ......... 163 The Conscription Process .............................. 165 Service Exemption ................................... 166 Service Deferment ................................... 169 Bribes .............................................. 170 A Peasant Army ...................................... 172 Illegal Methods: Oblava .................................. 175 The Marshrutka Trap ................................... 178 Public Spaces: Bazaar, Parks and Side Streets ......... 180 Resistance ............................................... 185 Connections and Verbal Tactics ........................ 185 Amparo ................................................ 188 Masculinity and Resistance in Khorog .................. 191 Emigration ............................................ 194 Conclusion ............................................... 195 VI. MILITARY CONDITIONS AND FOREIGN PRESENCE ................ 199 Introduction: The Disdain for National Military Service .. 199 Why Avoid Service? Conditions in the RT Military ......... 201 Basic Conditions ...................................... 203 Dedovshchina: The Bane of the Mladshii Conscript ...... 204 Soldier and Officer Compensation ...................... 210 Ethno-regional Groups in the Officer Corps
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