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The Black Petty Bourgeoisie in Politics and Society in South Africa, 1924 to 1950

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The Black Petty Bourgeoisie in Politics and Society in South Africa, 1924 to 1950 'ON THE SHOULDERS OF GIANTS':THE BLACK PETTY BOURGEOISIE IN POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1924 TO 1950 ALAN GREGOR COBLEY i This thesis is submitted to the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 1986 page 1 ProQuest Number: 11010655 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11010655 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 lb3D515 3 ABSTRACT 'On The Shoulders of Giants': The Black Petty Bourgeoisie In Politics ~Snd~^Society ~In~~South Africa, 1924 To 1950 By the 1920's a mature black petty bourgeoisie was emerging in South Africa through the process of capitalist development, out of pre-existing black elites and out of new elites based mainly in the new industrial centres. These groups had relatively homogeneous social origins and cultural affiliations derived from the rural kholwa communities of the mid and late nineteenth centuries. Building on these origins, and in response to the increasing threats of economic marginalisation and state repression, by the 1930's the black petty bourgeoisie was deploying a wide range of c 1 ass-specific social networks and cultural practices (using forms borrowed from the dominant classes) as a means of entrenching and reproducing its class position. The advantages held by the black petty bourgeoisie over the black working class were largely marginal throughout the period 1924 to 1950. This meant that there was always potential for cross-class alliances. However, even within the black bourgeoisie there was a significant degree of differentiation. A small upper stratum which was, for the most part, economically secure, contrasted with a much larger lower stratum which was always vulnerable to proletarianisation and subject to frequent inter-changes of members with the upper levels of various 'under classes'. Members of the black petty bourgeoisie virtually monopolised positions of social and political authority in black communities up to 1950. This had important consequences for the formulation and articulation of black political objectives at both local and national levels. Chapters One and Two investigate the economic background, social origins and cultural consciousness of the black petty bourgeoisie. Chapters Three, Four and Five consider the influence of special page 2 cultural factors, entrepreneurial ideologies and experiences, and radical ideologies and experiences. An overview is contained in a brief conclusion. « I; i; page 3 To My Parents page 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface 6 List of Abbreviations 8 List of Figures . 9 INTRODUCTION: Industrialisation, Urbanisation And Class In South Africa 12 South Africa's black petty bourgeoisie - an historiographical perspective 21 CHAPTER ONE: The Structure of Economic Relations In The Urban AfricanCommunity1924To1950 37 The state and Africans in towns 39 Housingand living conditions for urban Africans ................ 52 Occupations, incomes and lifestyles •••• 67 CHAPTER TWO: The Black Petty Bourgeoisie - Social Origins And Cultural Consciousness 88 Origins of the black petty bourgeoisie in towns ................ 102~ Social networks and cultural consciousness 107 Cultural consciousness and the 'remaking' of African Culture 129 The strategy of 'non-racialism' 139 CHAPTER THREE: Faith, Style And Consciousness - The Churches, The Americans And The Black Petty Bourgeoisie 146 - Christianity and self-determination 146 American influences - white patronage and black solidarity 172 CHAPTER FOUR: Economic Experiences And Entrepreneurial Ideologies - The Politics of Black Business 1924 To 1950 198 The politicisation of African trade 199 Black Business and 'racial uplift' 214 Black politics and economic development before the Second World War 223 Economic cooperation and the 'Cooperative Movement' 234 CHAPTER FIVE: 'Black Radicals' - Workers' Movements, Comn^unity Politics And The Black Petty Bourgeoisie, 1924 To 1950 ........ 250 Garvey and South Africa 250 Idetplogies and Strategies - the role of the political 'left-wing' 258 Moderates versus radicals - the black petty bourgeoisie in community politics 287 CONCLUSION: 303 Appendix I: The concept of 'social control' 316 Appendix II: Salary Scales in African professions ............ 317 Appendix III: 'Non European' library provision in South Africa before 1950 319 Appendix IV: Alcohol abuse and the black petty bourgeoisie 321 Appendix V: Organisations 323 Appendix VI: Biographical Notes 329 Bibliography: ............ 344 page 5 PREFACE The dwarf sees farther than the giant, when he has the giant's shoulder to mount on. (From "The Friend", essay 8, by S. T. Coleridge.) The judgements of posterity on the pioneers of black political struggle in South Africa in the first half of this century have not always been kind. In the radical historiography in particular parts of the history of black political leadership have sometimes been dismissed as catalogues of failure and craven compromise. This study seeks to demonstrate that such judgments are both ahistorical and irrelevant. It is only by studying black political leadership in the context of the class struggle from which it emerged that the contraints and difficulties under which this leadership laboured become apparent. It is difficult, from the viewpoint of an academic study, to evoke the grinding economic and social pressures - the sheer physical privations - which were - and are - the central facts of black community life in South Africa. To the extent that the members of the black petty bourgeoisie who feature in this study were able to overcome these conditions in their own time in order to provide their communities with articulate and coherent leadership, they may indeed be described as 'giants'. The modern black nationalist struggle and much of the social and political identity of modern black communities in South Africa were built on their shoulders. Indeed, the over- riding impression derived from the study of South Africa's black petty bourgeoisie and the black petty bourgeois leadership they provided before 1950 is one of a vibrant and resilient social group characterised by dedication, ingenuity and achievement in the face of staggering odds. In these circumstances, my only regret in offering this study for consideration is that it could not hope to do so large a subject full justice. In reviewing the period over which this thesis had developed, I am acutely aware of the friendship, inspiration and practical help which I have needed to bring it to fruition. All of these things page 6 I have received in abundance, of ten from people who had to take me entirely on trust. In particular I would like to thank my research supervisor, Professor Shula Marks for her unwavering and sympathetic support through periods when even I despaired of seeing any end result, and for her trenchant criticisms and advice throughout the preparation of this thesis. If this thesis has any merit,it is due to the standards which she set for me. I am also anxious to acknowledge the debt I owe to Mr Baruch Hirson for his advice and comments on an early draft of Chapter Five, and for his kindness in making available to me drafts of material for presentation in his own thesis. I am also grateful for advice or other help and support from the following: Prof. P. Bonner, Prof. C. Van Onselen, Dr T. Couzens, Dr R. Rathbone, Dr D. Webster; and Glenda Webster, Mrs M. Basner, Mrs Nono Msezane, H. Sapire, M. Molepo, P. Henderson, S. Buthelezi, A. Hooper, K. Shapiro and Monica Barlow. Annica Van Gylswyk of the Unisa Documentation Centre for African Studies helped me out with photographs and other sources, and with many personal kindnesses. Anna Cunningham and her staff in the Department of Historical Papers, University of Witwatersrand, answered every query with patience and good humour, and also helped out with photographs. In addition, I would like to acknowledge the help of members of staff in the following institutions and libraries:- the African Studies Institute, University of Witwatersrand; the State Archive, Pretoria; the Municipal Reference Library and the Central Public Library, Johannesburg; the School of Oriental and African Studies Library and the Institute of Commonwealth Studies Library, London. No list of guides, supporters and comforters would be complete without mention of my parents, who have had to put up with a good deal. None of the above named are to blame in any way for shortcomings in this work. Unfortunately, the responsibility for these is entirely my own. page 7 List of Abbreviations AAC All African Convention ADP African Democratic Party AME Church African Methodist Episcopal Church ANC African National Congress APO African Peoples' Organisation AZM American Board Zulu Mission (Congregationalist) BMSC Bantu Men's Social Centre CAU Catholic African Union CNVC Cape Native Voters' Convention CP Communist Party CYL Congress Youth League I.ANC Independent African National Congress# ICU Industrial
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