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El Tratamiento De Los Medios Oficiales Sirios E Internacionales a Las Últimas Elecciones Parlamentarias Sirias

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El Tratamiento De Los Medios Oficiales Sirios E Internacionales a Las Últimas Elecciones Parlamentarias Sirias TESIS DOCTORAL EL TRATAMIENTO DE LOS MEDIOS OFICIALES SIRIOS E INTERNACIONALES A LAS ÚLTIMAS ELECCIONES PARLAMENTARIAS SIRIAS Ahmad Metab Faleh Alhawari Dirigida por: Dr. Juan Luis Manfredi Mayoral Dra. Aránzazu Román San Miguel Facultad de Comunicación Universidad de Sevilla Sevilla, 2016 1 Agradecimientos Este trabajo académico no hubiera sido posible sin la colaboración de varias personas a las que no quiero dejar de citar y a las que estoy muy agradecido. En primer lugar, a mis padres, que han hecho posible mi estancia en España y el desarrollo de mis estudios hasta llegar a este momento. A mis respetados profesores y codirectores de la tesis, la profesora Aránzazu Román San Miguel y el profesor Juan Luis Manfredi Mayoral, por acompañarme en este proyecto, compartir conmigo sus conocimientos y, sobre todo, su apoyo y su paciencia infinita e inestimable. A Arantxa, por ayudarme a dar forma a mis ideas y por corregir con paciencia mi español hasta conseguir que pueda expresarme por escrito con la soltura suficiente como para presentar la tesis, y al profesor Manfredi, al que no me resulta fácil tutearle, por ser como mi padre académico desde que llegué a España y por dejarme crecer intelectualmente a su lado. A mis familiares, amigos y amigas más cercanos, que estuvieron ahí para ofrecerme una sonrisa de ánimo en los momentos de flaqueza o duda. 2 Índice 1. Introducción………………………………………..……………………….6-11 2. Fundamentos metodológicos y científicos de la investigación……….12-13 2.1 justificación de la investigación y objeto de estudio………….……13-16 2.2 Un objeto de estudio contextualizado…………………………...….16-20 2.3. Hipótesis y objetivos……………………………………………..…..20-21 2.4. Elección de una metodología válida……………………….………21-27 2.4.1 Análisis del discurso como método de la investigación……..…27-31 2.5. Las fuentes de la investigación……………………………….…….31-34 3. Breve resumen de la historia reciente de Siria…………………….…..34-34 3.1. El mandato francés……………………………………….………...34-35 3.2. El partido Baath……………………………………….…………….35-41 3.2.1. El nacimiento del partido Baath……………….…………..35-35 3.2.2. La fundación…………………………………….…………..35-38 3.2.3. Las ideas principales…………………………...…………..38-39 3.2.4. El Baath en Siria…………………………………………….39-40 3.2.5. El exilio de Aflaq…………………………………………….40-41 3.3. Hafed al Assad…………………………………………..………..41-55 3 3.3.1. Pugna por el poder en el partido………………………….42-44 3.3.2. Estructura del poder de Hafez al Assad…………………44-47 3.3.3. Organizador de un sistema monolítico…………………..47-47 3.3.4. Pieza clave en la política regional………………….…….47-50 3.3.5. Implacabilidad con la disidencia y vicisitudes familiares…………………………………………………….50-51 3.3.6. Rehabilitación internacional y dificultades económicas…………………………………………………51-53 3.3.7. El sueño pendiente de la recuperación del Golán…...…53-55 3.4. Bashar al Assad ………………………………………………….55-80 3.4.1. Una carrera política por accidente……………….…….56-61 3.4.2. Sucesión del padre en la Presidencia de la República………………………………………………………….61-66 3.4.3. Al frente del régimen baasista: continuismo matizado y expectativas reformistas……………………………………...….66-69 3.4.4. La efímera Primavera de Damasco: la apertura política que nunca fue………………………………………………..…………69-72 3.4.5. La presión de las guerras de Irak y Palestina: sanciones y amenazas de Estados Unidos e Israel…………………………72-74 3.4.6. Inclusión en el Eje del Mal y exigencias de Estados Unidos…………………………………………………………..….74-76 3.4.7. Las consecuencias del asesinato de Hariri y la Revolución de los Cedros en Líbano…………………………..…………….76-80 4 3.5. El Plan Yinon……………………………………..……………….80-82 4. Los medios de comunicación en Siria……………………………………..82-88 5. Investigación empírica……………………………………………………..89-217 5.1. Periódicos gubernamentales …………………..……………..89-178 5.2. Periódicos no gubernamentales………………….………….178-217 6. Conclusiones………………………………………………………………218-219 6A. The translation of the findings in English......................................220-221 7. Referencias bibliográficas…………………………………………….…222-238 7.1. Libros………………………………………………………..….222-224 7.2. Fuentes electrónicas……………………………….…………225-238 8. Anexos…………………………………………………………..…………239-327 5 1. Introducción La parte del mundo que en Occidente se conoce por Oriente Medio (Israel, Jordania, Líbano, Siria, Irak) y sus vecinos (Egipto, Arabia Saudí, Turquía, Irán) forman una región convulsa en la que la violencia ha sido la principal seña de identidad desde al menos la disolución del Imperio Otomano (1908-1922) y su reparto entre los vencedores de la I Guerra Mundial. Ese reparto trazó fronteras artificiales en razón a las áreas de influencia de cada potencia colonial y estableció unas Administraciones apoyadas en poderes locales civiles y religiosos que estarían más tarde en el origen de los movimientos independentistas surgidos tras el final de la II Guerra Mundial. Además, después de la Primera Guerra Mundial y durante la partición del Imperio Otomano, la Sociedad de Naciones aprobó el Mandato británico de Palestina, en la cual tendría cabida un futuro «hogar nacional para el pueblo judío». En 1947, las Naciones Unidas aprobaron la partición de Palestina en dos Estados, uno judío y uno árabe, pero el 14 de mayo de 1948 el Estado de Israel declaró unilateralmente su independencia, que supuso la primera guerra con los vecinos y recién nacidos Estados árabes, que se negaron a aceptar el plan de la ONU porque entendían que aquella era su tierra y que la población judía (procedente de los progromos rusos y el holocausto nazi en Europa) era advenediza y no tenía derecho sobre las tierras que reclamaban como herederos del Israel bíblico. Las sucesivas victorias en una serie de guerras posteriores confirmaron su independencia y ampliaron las fronteras del Estado judío más allá de lo dispuesto en el Plan de Partición de las Naciones Unidas y en línea con lo previsto por el padre fundador del sionismo, Theodore Herzl, cuando proponía que el Estado judío abarcara desde la ribera de Egipto hasta el Eúfrates, incluyendo partes de Siria y de El Líbano .Desde entonces, Israel ha estado en conflicto con muchos de los países árabes vecinos, con varias guerras y décadas de violencia que continúan hasta el día de hoy. El Oriente Próximo actual es consecuencia, por tanto, del artificial reparto del territorio, la implantación del Estado de Israel, las guerras árabe-israelíes, su condición de territorio de interés estratégico mundial por formar parte de las grandes rutas del petróleo, ser escenario de conflictos de influencia entre Egipto, Arabia Saudí e Irán, y estar en mano de poderes autocráticos nacidos al final de las independencias como naciones con el apoyo de alguna de las dos naciones que se repartieron la influencia en el mundo al final de la II Guerra Mundial y durante la Guerra Fría. Para ejemplificar esta percepción simplificadora que se tiene en Occidente de lo que pasa en Oriente Medio he escogido el ejemplo de Siria, un país y un dirigente que ha pasado de aliado a enemigo y otra vez a aliado en muy poco años, no tanto por sus obras como por las circunstancias externas que lo hacen 6 cómodo o incómodo para las grandes potencias que siguen influyendo en la zona. Desde el 8 de marzo de 1963 hasta el 17 de marzo de 2011 en el año que empezó la primera “chispa” de la revolución, el Partido Baas Árabe Socialista gobernó Siria bajo la declaratoria de estado de emergencia y desde 1970 el presidente de Siria ha pertenecido a la familia Asad. Bashar al-Assad ha sido presidente desde 2000 y fue precedido por su padre Hafez al-Assad, quien estuvo en el cargo desde 1970 hasta 2000. El gobierno de al-Asad inició en 2011 una represión contra los activistas sirios que exigían prosperidad económica, y libertades políticas y civiles. Por lo mismo, muchos civiles comenzaron a armarse, primero para seguir manifestándose y luego para proteger su seguridad. No hay comparación entre Siria y España. Entre Siria y Jordania por ejemplo, ya hay muchas diferencias aunque son vecinos y del mismo mundo, el mundo árabe, entonces ¿cómo serán las diferencias entre Siria y España?. Según el doctor Faisal al Kasem, periodista que trabaja como presentador de un programa famoso de la cadena Aljazeera, “La dirección opuesta”, “Siria necesita cien años para conseguir un Parlamento como el jordano”1(Aljazeera.com), entonces: “¿cuántos años necesita Siria para conseguir un Parlamento como el de España?”. En esta tesis, además, se refleja la opresión y la voz apagada que sufre el pueblo sirio, así como la falta de libertad en ese país, gracias al estudio y análisis de sus últimas elecciones parlamentarias. Siria, como cualquier país gobernado por una dictadura, sufre mucha injusticia y la falta de libertad de prensa. El pueblo está muy cansado mientras que el presidente, su familia y la gente de su alrededor viven muy bien, sobre todo a costa del resto del pueblo. Sin mencionar el servicio de inteligencia que controla el país con “puño de hierro”. En marzo de 2011 empezó la primera “chispa” de la revolución, que aún está vigente en septiembre de 2015, como reacción del pueblo ante los hechos del régimen sirio durante cuarenta años. El pueblo ya está harto y no puede más. Esta revolución también fue provocada por la caída del presidente de Túnez Zein el Abidine Bin Ali, el presidente de Egipto Hosny Mubarak y el de Libia Moamar el Gaddafy. Después del éxito de estas revoluciones, el pueblo sirio decidió salir a la calle tras cuarenta años de compromisos de reforma sin ver realmente nada. 1 . Aljazeera programa “La Dirección opuesta” el día 1. 11. 2011 7 En un principio era una revolución totalmente pacífica, pero si el régimen sirio no permitía la palabra ¿cómo iba a aceptar la protesta? Así pues la afrontó por la fuerza y matando a sus ciudadanos. Estos, después de seis meses de revolución pacífica, recurrieron, también ellos, al uso de las armas.
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