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The Dynamics of International Migration and Settlement in Europe IMISCOE (International Migration, Integration and Social Cohesion) IMISCOE is a European Commission-funded Network of Excellence of more than 350 scientists from various research institutes that specialise in migration and integration issues in Europe. These researchers, who come from all branches of the economic and social sciences, the huma- nities and law, implement an integrated, multidisciplinary and interna- tionally comparative research program that focuses on Europe’s migration and integration challenges. Within the program, existing research is integrated and new research lines are developed that involve issues crucial to European-level policy making and provide a theory-based design to implement new research. The publication program of IMISCOE is based on five distinct publication profiles, designed to make its research and results available to scientists, policymakers and the public at large. High-quality manuscripts written by IMISCOE members, or in cooperation with IMISCOE members, are published in these five series. An Editorial Committee coordinates the review process of the manuscripts. The five series are: 1. Joint Studies 2. Research 3. Dissertations 4. Reports 5. Textbooks More information on the network can be found at: www.imiscoe.org IMISCOE Joint Studies include publications resulting from joint initia- tives of IMISCOE members. These publications target a broad audi- ence, including policymakers. The Dynamics of International Migration and Settlement in Europe A State of the Art Rinus Penninx Maria Berger Karen Kraal (eds.) IMISCOE Joint Studies Cover design: Studio Jan de Boer BNO, Amsterdam Layout: Fito Prepublishing, Almere ISBN-13 978 90 5356 866 8 ISBN-10 90 5356 866 2 NUR 741 / 763 © Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam 2006 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or in- troduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book. Contents 1. Introduction Rinus Penninx 7 2. International Migration and Its Regulation Maria I. Baganha, Jeroen Doomernik, Heinz Fassmann, Sonia Gsir, Martin Hofmann, Michael Jandl, Albert Kraler, Matthias Neske and Ursula Reeger 19 3. Migration and Development: Causes and Consequences Richard Black, Xiang Biao, Michael Collyer, Godfried Engbersen, Liesbeth Heering and Eugenia Markova 41 4. Migrants’ Citizenship: Legal Status, Rights and Political Participation Rainer Baubo¨ck, Albert Kraler, Marco Martiniello and Bernhard Perchinig 65 5. Migrants’ Work, Entrepreneurship and Economic Integration Michael Bommes and Holger Kolb 99 6. Social Integration of Immigrants with Special Reference to the Local and Spatial Dimension Olivier Asselin, Franc¸oise Dureau, Lucinda Fonseca, Matthieu Giroud, Abdelkader Hamadi, Josef Kohlbacher, Flip Lindo, Jorge Malheiros, Yann Marcadet and Ursula Reeger 133 7. Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Diversity in Europe: An Overview of Issues and Trends Steven Vertovec and Susanne Wessendorf 171 8. Identity, Representation, Interethnic Relations and Discrimination Jose´ Bastos, Aitor Ibarrola-Armendariz, Joa˜o Sardinha, Charles Westin and Gisela Will 201 6 CONTENTS 9. Time, Generations and Gender in Migration and Settlement Russell King, Mark Thomson, Tony Fielding and Tony Warnes 233 10. The Multilevel Governance of Migration Giovanna Zincone and Tiziana Caponio 269 11. Conclusions and Directions for Research Rinus Penninx 305 1. Introduction Rinus Penninx 1. Times are changing In recent decades, international migration has become a major phe- nomenon. While the number of persons living outside their country of birth worldwide was estimated at ‘more than 105 million’ in 1985 (Uni- ted Nations, 1998: 1) this number had nearly doubled to approximately 200 million 20 years later (GCIM 2005). Figures for the European continent show an even steeper increase of residents in European countries that have been born outside their present country of resi- dence: in a shorter period of 15 years their number grew from an estimated 23 million in 1985 (United Nations, 1998: 1) to more than 56 million, or 7.7 per cent of the total European population in 2000 (IOM 2003: 29). Such absolute numbers already demonstrate that Europe has fac- tually become an immigration continent. The relevance of this thesis is reinforced if we look at the relative importance of migration in the de- mography of Europe. Recent analyses of Eurostat show that since 1988 net migration has become a more substantial contributor to the growth of the population of the 15 original member states of the EU than natural growth (i.e. births minus deaths). For the year 2005 this holds also for the EU-25: in that year a total net migration of 1.69 million (on a total population of 462 million) contributed significantly more to population growth than 0.327 million natural growth. For the near future prognoses of Eurostat expect a negative natural growth from 2010 on. Net migration is expected to prevent an absolute decrease of the EU population until the year 2025 (Eurostat 2005, 2006).1 How impressive such general figures for Europe may be, they do not mirror the differential impact of immigration. Migration and settlement patterns of immigrants are basically uneven, both in time and in space. Some West European countries, such as Switzerland, Belgium and France, have a history of immigration before World War II and immigration resumed soon after 1945. Other countries in the western part of Europe only started to acquire their immigration experience in the decades following the Second World War; these include the United Kingdom, Sweden, Germany, Austria and the Netherlands. For a num- 8 RINUS PENNINX ber of European countries such as Italy, Spain, Portugal, Greece and Ireland, which used to be emigration countries until the 1980s, the current immigration experience spans a period of about two decades. Still other countries, among them most of the ten recently accessed EU member states, are experiencing emigration, transit migration and immigration at the same time. Obviously, such historical differences are reflected in the size and composition of their immigrant popula- tions. The unevenness of the immigration experience in scale and in time is as much noticeable within the countries in question. More than in the past, new immigrants in recent decades have tended to concentrate in urban areas. This pattern of migration, in terms of destination, is not specifically European. Large cities and conurbations have seen their composition changed rapidly. They have become the visible face of globalisation. In the Netherlands, for example, more than 60 per cent of all immigrants and their direct descendants live in the Western conur- bation. In Amsterdam, immigrants and their offspring constitute about half of the total population, and more than half of the pupils in pri- mary schools are of non-Dutch origin. Similar observations can be made about other large European cities (Penninx et al. 2004). Within these metropolises, moreover, there is almost always a skewed distribu- tion of these newcomers over districts and wards, contributing to their visibility. The picture is further complicated by what is called the new geogra- phy of migration. The pattern of origin of migrants in Europe up to the 1980s could conveniently be grouped under three headings: a) migration with a colonial background that connected certain European countries to their former colonies; b) labour migration that connected a number of ‘recruiting countries’ to a limited number of ‘sending countries’, and c) refugee migration that was strongly dominated by refugee migration from Eastern Europe to the West. In terms of the origins of immigrants this led to a number of geographical patterns of migration that embraced Europe and the Mediterranean countries, plus a limited number of (former) colonies. That picture is now completely blurred. Nowadays, immigrants, moved by varying motives and coming under different guises, come to Europe from all over the world in significant numbers: expatriates working for multinational companies and international organisations, skilled workers from all over the world, nurses and doctors from the Philippines, refugees and asylum seekers from African, Near Eastern and Asian countries, from the Balkan and former Soviet Union countries, students from China, undocumented workers from African countries, just to single out some of the major immigrant categories. The result in some places is so heterogeneous that Vertovec (2006) recently coined the new term ‘super-diversity’, il- INTRODUCTION 9 lustrating the case of the UK in general and the London metropolis in particular. All these facts on the changing size, origin, destination and composition of international migration do seem to relate to a broader context of change: that of increasing globalisation. This has expressed itself in several domains: the financial world has been one of the first doing away with national barriers; agricultural and industrial production and part of the world of service supply have increasingly developed new di- visions of labour across borders; trade across borders has been eased and has increased; culture and knowledge have developed new and ra- pid ways of dissemination that are not hindered by national borders. These changes have had far-reaching consequences for the mobility of people across borders. The first is that in such a globalising world the type of mobility of people in general has also changed significantly, particularly when it comes to short-term stays like those for business travel, study and tourism, but also for longer stays of those who are di- rectly related to or needed for the aforementioned forms of globalisation, such as employees of international organisations and multinational enterprises and highly skilled people in general. One could bring these together under the category of the wanted travellers and migrants.

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