The Socialist Ideas of the British Left's Alternative Economic Strategy

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Socialist Ideas of the British Left's Alternative Economic Strategy The Socialist Ideas of the British Left’s Alternative Economic Strategy baris tufekci The Socialist Ideas of the British Left’s Alternative Economic Strategy Baris Tufekci The Socialist Ideas of the British Left’s Alternative Economic Strategy 1973–1983 Baris Tufekci Treasury Committee House of Commons, UK Parliament London, UK ISBN 978-3-030-34997-4 ISBN 978-3-030-34998-1 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34998-1 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifcally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microflms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifc statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland To my parents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am extremely grateful to Judith Bara, Madeleine Davis, Patrick Diamond, Andrew Gamble, Michael Kenny, Ray Kiely, Tom Quinn and Raj Veerasekaran for their advice and feedback on all or parts of this pro- ject. All its errors, however, are the author’s alone. It was a pleasure to speak about my research with Ben Fine, Geoffrey Hodgson, Stuart Holland and Bob Rowthorn, each of whom once sup- ported the economic strategy that is the subject of this book. I am grate- ful for their time and recollections. It was also a pleasure to work with Anne Birchley-Brun and Ambra Finotello at Palgrave Macmillan. Their editorial guidance and sugges- tions were invaluable. Much of my work on this project was carried out at the People’s History Museum in Manchester, the Working Class Movement Library in Salford, the Trades Union Congress Library and the Senate House Library, both in London. I am thankful for the abundant help and advice that I received on each visit. Finally, my deepest gratitude is due to my parents, without whose support and encouragement this book could not have been written. vii CONTENTS 1 Introduction: A New ‘Marketplace for Ideas’ 1 2 Class and Party: The Historical Context of the Rise of the AES 11 3 Reform or Revolution: The AES as Socialist Strategy 39 4 Planning the Market: The AES and Capitalism 65 5 A Britain Oppressed: The AES and the Nation 101 6 Class Confict and Class Collaboration: The AES and the Working Class 131 7 Conclusion: The AES, New Times and the Death of British Socialism 175 Afterword: Corbyn—A Socialist Rebirth? 207 Bibliography 219 Index 245 ix LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 7.1 Total number of working days lost to strikes in the UK, 1945–2015 (Source Offce for National Statistics) 196 Fig. 7.2 Number of trade-union members in Great Britain, 1945–2015/2016 (Source Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy) 197 xi CHAPTER 1 Introduction: A New ‘Marketplace for Ideas’ Few periods in the Labour Party’s history intrigue the British political imag- ination more than the years leading up to the 1983 general election. Rou- tinely characterised as a time when ownership of Labour fell into the hands of its hard left, the lasting impression has been one of a party signing its suicide note before an electorate increasingly bewildered by its ‘loony left’ excesses. As subsequent Labour leaders have come to appreciate, almost nothing is seen as more politically damaging than their association with the dismal memory of June 1983, when electoral disaster apparently suc- ceeded a progressive, decade-long over-indulgence in left-wing nostrums. For many on the Conservative right, meanwhile, Labour policies which deviate from the ‘pro-market’ New Labour approach established since the 1990s—particularly with regard to public ownership—are to be con- demned as threats to take Britain ‘back to the 1970s’, to a time of crisis and uncertainty seen as a direct consequence of a socialist mismanagement in government.1 Among some sections of the left, however, an alternative narrative has also emerged, defending aspects of the Labour left’s agenda in those years as viable responses to economic crisis. One account endorses the Labour left’s economic strategy, points to Tony Benn’s ‘crucial and at times heroic role’ in challenging the ‘British establishment’, upholds Labour’s ‘social contract’ and the union leaders’ role in maintaining it, while commending the self-restraint shown by British workers in the face of capitalist crisis.2 © The Author(s) 2020 1 B. Tufekci, The Socialist Ideas of the British Left’s Alternative Economic Strategy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34998-1_1 2 B. TUFEKCI Other commentators have also sought to ‘revisit’ Labour’s 1970s strat- egy in favourable terms3; and, with the rise of Labour’s Jeremy Corbyn in 2015, ‘Old Labour, not New Labour’ appears to have become a slogan among those on the British left seeking to recapture some of the radicalism in Labour’s politics in the 1970s and early 1980s.4 Indeed, with ‘Cor- bynism’, the politics of that period have been presented as something of a benchmark, a standard of Labour-left radicalism against which to measure the radicalism of Corbyn’s agenda. While the Labour left’s politics of the 1970s and early 1980s expressed support for a variety of causes—feminism, anti-racism, anti-militarism, uni- lateral nuclear disarmament—at the heart of its agenda was the Alterna- tive Economic Strategy (AES), its programme of economic reforms that informed the Labour Party’s official economic platform between 1973 and 1983. With support and input from the Communist Party of Great Britain, left-wing trade-union leaders, left-wing economists and sections of the New Left, the AES was the rallying point for the bulk of British social- ism. Demanding economic reflation, import controls, price controls, public ownership in profitable firms and sectors, compulsory planning agreements, industrial democracy and a withdrawal from the European Economic Com- munity (EEC), the AES presented itself as a radical and, at times, even a revolutionary response to the deep crisis of British capitalism. This self- justification by the AES, at the level of its policy and rhetoric, has played an important role in the Labour left’s subsequent representation as a radi- cal force in this period of Britain’s post-war history—by political lore, the contemporary left and, as discussed below, the academic literature. The aim of this book, therefore, is to determine the extent to which the AES has been mischaracterised. Focusing on the political and theoretical ideas of the strategy, it questions the predominant view in the academic literature that the AES represented a radical left-wing break with the mod- erate, revisionist politics that dominated Labour’s approach in the two decades after the Second World War. Locating the rise of the AES in its historical context, it examines the political ideas with which the prominent proponents of the AES responded to Britain’s economic crisis and the con- current breakdown of the post-war ‘Keynesian consensus’. It aims to show that the AES was characterised by a high degree of involvement with rad- ical left-wing ideas, and that several of its key advocates sought to justify their strategy through the language and theoretical frameworks of Marxist theory. However, through an examination of AES approaches to socialist strategy, the capitalist economy, Britain’s economic decline and the rise of 1 INTRODUCTION: A NEW ‘MARKETPLACE FOR IDEAS’ 3 class conflict, the book also argues that existing academic accounts have significantly overstated the radicalism of the strategy. What was perhaps more notable about the AES, especially in the light of its stated ‘revolu- tionary’ aims, was the extent of its moderation—its continuities with post- war Labour revisionism, its marked reluctance to look beyond the market economy, the degree of its preoccupation with Britain’s global-economic status, and its inability to break with Labourist politics of class co-operation in the national interest. While the book will argue that the AES was the last mainstream political strategy in Britain identifiable as a ‘class politics’ socialist initiative, it will also point to some of the ways in which its ideas perhaps prepared the way for New Labour in the 1990s. Prominent Academic Views on the AES The academic literature has tended to emphasise the left-wing radicalism of the AES. According to Tomlinson, the AES ‘represented a violent break with the whole of post-war British approaches to economic policy’.5 Seyd argues
Recommended publications
  • Italy's Atlanticism Between Foreign and Internal
    UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY’S ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND INTERNAL POLITICS Massimo de Leonardis 1 Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Abstract: In spite of being a defeated country in the Second World War, Italy was a founding member of the Atlantic Alliance, because the USA highly valued her strategic importance and wished to assure her political stability. After 1955, Italy tried to advocate the Alliance’s role in the Near East and in Mediterranean Africa. The Suez crisis offered Italy the opportunity to forge closer ties with Washington at the same time appearing progressive and friendly to the Arabs in the Mediterranean, where she tried to be a protagonist vis a vis the so called neo- Atlanticism. This link with Washington was also instrumental to neutralize General De Gaulle’s ambitions of an Anglo-French-American directorate. The main issues of Italy’s Atlantic policy in the first years of “centre-left” coalitions, between 1962 and 1968, were the removal of the Jupiter missiles from Italy as a result of the Cuban missile crisis, French policy towards NATO and the EEC, Multilateral [nuclear] Force [MLF] and the revision of the Alliance’ strategy from “massive retaliation” to “flexible response”. On all these issues the Italian government was consonant with the United States. After the period of the late Sixties and Seventies when political instability, terrorism and high inflation undermined the Italian role in international relations, the decision in 1979 to accept the Euromissiles was a landmark in the history of Italian participation to NATO.
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix A: Electoral Rules
    Appendix A: Electoral Rules Table A.1 Electoral Rules for Italy’s Lower House, 1948–present Time Period 1948–1993 1993–2005 2005–present Plurality PR with seat Valle d’Aosta “Overseas” Tier PR Tier bonus national tier SMD Constituencies No. of seats / 6301 / 32 475/475 155/26 617/1 1/1 12/4 districts Election rule PR2 Plurality PR3 PR with seat Plurality PR (FPTP) bonus4 (FPTP) District Size 1–54 1 1–11 617 1 1–6 (mean = 20) (mean = 6) (mean = 4) Note that the acronym FPTP refers to First Past the Post plurality electoral system. 1The number of seats became 630 after the 1962 constitutional reform. Note the period of office is always 5 years or less if the parliament is dissolved. 2Imperiali quota and LR; preferential vote; threshold: one quota and 300,000 votes at national level. 3Hare Quota and LR; closed list; threshold: 4% of valid votes at national level. 4Hare Quota and LR; closed list; thresholds: 4% for lists running independently; 10% for coalitions; 2% for lists joining a pre-electoral coalition, except for the best loser. Ballot structure • Under the PR system (1948–1993), each voter cast one vote for a party list and could express a variable number of preferential votes among candidates of that list. • Under the MMM system (1993–2005), each voter received two separate ballots (the plurality ballot and the PR one) and cast two votes: one for an individual candidate in a single-member district; one for a party in a multi-member PR district. • Under the PR-with-seat-bonus system (2005–present), each voter cast one vote for a party list.
    [Show full text]
  • Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
    UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society.
    [Show full text]
  • Bitstream 42365.Pdf
    THE TUNES OF DIPLOMATIC NOTES Music and Diplomacy in Southeast Europe (18th–20th century) *This edited collection is a result of the scientific projectIdentities of Serbian Music Within the Local and Global Framework: Traditions, Changes, Challenges (No. 177004, 2011–2019), funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia, and implemented by the Institute of Musicology SASA (Belgrade, Serbia). It is also a result of work on the bilateral project carried out by the Center for International Relations (Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana) and the Institute of Musicology SASA (Belgrade, Serbia) entitled Music as a Means of Cultural Diplomacy of Small Transition Countries: The Cases of Slovenia and Serbia(with financial support of ARRS). The process of its publishing was financially supported by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. THE TUNES OF DIPLOMATIC NOTES MUSIC AND DIPLOMACY IN SOUTHEAST EUROPE (18th–20th CENTURY) Edited by Ivana Vesić, Vesna Peno, Boštjan Udovič Belgrade and Ljubljana, 2020 CONTENTS Acknowledgements ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 7 1. Introduction ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������9 Ivana Vesić, Vesna Peno, Boštjan Udovič Part I. Diplomacy Behind the Scenes: Musicians’ Contact With the Diplomatic Sphere 2. The European Character of Dubrovnik and the Dalmatian Littoral at the End of the Enlightenment Period: Music and Diplomatic Ties of Luka and Miho Sorkočević, Julije Bajamonti and Ruđer Bošković ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������17 Ivana Tomić Ferić 3. The Birth of the Serbian National Music Project Under the Influence of Diplomacy ���������37 Vesna Peno, Goran Vasin 4. Petar Bingulac, Musicologist and Music Critic in the Diplomatic Service ������������������53 Ratomir Milikić Part II.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Public Debt Accumulation in Developed Countries
    0/-*/&4637&: *ODPMMBCPSBUJPOXJUI6OHMVFJU XFIBWFTFUVQBTVSWFZ POMZUFORVFTUJPOT UP MFBSONPSFBCPVUIPXPQFOBDDFTTFCPPLTBSFEJTDPWFSFEBOEVTFE 8FSFBMMZWBMVFZPVSQBSUJDJQBUJPOQMFBTFUBLFQBSU $-*$,)&3& "OFMFDUSPOJDWFSTJPOPGUIJTCPPLJTGSFFMZBWBJMBCMF UIBOLTUP UIFTVQQPSUPGMJCSBSJFTXPSLJOHXJUI,OPXMFEHF6OMBUDIFE ,6JTBDPMMBCPSBUJWFJOJUJBUJWFEFTJHOFEUPNBLFIJHIRVBMJUZ CPPLT0QFO"DDFTTGPSUIFQVCMJDHPPE Revised Pages In the Red In the Red explains why several prosperous developed countries accumu- lated so much public debt between the 1970s and the 2000s that they became vulnerable to sudden changes in financial markets and exposed themselves to the risk of default. It compares and contrasts the politics of debt accumulation in Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Greece, Ireland, Italy, and Japan since the 1970s to identify factors that differentiate coun- tries that accumulated dangerous amounts of debt from those that kept their debt under control. It challenges the received wisdom that per- sistent borrowing reflects the recklessness of governments who indebt their countries in order to please their voters in the short term. The book documents that policy makers invariably initiate painful adjust- ment measures to correct budgetary imbalances when debt grows at an alarming rate for several years in a row, but the success of adjustment attempts depends on the degree of social support for the spending cuts and/or tax increases proposed. In countries where existing fiscal policies generate intense conflicts of vested interests, mustering the necessary social consensus
    [Show full text]
  • Luciana Fazio Supervisors: Maria Elena Cavallaro Giovanni Orsina
    1 The Socialist International and the Design of a Community Policy in Latin America During the Late 1970s and 1980s: The Case of Spain and Italy Luciana Fazio Supervisors: Maria Elena Cavallaro Giovanni Orsina LUISS-Guido Carli PhD Program in Politics: History, Theory, Science Cycle XXXII Rome, November 2019 Tesi di dottorato di Luciana Fazio, discussa presso l’Università LUISS, in data 2020. Liberamente riproducibile, in tutto o in parte, con citazione della fonte. Sono comunque fatti salvi i diritti dell’Università LUISS di riproduzione per scopi di ricerca e didattici, con citazione della fonte. 2 Tesi di dottorato di Luciana Fazio, discussa presso l’Università LUISS, in data 2020. Liberamente riproducibile, in tutto o in parte, con citazione della fonte. Sono comunque fatti salvi i diritti dell’Università LUISS di riproduzione per scopi di ricerca e didattici, con citazione della fonte. 3 Acknowledgements I am truly grateful to my supervisors Maria Elena Cavallaro and Giovanni Orsina for their insights and comments to write this thesis. I especially thank all my PhD professors and academics for their support during this process, especially for their advice in terms of literature review and time availability for helping me facing some questions that raised during this process. Special thanks to Professor Joaquin Roy for his support, kindness and hospitality during my visiting exchange program at the University of Miami. Many thanks to the interviewed people (Elena Flores, Luis Yáñez-Barnuevo, Manuel Medina, Beatrice Rangel, Silvio Prado, Juan Antonio Yáñez-Barnuevo, Margherita Boniver, Walter Marossi, Pentti Väänänen, Carlos Parra) for their much needed help to fill the gaps in terms of sources.
    [Show full text]
  • Stalin Exposes Own Lies on UN; S Till Seeks Deal Whitewash Killer-Cops in Murder of Negro Vet Labor Always Lost in White-House A
    Workers of the World, Unite ! CLERICAL CENSORSHIP MENACES OSR RIGHTS - See Page 2 - THE MILITANT PUBLISHED WEEKLY IN THE INTERESTS OF THE WORKING PEOPLE Vol. XV - No. 9 c^^>267 NEW YORK, N. Y., MONDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1951 PRICE: FIVE CENTS UNION RANKS FORCE WAGE-BOARD•) SPLIT Did Three Dead Pay Freeze, Rising Prices, Stalin Exposes Briggs Officials Mere Taxes, Strikebreaking Know Too Much? Own Lies on UN; Demand Autopsies Rouse Anger of Workers In Gangster Probe By Joseph Andrews ' The withdrawal of the three labor members from Emil Mazey, secretary-treasurer the Wage Stabilization Board on Feb. 16 has created a S till Seeks Deal of the CIO-United Automobile crisis in Truman’s war mobilization plans and in the 18- By John G. Wright Workers, following up the revela­ year coalition between the labor leadership and the Demo­ tions of the Kefauver Committee Breaking a silence of more than two years, Stalin, in his capa­ cratic administration. city as Soviet Premier on Feb. 16 issued a declaration of Soviet on the conspiracy between the Resignation of the labor representatives was forced foreign policy on the unfolding international crisis. This declara­ Briggs Manufacturing Company by the burning resentment of the workers. They resent tion, in the favorite guise of an “interview” with a correspondent and a gang of thugs to beat up of Pravda, the official newspaper of the Russian Communist Party, Truman’s vicious strikebreaking tactics against the rail­ onion militants and wreck the is a typical Stalinist product: evasive, filled with double-talk, com­ road workers and the wage-freeze which the Big Business pletely devoid of any revolutionary Socialist content, primarily in­ union, has demanded that the administration seeks to impose despite runaway prices.
    [Show full text]
  • The Historical Roots of Italian Right Wing Populism
    Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College Political Science Honors Projects Political Science Department 4-26-2016 Popular Discontents: The iH storical Roots of Italian Right Wing Populism Anthony Marshall Simone Macalester College Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/poli_honors Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Simone, Anthony Marshall, "Popular Discontents: The iH storical Roots of Italian Right Wing Populism" (2016). Political Science Honors Projects. 71. http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/poli_honors/71 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science Department at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Popular Discontents The Historical Roots of Italian Right Wing Populism Anthony Marshall Simone Paul Dosh Political Science 4/26/16 Many people are beyond deserving of my thanks for helping me along the way, and for and undertaking such as this, I could not have done it without them. First, like any good Italian, no matter how diluted by multiple generations of Americanization, la mia famiglia. I want to give a special thank you to my mother and father for the unrivaled gifts of both an exceptional education and unconditional love. Next, I must thank the other scholars, experts, and reviewers for their generous gifts of their precious time. For many, this involved branching out of their comfort zones to explore the labyrinth of Italian politics. I must give special thanks to Paul Dosh, my advisor for this project, for his tireless efforts and endless good cheer.
    [Show full text]
  • Gaetano Salvemini: a Lesson in Thought and Action Michael Christopher Diclemente University of Massachusetts Boston
    University of Massachusetts Boston ScholarWorks at UMass Boston Graduate Masters Theses Doctoral Dissertations and Masters Theses 6-1-2012 Gaetano Salvemini: A Lesson in Thought and Action Michael Christopher DiClemente University of Massachusetts Boston Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.umb.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political History Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation DiClemente, Michael Christopher, "Gaetano Salvemini: A Lesson in Thought and Action" (2012). Graduate Masters Theses. Paper 90. This Open Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Doctoral Dissertations and Masters Theses at ScholarWorks at UMass Boston. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at UMass Boston. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GAETANO SALVEMINI: A LESSON IN THOUGHT AND ACTION A Thesis Presented by MICHAEL C. DICLEMENTE Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies, University of Massachusetts Boston, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS June 2012 History Program © 2012 by Michael C. DiClemente All rights reserved GAETANO SALVEMINI: A LESSON IN THOUGHT AND ACTION A Thesis Presented by MICHAEL C. DICLEMENTE Approved as to style and content by: _____________________________________________ Spencer DiScala, Professor Chairperson of Committee _____________________________________________ Vincent J. Cannato, Associate Professor Member _____________________________________________
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.ITALY's ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND
    UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Leonardis, Massimo de ITALY'S ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND INTERNAL POLITICS UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 25, enero, 2011, pp. 17-39 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76717367003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY‟S ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND INTERNAL POLITICS Massimo de Leonardis 1 Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Abstract: In spite of being a defeated country in the Second World War, Italy was a founding member of the Atlantic Alliance, because the USA highly valued her strategic importance and wished to assure her political stability. After 1955, Italy tried to advocate the Alliance‘s role in the Near East and in Mediterranean Africa. The Suez crisis offered Italy the opportunity to forge closer ties with Washington at the same time appearing progressive and friendly to the Arabs in the Mediterranean, where she tried to be a protagonist vis a vis the so called neo- Atlanticism. This link with Washington was also instrumental to neutralize General De Gaulle‘s ambitions of an Anglo-French-American directorate. The main issues of Italy‘s Atlantic policy in the first years of ―centre-left‖ coalitions, between 1962 and 1968, were the removal of the Jupiter missiles from Italy as a result of the Cuban missile crisis, French policy towards NATO and the EEC, Multilateral [nuclear] Force [MLF] and the revision of the Alliance‘ strategy from ―massive retaliation‖ to ―flexible response‖.
    [Show full text]
  • Europe's Bumper Year of Elections
    2017: Europe’s Bumper Year of Elections Published by European University Institute (EUI) Via dei Roccettini 9, I-50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy First Published 2018 ISBN:978-92-9084-715-1 doi:10.2870/66375 © European University Institute, 2018 Editorial matter and selection © Brigid Laffan, Lorenzo Cicchi, 2018 Chapters © authors individually 2018 This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Any additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the European Governance and Pol- itics Programme. If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the year and the publisher. Views expressed in this publication reflect the opinion of individual authors and not those of the European University Institute. 2017: Europe’s Bumper Year of Elections EDITED BY Brigid Laffan Lorenzo Cicchi AUTHORS Rachid Azrout Anita Bodlos Endre Borbáth Enrico Calossi Lorenzo Cicchi Marc Debus James Dennison Martin Haselmayer Laurenz Ennser-Jedenastik Haylee Kelsall Romain Lachat Thomas M. Meyer Elie Michel Wolfgang C. Müller Ferdinand Müller-Rommel Thomas Poguntke Richard Rose Tobias Rüttenauer Johannes Schmitt Julia Schulte-Cloos Joost van Spanje Bryan Synnott Catherine E. de Vries European University Institute, Florence, Italy Table of Contents Acknowledgements viii Preface ix The Contributors xiii Part 1 – Thematic and Comparative Chapters The Crisis, Party System Change, and the Growth of Populism 1 Thomas Poguntke & Johannes
    [Show full text]
  • AHR Forum “1968” East and West: Divided Germany As a Case Study in Transnational History
    AHR Forum “1968” East and West: Divided Germany as a Case Study in Transnational History TIMOTHY S. BROWN Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/ahr/article/114/1/69/43903 by guest on 30 September 2021 THE YOUTH REBELLIONS OF THE LATE 1960s—associated in the popular and scholarly consciousness with the year 1968—were part of a global event. They embraced, in differing forms, the capitalist West as well as the communist East, the countries of the Third World as well as those of the First and Second. The term “1968” has become a shorthand not only for a particular series of events—social unrest in lo- cations as diverse as Mexico and China, France and Japan, Czechoslovakia and the United States—but for a certain type of interconnectedness closely associated with the process of globalization shaping the contemporary world. Yet the study of “1968” poses a set of profound conceptual and practical difficulties. Alongside the basic problem of analyzing an ill-defined “event” with amorphous contours, decentralized agency, and (in most cases) little lasting institutional signature, there is the question of how exactly its “globality” is to be studied. However global in scope and orien- tation, “1968” was played out in and around specific national contexts, and it is to these that we must look to understand the larger, world event. Yet the nation-state cannot function as our primary frame of reference, not only because of the impor- tance of transnational influences in shaping local events, but because of how inti- mately “1968” was linked to the creation of globalizing imagined communities that cut across national boundaries.1 Work on “1968” has increasingly emphasized comparative perspectives and the investigation of transnational linkages; yet it has also exhibited a tendency to take the “global” somewhat for granted.
    [Show full text]